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'cessions 2 

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S/ielf . 









(Eambrfoge anfc Honfcon: 



[T/ie Right of Translation and Reproduction is reserved.] 






IN issuing the new edition of this Essay, I can only 
repeat what I said nearly six years ago. The book 
remains with all its shortcomings such as it was when 
first written. Once again some mistakes which I had 
detected myself, and others which friends pointed out 
to me, have been corrected : a few additions have been 
made ; a few phrases have been modified ; but this is 
all that has been done in revision, nor did I purpose to 
do more. If the Essay has any value, it lies chiefly, I 
believe, in the encouragement which it offers to students 
who desire to examine the records of our Faith with 
patient and devout trust in the Spirit of Truth. They 
will know, scarcely less well than I do, where the fulfil- 
ment of my plan falls short of the design ; but they will 
know also the certainty of the assurance, which each 
day's work makes stronger, that Holy Scripture opens 
treasures new and old to men and to Churches, now as 
in former times, when the scribe becomes a disciple of 
the kingdom of GOD. 

B. F. W. 

Feb. iotA, 1872. 


IT is impossible for me not to acknowledge with gra- 
titude the favour with which the last edition of this 
Essay was received both at home and in America by 
representatives of very different schools of criticism. 
This favourable reception of the book seems to be at 
least a recognition of the soundness of the general spirit 
in which it was conceived, of the general principles on 
which it was constructed. No one can feel so deeply 
as I do how much the execution falls short in detail of 
the plan which I had proposed. But nothing was fur- 
ther from my purpose than to supersede individual 
study. My whole object will have been gained if I have 
guided any fellow-students along paths in which labour 
is fruitful, to springs of thought which are ever fresh. 

We do not,' to use the noble words of Origen, * invite 

* the more able and vigorous inquirers to a simple and 
' irrational faith, when dealing with the history of Jesus 
' presented in the Gospels ; we wish to prove that those 
' who are to study it need careful and candid judgment 
' and a spirit of assiduous investigation, and, so to speak, 
' an entrance into the design of the writers, that so the 
4 purpose of each recorded fact may be discovered.' 


In this respect I can sincerely rejoice that nothing 
which has been published since the appearance of the 
last edition of the book has led me to modify in the 
least degree the principles on which it rests. It is of far 
less moment that the pressure of other necessary work 
has prevented me from entering again upon the long 
course of special study which alone would make a cor- 
rection of details of any real value. Some errors and 
false references have been amended ; a few explanations 
have been added; frequent verbal improvements have 
been introduced ; but substantially this edition is a re- 
print of the last. Where it differs from its predecessor 
I am almost always indebted to the suggestions of my 
friend the Rev. Hilton Bothamley, who has fulfilled the 
laborious charge of conducting it through the press. 

On one point I may add a few words of explanation. 
The Essay contains no formal investigation of the au- 
thenticity of the Gospels. With regard to the first three 
this appears to me to be unnecessary if the view which I 
have given of their origin is correct ; and nothing, as it 
seems, can be more certain. The accounts of their ori- 
gin which I have given in the several cases are to my 
own mind satisfactory, and I have endeavoured to be- 
come familiar with everything which has been urged 
against the traditional view ; but even if the special au- 
thorship of the Synoptic Gospels could be disproved 
they are still shewn to contain in their substance a 
contemporary Apostolic record. With the Gospel of 
St John it is otherwise, and I hope to enter at length 


into its history on a future occasion. But here again 
the final decision appears to rest not on fragmentary 
scraps of documentary evidence, but on that living ap- 
preciation of the circumstances of the rise of the Chris- 
tian Church which is the irrefragable testimony to its 
Apostolic origin. For the rest Ewald's calm and de- 
cisive words are, I believe, simply true: 'that John is 
'really the author of the Gospel, and that no other 
'planned and completed it than he who at all times is 
* named as its author, cannot be doubted or denied, 
' however often in our times critics have been pleased to 
' doubt and deny it on grounds which are wholly foreign 
' to the subject : on the contrary every argument, from 
' every quarter to which we can look, every trace and 
' record, combine together to render any serious doubt 
' upon the question absolutely impossible.' 

B. F. W. 


Christmas Eve, 1866. 


IN the present work I have endeavoured to define and 
fill up the outline which I sketched in the Elements 
of the Gospel Harmony published in 1851. The kind- 
ness with which the Essay was received encouraged 
me to work on with patience within the limits which 
I had marked out, in the hope that I might justify 
in some degree the friendly welcome of my critics. 
The experience of nine years has made me feel how 
much there was to remodel and correct and explain 
in the first rough draft, so that I have retained scarcely 
a paragraph in the form in which it was originally 
written. But while everything is changed in detail, I 
have changed nothing in principle. My design in all 
change has been to place in a clearer light the great 
laws of the interpretation of Holy Scripture, which (as 
I believe) alone vindicate most completely its claim 
to be considered as a message of God through men 
and to men. 

The title of the book will explain the chief aim 
which I have had in view. It is intended to be an 
Introduction to the Study of the Gospels. I have 
therefore confined myself in many cases to the mere 
indication of lines of thought and inquiry from the 


conviction that truth is felt to be more precious in 
proportion as it is opened to us by our own work. 
From this cause a combination of references to pas- 
sages of Scripture often stands for the argument which 
it suggests ; and claims are made upon the reader's 
attention which would be unreasonable if he were not 
regarded as a fellow-student with the writer. For the 
same reason I have carefully avoided the multiplica- 
tion of references, confining myself to the acknowledg- 
ment of personal obligations or to the indication of 
sources of further information 1 . 

In a subject which involves so vast a literature 
much must have been overlooked ; but I have made 
it a point at least to study the researches of the great 
writers and consciously to neglect none. My obliga- 
tions to the leaders of the extreme German schools 
are very considerable, though I can rarely accept any 
of their conclusions. But criticism even without reve- 
rence may lay open mysteries for devout study. 

On one .question alone I have endeavoured to pre- 
serve a complete independence. With one exception 
I have carefully abstained from reading anything which 
has been written on the subject of Inspiration since 
my first Essay was published. It seemed to me that 
it might be a more useful task to offer the simple 
result of personal thought and conviction than to 
attempt within narrow limits to discuss a subject which 
is really infinite. At times independence is not dearly 

1 For the Index, which will form, I believe, a most valuable addition to 
the usefulness of the Essay, my warmest thanks are due to my friend the 
Rev. J. Frederic Wickenden, M.A., of Trinity College, Cambridge. 


purchased by isolation ; and one who speaks directly 
from his own heart on the highest truths may suggest, 
even by the most imperfect utterance, something fresh 
or serviceable. Above all things, in this and other 
points of controversy, we cannot remind ourselves too 
often that arguments are strong only as they are 
true, and that truth is itself the fullest confutation of 

How impossible it is to avoid errors in travelling 
over so wide a field those will best know who have 
laboured in it ; and those who detect most easily the 
errors, from which I cannot hope to be free, will I 
believe be the most ready to pardon them. But be- 
sides the fear of errors in detail, there is another con- 
sideration which must be deeply felt by every one 
who writes on Holy Scripture. The infinite greatness 
of the subject imparts an influence for good or for evil 
to all that bears upon it. The winged word leaves its 
trace, though the first effect may be, in the old Hebrew 
/ image, transient as the shadow of a flying bird. Yet I 
f would humbly pray that by His blessing, who is perfect 
Wisdom and perfect Light, what has been written 
with candour and reverence may contribute, however 
little, to further the cause of Truth and Faith, the twin 
messengers of earth and heaven. In His Hand are botli, 
we and our words. 

B. F. W. 

Lent, 1860. 

W. G. 


MY chief object has been to shew that there is 
a true mean between the idea of a formal har- 
monization of the Gospels and the abandonment of 
their absolute truth. It was certainly an error of the 
earlier Harmonists that they endeavoured to fit together 
the mere facts of the Gospels by mechanical ingenuity ; 
but it is surely no less an error in modern critics 
that they hold the perfect truthfulness of Scripture as 
a matter of secondary moment. The more carefully 
we study the details of the Bible, the more fully shall 
we realize their importance ; and daily experience can 
furnish parallels to the most intricate conjectures of 
commentators, who were wrong only so far as they 
attempted to determine the exact solution of a diffi- 
culty, when they should have been contented to wait 
in patience for a fuller knowledge. 

Again, it must have occurred to every student of 
the Gospels that it cannot be sufficient to consider 
them separately. We must notice their mutual rela- 
tions and constructive force. We must collect all their 
teaching into a great spiritual whole, and not rest 
satisfied with forming out of them an accurate or even 
a plausible history. The general schemes which I have 
attempted to give of the Miracles and Parables will 
probably be so far satisfactory as to direct some atten- 



tion to the wonderful harmonies which yet lie beneath 
the simplicity of Scripture. 

Once again, it seems to be a general opinion that 
the Bible and the Church Scripture and Tradition 
are antithetical in some other way than as uniting to 
form the foundation of Christianity ; I trust that the 
history of Inspiration which I have appended to this 
Essay may serve in some measure to remove an error 
which endangers the very existence of all Christian 

The quotations which occur from time to time I 
need hardly say are derived from the original sources; 
and I trust that I have carefully acknowledged my 
obligations to others. In the history of Inspiration I 
could have wished to have found more trustworthy 
guides : Rosenmiiller and Sonntag are partial and in- 
exact, and Hagenbach is necessarily meagre ; every one 
however who has paid any attention to Patristic lite- 
rature will heartily acknowledge the deep debt of grati- 
tude which he owes to the Benedictines of St Maur. 

In conclusion I have to thank many friends for 
their advice and help during the progress of the Essay 
through the press. As I have stated nothing thought- 
lessly, so I shall still hope to profit by their kindly 
criticism. Plato has taught us to rejoice in the removal 
of error from our judgment, and a greater than Plato 
has shewn that Christian correction should be welcomed 
with the spirit of love and meekness from which it rightly 


B. F. W. 

Lent, 1851. 




The connexion of Philosophy and Religion in regard to the Pro- 
gressive development and the essential need of Revelation; and 
the special objections brought against it . . . . i 3 

The general effects of the course of Modern Philosophy on the 
popular views of Christianity, 

and Holy Scripture specially, as regards 

i. Its inspiration, ii. Its completeness, iii. Its interpre- 
tation 4 

I. Inspiration. 

The contrast of the Calvinistic and Modern views. 
General objections to both. 

The possibility of a mean 58 

1. The general idea of Inspiration. 
Compared with Revelation. 

Believed in universally : involves no special difficulties : 

incapable of analysis 8 1 1 

2. The form of Inspiration. 

Pagan Biblical. 

Various: yet always twofold ..... 10 13 
The personality of the teacher preserved. 

This is an essential part of the conception, the ex- 
pression, and the record . . . . . 14, 15 
Thus the Inspiration of Scripture is plenary, and 

yet progressive 16 



3. The relation of Inspired writings to Christian life . 17 

4. The proofs of the Inspiration of writings. 

(a) External. 

(a) Supernatural commission of Apostles. 
(/3) Analogy of the Apostolic use of the Old Testa- 
(7) Testimony of the Church . . . . 18, 19 

(t>) Internal. 

How far a proof is possible 20 

e.g. in the Gospels illustrated by their 
i. Negative Character. 

Fragmentary: Unchronological : Simple. . 22, 23 

ii. Subject 24 

iii. Social teaching. 

Miracles: Parables: Prophecies . . . 26 29 

II. Completeness. 

The Difficulties. 

Analogous to those in the 

Individual : Society : Nature . . . . . 30, 3 1 

Their solution to be found in the idea of Providence . 32 
History and Criticism suggest the idea of completeness; 

or at least a tendency towards it .... 32 36 

III. The Interpretation of Scripture twofold: 

1. Literal. 

Strictly grammatical : importance of this in the New 

Objections met 36 40 

2. Spiritual. 

Flows from the literal: sanctioned by universal tes- 

The spiritual sense the primary sense . . . 40, 41 

Interpretation realized in the visible Church ... 42 

The province of criticism 43 

General plan of the Essay 44 





The true idea of History. 

The coming of Christ the centre of human history, and the 
record of the Gospel impressed with results of a world-wide 
training, the outlines of which are 46 48 

Partly preserved in the Old Testament, and 

Partly to be sought in the post-biblical history of the 
Jews, which is pregnant with important issues, both from 
outward vicissitudes and inward revolutions, during the 
(i.) Persian and (ii.) Grecian periods; and here especially 
the foundations of Christian thought and writing were laid 
silently and slowly .....*. . 48 52 

i. The PERSIAN period ; as to 
(a) National hopes, 

The loss of independence gave to the Jews a truer 

spiritual union, and higher aspirations . . . 53~~55 

(/3) Spiritual position. 
As a consequence the Prophetic work ceased, and 

the Scriptures were collected. 

Meanwhile Religion assumed a more spiritual cha- 
racter, and the view of the spiritual world was 
widened , . . 55 57 

(7) Social organization. 

The hierarchical element prevailed from the growing 
regard to the Law and the Synagogue-service . 57, 58 

The dangers of the period. 

Its character impressed on the literature and traditions 

of the time : 59~ 6l 

ii. The GRECIAN period. 

The Dispersion, military and commercial, reconciled 

with unity by the Syrian persecution . . . 61 65 


The internal history of the Jews. 

1. In Palestine ; during 

(a) The Grecian supremacy. 
Rise of speculation. 

Sadducees Pharisees Essenes . . . 65 70 

The prevalent Legalism to be traced in 
Ecclesiasticus, and the 
Traditional sayings of the Doctors . . 71, 72 

(/3) The Hasmonsean supremacy. 

Impulse given to thought and writing (Bamch). 
Revelation : 

The Book of Hcnoch, 

4 Esdras . . . . ' . . 7375 

Didactic narratives : 
Judith . . . . . . . 75 

History: \ Maccabees 76 

2. In Egypt. 

The Septuagint 76, 77 

The growth of Hellenism. 

Aristobulus 79 

The Jewish Sibyl. Philo. The TJierapeute. 

The Book of Wisdom 7982 

General characteristics of the period : positive and nega- 
tive 83 89 

Note. Synopsis of early Jewish Literature . - > . . . 90, <)\ 



The Biblical doctrine of the Messiah 
In the Patriarchal age; 

In the time of Moses the Kingdom the Captivity. 
The general forms which it assumed 9 2 98 


The Apocryphal books contain no mention of Messiah, hut 

anticipate a national restoration . . . . . 98 100 

1 . The Messianic doctrine as further developed 

i. In the Apocalyptic Literature. 

(a) The Sibylline writings (Egypt] .... 9699 

(/3) The Book of Henoch (Palestine) . . . 99109 

(7) The fourth Book of Esdras (Egypt] . . . 109 119 

(5) The Book of Jubilees (Palestine] . . . 119 121 

ii. In the Exegetic Literature. 

(a) The Septuagint (Egypt] . . . . * 122 

(|8) The Targums (Palestine]. 

Onkelos. Jonathan ...... 124126 

The later Targums on the Pentateuch and on 

the Hagiographa . . . . . . 126, 127 

The Psalms of Solomon . . . . . 127 

2. The Messianic doctrine as described in historic records of 

the first century. 

The New Testament .... ... 129 136 

Contemporary writers. 

(a\ Philo 137 

(6) Josephus 138 

(c) Classical writers ...... 140 

3. The later Messianic doctrine of the Jews. 

i. The Mishna 141 

ii. The Gemara 142144 

iii. Later Jewish books 144 

iv. Mystical books 146151 

4. The doctrine of the Word. 

i. In Palestine: the Targums . . . . . . 151 

ii. Inl^gypt: Philo 153156 

General result 156 15 8 



Note I. Messianic Prophecies in the New Testament compared 
with the corresponding interpretation of Jewish com- 
mentators . . 159 162 

Note II. The Christology of the Samaritans . . . 163, 164 



The first Christian teachers entertained no design of handing 
down a written record of the Gospel. 

Such a design would have been wholly foreign to their national 
feeling, for the Literature of Palestine was essentially tradi- 
tionary, and the social position of the Apostles offered no 
advantages for the work. 

On the other hand an Oral Gospel was the natural result of 

their labours 165 168 

I. The Oral Gospel. 

1. Preaching a necessary preliminary to the historic 

Gospel, and the means by which it was formed . 168 

In this work all the Apostles joined; and it was 
regarded as the characteristic of the Christian dis- 
pensation and of the Apostolic mission . . . 171 

Thus the Gospel was the substance and not the record 
of the life of Christ. 

The Old Testament was the written word . . 172 

This feeling survived even to the close of the Second 

Century 1 73 

2. The Oral Gospel of the Apostles was historic. This 

appears from 

(a) The description given of the Apostolic work . 174 

(/*) The account of the Apostolic preaching . 175 

(7) The contents of the Apostolic Letters . . 177184 


II. The written Gospels. 

i. Distinctly connected with the Apostolic preaching. 

(a) StMark 184187 

(|8) St Matthew . 187 

(7) St Luke 189 

The evidence of St Luke's Preface . . . 189192 

i. The internal character of the Synoptic Gospels 
favours the belief that they arose from a common 
oral source. 

i. The nature of the problem which they present . 192,193 

(a) Their concordances threefold. 
In general plan. 
In incident. 

In language . . . . . 19* T 99 

(/3) Their corresponding differences . . . 200 

ii. The solutions proposed. 

(a) Mutual dependence 201 

(/3) Common sources. 

(a) Written. (6) Written and Oral, (c) Oral 202 207 
In relation to the form and substance of the 
Gospels : to their specific characters : to their 
language ....... 208 210 

Tradition not necessarily the parent of Myths 2 1 1 


Times of calm belief unfavourable to the study of the Bible . 213 

The characteristics of the Gospels brought out by modern con- 

i. The individual character of the Gospels implied in the 
idea of Inspired History; and even necessary in their 
first form, from 

i. The Nature of the subject. Divine: Human . 214 219 
ii. The elements contained in the Apostolic teaching. 

St James, St Paul, St Peter .... 219 222 



iii. The forms of thought current in the Apostolic age. 

Jtio: Past. 
Roman : Present. 
Hellenist : Future. 
Alexandrine : Eternal relations. 
By which it was adapted to the wants of later times 222 226 

2. The Evangelists were fitted to preserve these original 
types of Christian faith, 

i. Though not conspicuous in history or tradition . 226, 227 

' St Matthew ....... 227 232 

St Mark (St Peter) 232236 

St Luke (St Paul) 236239 

St John 240 

The general result of the position of the Evangelists 241 

ii. The distinctness of the Gospels attested by 

(a) The practice of separate sects. 

Ebionitcs (St Matthew). 

[Docetai] (St Mark). 

Marcionites (St Luke). 

Valentinians (St John) .... 243 248 

(b] The judgment of the Church. 

The Evangelic Symbols. Augustine . . 249 

The results of the view 2 ^ i 



The contrast between St John and the Synoptists . . . 253 

Characteristics of St John, 
i. The Gospel in itself. 

(a) Its special history 254 

(i) The life of St John. 

Later legends (256). His typical character . 257 



(2) The authenticity of the Gospel . . . 258 

Its late date (259). The testimony of the 
Apostolic Fathers (260) ; of the Fathers 
of the second century (260) ; o/ Heretical 
writers (262). The scepticism of the Alogi 263 

(8) Its internal character 263 

(1) Language. 

(a) Words. 25 4 -268 

(6) Composition. 

General characteristics : Directness ; Cir- 
cumstantiality ; Repetition; Indivi- 
duality of narrative; Personality of 
action ...... 269 272 

Combination of sentences: Simplicity; 

Particles; Key- words; Parallelism . 272276 

(2) Plan. 
An Epic. 

The object of the Gospel. 
Its great divisions : 

(a) The Manifestation of Christ. 

(l>) The issues of the Manifestation . . 276 282 
[Note A, p. 309.] 

(3) Substance 282 

[Note B, p. 311; Note C, p. 312.] 

ii. The relation of St John to the Synoptists . . . 283 

(a) Points of difference 

(1) As to locality and teaching . . . . 283 290 

(2) As to our Lord's Person .... 290 
() Points of coincidence 

(1) In facts 291293 

(2) In teaching ....... 294 

(3) In character. 

The Lord. St Peter. St John . . . 296305 
The relation of St John's Gospel to a new world. 

Christian doctrine : Human thought .... 305309 

Note A. Analysis of the Gospel of St John [see p. 282] . . 309 

Note B. St John's Quotations from the Old Test, [see p. 283] . 31 1 

Note C. Classification of the Miracles in Si John [see p. 283] . 312 




The differences of the Synoptists as to 

i. The Nativity 314 320 

ii. The Baptism 320 

iii. The Temptation ........ 3^2 

iv. The Transfiguration 324 327 

v. The Passion [Note, p. 343] ...... 327 332 

vi. The Resurrection 333 340 

Conclusions from these characteristic differences ... 341 

Note. On the Day of the Crucifixion [see p. 327] . . . 343 



Few traces of a chronological arrangement in the Gospels . 350 355 

i. The Gospel of St Matthew in its internal development . 355 363 
[Notes A to D, p. 384 390.] 

ii. The Gospel of St Mark 364 372 

[Notes E, F, p. SQL] 

iii. The Gospel of St Luke 372381 

[Notes G, H, K, p. 393397-] 

General Summary . . . . ; . . . . 382 

Note A. Analysis of the Gospel of St Matthew [see p. 355] . 384 

Note B. Analysis of the Sermon on the Mount [see p. 358] . 386 
Note C. Classification of the Miracles in St Matthew [see p. 358] 387 
Note D. Classification of the Parables in St Matthew [see p. 359] 389 

Note E. Classification of the Miracles in St Mark [see p. 365] 391 

Note F. Analysis of the Gospel of St Mark [see p. 366] . 391 

Note G. Analysis of the Gospel of St Lttke [see p. 372] . . 393 

Note H. Classification of the Miracles in St Luke [see p. 374] 395 

Note K. Classification of the Parables in St Liike [see p. 374] . 397 





Difficulties arise from errors as to the character, the purpose, 
the historical authority of the Gospels, and from antecedent 

prejudices . . . . 399 406 

They are useful Intellectually, Morally, and in connexion with 

the whole Scheme of Nature 406 410 


APPENDIX A. On the Quotations in the Gospels . . . 413 416 

APPENDIX B. On the primitive Doctrine of Inspiration . . 417 456 

i. The Subapostolic Fathers 418 

2. The Apologists ....... 422 

3. The Church of Asia Minor 426 

4. The Roman Church ....... 430 

5. The North African Church 433 

6. The Church of Alexandria ..... 437 

7. The Clementines 452 

APPENDIX C. On the Apocryphal Traditions of the Lord's 

Words and Works 457 465 

APPENDIX D. On some of the Apocryphal Gospels . . 466 477 

The Gospel according to the Hebrews ..... 466 

The Gospel of the Ebionites ...... 469 

The Gospel of the Clementines . . . . . . 472 

The Gospel of ' Marcion 474 

APPENDIX E. A Classification of the Miracles of the Gospels 478 481 

APPENDIX F. A Classification of the Parables of the Gospels 482484 


The Inspiration, Completeness and Interpretation of 

6 rfv "Ipiv &at/j.avTOS ^Kyovov $ycras ofl KO.K&S ycveaXoyew. 


T7VERY one who has paid any attention to the 
r> history of the Church must have felt the want of a 
clear and comprehensive view of the mutual relations 
and influences of speculation and religion, as they have 
been gradually unfolded by reason and revelation. In 
Theology and Philosophy we insensibly leave the posi- 
tions of our fathers, and rarely examine the origin and 
primary import of the doctrines which we have inherited 
or abjured. Words and formulas survive as silent wit- 
nesses or accusers, but we do not interrogate or heed 
them. Still it would be a noble and worthy task to 
determine the meeting-points and common advances of 
faith and science, and to discover how far each has been 
modified by the other, either in combination or in con- 
flict. We might then follow the progress of man's 
material and spiritual life from the beginning to the end 
of the Bible, from the mysteries of the Creation and the 
Fall to the dark foreshadowing of the final consummation 
of the world in the last chapters of the Apocalypse. We 
might be able to mark the rise and growth of error as 
well as its full and fatal development, and to learn under 
1 " W.G. A 


The import- 
ance of con- 
necting tke 
history of 
and Reli- 
gion in order 
to estimate 

the progres- 
sive develop- 



the essential 
need, and 

the peculiar 
aspects of 
divine truth. 

what guise of truth it gained acceptance among men. 
We might see how far the expression of the doctrine of 
the Church was re-shaped to meet the requirements of 
successive ages, and how far the language of its formu- 
laries was suggested by the opinions of the times in 
which they were composed. 

Nor is this all : we might find in Philosophy not only 
the handmaid but also the herald of Revelation. We 
might trace in the writings of the heathen world the tend- 
ency of man's spontaneous impulses, and the limits of 
his innate powers. We might compare the natural view 
of our destiny in Plato or Aristotle with its fulfilment in 
the Gospel. We might be taught by them to value the 
privileges of a divine law and a definite covenant, when 
they tell us, in the language of doubt and dependence, 
that there is something infinitely greater for which our 
mind still longs at the moment of its noblest triumphs ; 
that the wants which modern scepticism would deny are 
real and enduring; that the doctrines which Natural 
Religion has assumed are not the proper heritage of 
thought ; that the crowning mystery of the Incarnation 
is an idea as true to reason as it is welcome to the heart. 

Yet more, by such a view of the scheme of Revela- 
tion we should be able to fix the source of the special 
objections which are brought against it, and to determine 
their proper relation to the whole. Men are always 
inclined to exaggerate the importance of a conflict in 
which they are themselves engaged, and to judge of 
everything as it affects their own position. A general 
change in the religious character of an age often leads to 
the disregard of some element, or to the abandonment 
of some outwork, which is really essential to the perfec- 
tion and integrity of revealed religion 1 . And if it be the 

Compare an eloquent article by Quinet in the Revue des deux Mondes, 1838. 


first duty of an impartial student to estimate the exact 
force of his personal bias, that he may eliminate its 
influence before he determines a result ; it is no less im- 
portant for those who would judge rightly of. the absolute 
value of current opinions to consider how much they owe 
to the characteristics of the present age before they are 
assigned to their proper place as fresh steps in the pro- 
gressive development of human wisdom. 

During the last two centuries, to speak generally, 
there has been a steady advance from one extreme in 
Philosophy to the other from naturalism to transcen- 
dentalism and the successive assaults on Christianity 
have exhibited a corresponding change. Religion and 
Metaphysics are now contemplated from within, and not 
from without : the world has been absorbed in man. In 
spite of partial reactions the idea of the Society, whether 
in the State or in the Church, has yielded to that of the 
Individual 1 ; and whatever may be thought of the true 
precedence and relation of the two, it is evident that 
Theology cannot have been unaffected by the new point 
of sight from which it is contemplated. Those who 
press the claims of the individual to the utmost find in 
Christianity itself a system of necessary truth, indepen- 
dent of any Gospel histories, and unsupported by any 
true redemption. They abandon the ' letter ' to secure 
the ' spirit,' and in exchange for the mysteries of our 
faith they offer us a law without types, a theocracy 
without prophecies, a Gospel without miracles, a cluster 
of definite wants with no reality to supply them ; for the 
mythic and critical theories, as if in bitter irony, concede 
every craving which the Gospel satisfies, and only ac- 

_ l In the interval of twenty years permanent. The idea of the Society 

since this sentence was written, we seems likely to take its place again 

have seen the beginning of a new by the side of the idea of the Indi- 

reaction which promises to be more vidual. 187 r. 

A 2 



en thf doc- 
tnnt flf 
Holy Scrip- 
fur*, at 
affecting itt 



count for the wide spread of orthodox error by the 
intensity of man's need. Christian apologists have ex- 
hibited the influence of the same change. They have 
been naturally led to connect the teaching of revelation 
with the instincts of man, and to shew that even the 
mysteries of faith have some analogy with natural feel- 
ing or action. Meanwhile the power of Christianity as 
embodied in a permanent society, the depository and 
witness of the truth, has grown less, and so it is now a 
common thing to depreciate the outward evidences of 
religion, which are not however essentially the less im- 
portant because they appear inconclusive to some minds. 
Upon the widest view, history perhaps offers the fullest 
and most philosophical proof of the claims of Christian- 
ity; but however this may be, historical evidence neces- 
sarily demands attention even where it cannot produce 
conviction ; and as aforetime many who did not believe 
for Jesus' words believed for His very works' sake, so 
still the external array of Christian evidences may kindle 
the true inner faith, and in turn reflect its glory. 

The doctrine of Holy Scripture is specially liable to 
the influence of this transition from an objective to a 
subjective philosophy. The Written Word, by its mani- 
fold relations to the action of Providence -and the growth 
of Christian society, no less than by its combination of 
divine and human elements, offers points of contact with 
every system, and furnishes infinite materials for specu- 
lation. A variety of questions arise at the outset of all 
intelligent study of the Bible which involve the solution 
of some of the most difficult problems of mental and 
critical science, and which consequently receive answers 
in accordance with the existing forms of thought. In 
what sense, it may be asked, is a writing of man GOD'S 
message? How can we be reasonably assured that the 


The contrast 
between the 

record is exact and complete ? In what way are the introduc- 
ordinary rules of criticism affected by the subject-matter 

J J J III. Inter- 

to which they are applied ? It is evidently impossible pretaiion. 
to discuss such questions at present in detail : probably 
they do not admit of any abstract discussion ; but it may 
be allowable to suggest some general principles affecting 
the Inspiration, the Completeness, and the Interpreta- 
tion of Holy Scripture, which may serve to open an ap- 
proach to the study of it. 

When the first act of the Reformation was closed, and i- The in- 
spiration of 
the great men had passed away whose presence seemed scripture. 

to supply the strength which was found before in the re- 
cognition of the one living Body of Christ, their followers 
invested the Bible as a whole with all the attributes of 
mechanical infallibility which the Romanists had. claimed 
for the Church. Pressed by the necessities of their posi- 
tion the disciples of Calvin were contented to maintain 
the direct and supernatural action of a guiding power on 
the very words of the inspired writer, without any regard 
to his personal or national position. Every part of 
Scripture was held to be not only pregnant with instruc- 
tion, but with instruction of the same kind, and in the 
same sense. Nor could it be otherwise, while men con- 
sidered the divine agency of Inspiration as acting exter- 
nally and not internally, as acting on man and not 
through man. The idea of a vital energy was thus lost 
in that of a passive state, and growth was reduced to 
existence; for what is highest in a purely spiritual world 
becomes lowest in the complex and limited life of man. 
The rude but sincere violence of fanaticism and the rapid 
advance of physical science did much to shake this arbi- 
trary theory; and those who were captivated by the first 
vigorous achievements of historical criticism and mental modern 
analysis hastened to the other extreme. The Bible, they f- 



General ob- 

:s to 
the objective 

said, is merely the book of the Legends of the Hebrews, 
which will yield to the skilful inquirer their residuum of 
truth like those of the Greeks and Romans. Inspiration 
is but another name for that poetic faculty which embo- 
dies whatever there is of typical and permanent import 
in things around and invests with a lasting form the 
transitory growths of time. 

It is easy to state the fatal objections which a candid 
reader of Scripture must feel to both these views ; and 
in a general sense it is not less easy to shew how the 
partial forms of truth in virtue of which they gained ac- 
ceptance may be harmoniously combined. The purely 
organic theory of Inspiration rests on no Scriptural 
authority, and, if we except a few ambiguous metaphors, 
is supported by no historical testimony. It is at vari- 
ance with the whole form and fashion of the Bible, and 
is destructive of all that is holiest in man, and highest in 
Religion, which seeks the co-ordinate elevation of all our 
faculties and not the destruction of any one of them. If 
we look exclusively at the objective side of Inspiration 
the Prophet becomes a mere soulless machine mechani- 
cally answering the force which moves it, the pen and 
not the penman of the Holy Spirit. He ceases to be a 
man while he is affected by the phrensy (pavia) of the 
heathen seers 1 , and under a momentary influence gives 

1 Cf. Plat. rh.cdr. ? 4 8D. It 
will l>c seen from his position in the 
scale that the prophet is regarded 
as one in whom all human powers 
are neutralized. Tim. 71 E: oufieij 

{mM'? <JjdlTTtTai /XOITIKTJS ivOtoV Kal 

d\r)0ovs, ei\\' y naff VTTVOV rrjv rrjs 
<t>povy(T(wt ireSrjBfls 3iW/ui> 77 5td 
vbffov rj 5m TWO. fvOowTiafffiov iropaX- 
Xaaf. This idea of an ' Ecstasy' 

was applied t<> tin- Prophets by the 

Alexandrian Jew-, and adopted by 
the Montanists, but rejected by the 

Catholic Church. Cf. App.B,n.4. 
As to the occurrence of 'ecstasy' in 
Scriptural records, cf. p. 13, n. 

Plato's idea of a possible inspira- 
tion is interesting : Phtrdr. 85 c. The 
really brave man will ' either learn 
* or discover the truth, or if this be 
4 impossible he will at any rate take 
'the best of human words (\6yuv) 
' and that which is most irrefragable, 
'and carried on this as on a raft 
' sail through life in perpetual jeo- 
1 pardy, unless one might make the 


up his whole spiritual growth. But on the other hanc 
if we regard Inspiration only subjectively, we lose a 
sense of a fresh and living connexion of the Prophe 
with GOD. He remains indeed a man, but he is nothing 
more. He appears only to develope naturally a germ o: 
truth which lies within him, and to draw no new supplie 
of grace and wisdom from without. There is no reunion 
of the divine and human in his soul on which a Churcl 
may rest its faith. He may deduce, interpret, combine 
truth, but in the absence of a creative power he is defi 
cient in that which an instinct of our being declares to 
be the essential attribute of the highest teacher 1 . Such 
a theory removes all that is divine in our faith, anc 
destroys the title-deeds of the Church's inheritance. It 
is opposed to the universal tenor of Scripture and tradi- 
tion, and leaves our wants unsatisfied and our doubts 
unanswered by GOD. If it be true, man is after all alone 
in the world, abandoned to the blind issues of fate or 
reason or circumstance. His teachers are merely his 
fellow-men, and their words claim his hearing only so far 
as they find a response in a heart already influenced by 
personal and social life. And who then shall answer him 
that their promises are more than echoes of his own 
cravings ; and that the ready acceptance which their 
doctrine has found is anything but a natural result of its 
correspondence to the wants and wishes of men ? 

Happily however we are not confined to the two 

more striking when we call to mind 
the office of Iris fyw, ef/ow, 'J/ots, 
the messenger. 

1 110177x775. Cf. Plat. Conv. 2050: 

77 K TOV fJLTI &WOS tj TO 0V 16VTI 

' alrio. TTCUTCI e<m ?roi77<rts... 
irdfftjs T77S 7rot77(re< 

. . T TOV 6'Xou 

'journey on a securer vessel, some 
' divine word if it might be, more 
' surely and with less peril.' Compare 
Ph<zdr. 244 A; 2568; and in refer- 
ence to oracles, [7^5340; Tim. 
71 D. In the passage which I have 
taken as a motto (Thetet. 155 D) he 
has expressed admirably the true 
relation of wonder to wisdom, faith 
to philosophy. The analogy is 


theories of 



The possi- 
bility of 
gaining a. 
true mean 

in respect th 
the teacher 
and the 

i. The idea, 
of Inspira- 

The contrast 
and Revela- 

The idea of 

extreme theories : the elements of truth on which they are 
respectively based are opposite indeed, but not contrary. 
If we combine the outward and the inward GOD and 
man the moving power and the living instrument we 
have a great and noble doctrine to which our inmost 
nature bears its witness. We have a Bible competent to 
calm our doubts, and able to speak to our weakness. It 
then becomes not an utterance in strange tongues, but in 
the words of wisdom and knowledge. It is authoritative, 
for it is the voice of GOD ; it is intelligible, for it is in the 
language of men. 

The possibility of such a combination seems to follow 
directly frorrv a Consideration of the nature and form of 
Inspiration ; and the same reflections which establish a 
necessary connexion between inspired thoughts and 
inspired words point out the natural transition from the 
notion of an inspired teacher to that of an inspired book, 
and justify the application of the epithet at once to the 
impulse and the result, an ambiguity which at first sight 
creates only confusion and embarrassment. 

Inspiration may be regarded in one aspect as the cor- 
relative of Revelation. Both operations imply a superna- 
tural extension of the field of man's spiritual vision, but 
in different ways. By Inspiration we conceive that his 
natural powers are quickened so that he contemplates 
with a divine intuition the truth as it exists, still among 
the ruins of the moral and physical worlds. By Revela- 
tion we see as it were the dark veil removed from the 
face of things, so that the true springs and issues of life 
stand disclosed in their eternal nature. This idea of 
Revelation which regards power and truth and beauty as 
veiled and yet essentially existing beneath the suffering 
and sin and disorder which is spread over the world 
within us and without over man and nature seems to 


be peculiarly Christian. Probably nothing but the belief 
in the Incarnation could give reality and distinctness to 
the conception of a 'restitution of all things;' and St 
Paul describes the possibility of a clear vision and trans- 
forming reflection of the divine glory as the especial pri- 
vilege of believers. The change wrought in philosophy 
by the vital recognition of this idea penetrates to the 
very foundations of knowledge and hope. The ' recol- 
' lection ' of Plato becomes intuition, and we can now by 
faith reverse the words of Plotinus who thanked GOD 
that 'he was not tied to an immortal body 1 .' 

which God gives to His servants, 
and which all Christians are encou- 
raged and bound to seek (Eph. i. 1 7, 
5q)T} vfjuv wvevfAa ao<f)las Ka.1 d-rroKa- 
\v\l/e(as v ^irLytxtxrei avrov). Hence 
Revelations peculiar manifestations 
of this general gift are disclosed in 
the Christian assemblies (i Cor. xiv. 
6, 26) ; and St Paul dwells particu- 
larly on the number of them which 
were granted to him (2 Cor. xii. i, 7). 
iii. But as the eye of the Chris- 
tian is naturally turned to the coming 
consummation of the ages, the re- 
velation of Jesus Christ in an espe- 
cial sense is that second, coming of 
the Lord when all shall know Him 
(i Pet. i. 7, 13, ctjro/r. 'I. X.: 2 
Thess. i. 7 ; i Cor. i. 7. i] dn-oK. TOV 
Kyp.). In this we look forward to 
the revelation of His glory when 
the robe of sorrow shall at last be 
thrown aside (i Pet. iv. 13), and 
God's righteous judgment of the 
world made known (Rom. ii. 5, 
O.TTOK. diKaioKpurlas TOU 0eou) ; and 
then the sons of GOD shall be re- 
vealed in their full majesty, and crea- 
tion shall rejoice in the sight (Rom. 
viii. 19, QHTOK. TWJ> vi&v TOV 0eoi5). 


1 The usage of the word 

and diroKaX^nfTetv in the New 
Testament is full of interest, as il- 
lustrating the Apostolic view of the 
object's of Revelation. The passages 
in which the words occur are the 
following : 

i. The substantive occurs only 
once in the Gospels, when Simeon 
describes our Lord as a light to 
dispel the darkness under which 
the heathen were -veiled (Luke ii. 32, 
0<2s efr OLTTOK. etivwv). Elsewhere 
Christianity itself, the very centre 
of all revelation,, is described by St 
Paul as a revelation of a mystery 
(Rom. xvi. 25, aVo/c. /j-var.) : and so 
especially the great fact that the 
Gentiles should share equally with 
God's ancient people in the New 
covenant was made known by revela- 
tion (Eph. iii. 3, /card diroKd\v\f>ii>). 
Through revelation of Jesus Christ 
St Paul received the Gospel which 
he preached (Gal. i. 12, 81* O.TTO- 
Ka\t\fseus 'I. X.). The visions of St 
John were a revelation of Jesus 
Christ (Apoc. i. i). And even in 
details of action it was by revelation 
that St Paul went up the second 
time to Jerusalem (Gal. ii. a, Kara 

. Revelation also serves to ex- 
press that insight into divine truth 

i. The verb occurs more frequently 
than the substantive, but exactly 
in the same varieties of connexion. 
By Revelation the Prophets in old 




The Mis/ in 
cutties which 
it involves 
common to 
all spiritual 

But while the idea of Revelation in its fullest sense 
appears to be essentially Christian, every religion presup- 
poses the reality of Inspiration, of a direct intelligible 
communication of the divine will to chosen messengers. 
The belief in such a gift is in fact instinctive, and at 
least equally with the belief in a Supreme Being pos- 

time gained an understanding of 
the glad tidings which they pro- 
claimed (i Pet. i. 12, ols cure/cciX. 
/c.T.X.). By Revelation the faith 
was made known (Gal. iii. 23), 
and its fulness declared in the spirit 
to the holy Apostles and Prophets 
(Eph. iii. 5) in whom God was 
pleased to reveal His Son (Gal. i. 16, 
oV<wf. kv tnol\. 

ii. Then again by Revelation the 
personal knowledge of the truth is 
gained (Matt. xi. 25, 27; Luke x. 
21, 22; Matt. xvi. 17); by Revela- 
tion God supplies what is yet defec- 
tive in us (Phil. iii. 15) in the way of 
special teaching (i Cor. xiv. 30) or 
in the course of personal experience 
(* Cor. ii. 10). 

iii. And while a continuous Re- 
velation of God's righteousness and 
wrath is still ever being made 
(Rom. i. 17, 1 8, d7rocaXu7rTeTcu), the 
Christian looks to that final mani- 
festation of His infinite holiness, 
when the power of evil shall be at 
last revealed (2 Thess, ii. 3, 6, 8) 
in due time, and also the Son of 
Man (Luke xvii. 30), before whom 
it shall perish. Then shall be ful- 
filled the purpose of Christ's 'Coming 
when the thoughts of many hearts are 
unveiled (Luke ii. 35), as they were 
partially unveiled during His earthly 
work : then everything veiled shall 
be revealed (Matt. x. 26 ; Luke xii. 
); for the day is revealed in fire 
to try men's works (\ Cor. iii. 13); 
then shall His servants enter into 
the glory which even now is pre- 
pared for them (Rom. viii. 18 ; i Pet. 
v. i ; i. 5, aumjplav 

To neglect any one of these aspects 

of Revelation which set forth its 
fundamental, continuous, and final 
operation, is to mutilate the com- 
pleteness of the divine truth. Yet 
we are apt to forget that we have 
still a future interest in its most glo- 
rious fulfilment. The great work of 
Revelation, so to speak, the Return 
of Christ in glory, yet remains to be 

The words do not occur in St 
Mark, St James, St Jude, nor in 
the writings of St John, except 
Apoc. i. i, and John xii. 38 (from 
the LXX.). And conversely 0a^ep6w 
occurs very frequently in St John, 
and also in St Mark, but is not 
found in St Matt, or St Luke. On 
the connexion of yvwpifa, (pavepdu, 
aVoKaXuTn-w, cf. Eph. iii. 3 5; Rom. 
xvi. 26; i. 17; iii. 21; I Pet. v. i, 4. 
The first regards the individual know- 
ledge, the second the outward mani- 
festation, the third the essential per- 
manence, of that which is set forth. 

In the LXX. the metaphor of 
aVoKaXvTTreij' is clearly brought out 
in its personal form in the phrases 
diroK. TOI)S 6<p6a,\/j.ovs (Num. xxii. 
31) and O.TTOK. rb oCj (Ruth iv. 4). 
A.iroKa\v\l/is first occurs in Ecclus. 
xi. 27 (th usage in i Sam. xx. 30 
is quite different), but Jerome re- 
marked (Comm. ad Galat. i. 12 ; 
Lib. i. p. 387) that the word 'was 
'used by none of the wise of the 
'world among the Greeks.' It is 
found in Plutarch. Cf. Plat. Gorg. 
460 A, drV. (cbro/caXvTrTUj). In like 
manner the Latin Christians be- 
ginning with Tertullian seem to 
have been the first if not the only 
writers who employed revclatio and 
the cognate words metaphorically. 



sesses the testimony of universal acceptance. Even 
intellectually the idea of Inspiration offers no extraordi- 
nary difficulties. To enlarge or inform any faculty is 
evidently a secondary operation of the same power by 
which it was first given and quickened. The intercourse 
between the Creator and the creature must in common 
with all spiritual manifestations remain a mystery ; but 
that it does take place in some form or other is a matter 
of constant experience. And if we may venture to 
regard Inspiration merely as a mental phenomenon, it is 
not more remarkable that man's spirit should be brought 
into direct connexion with the Spirit of GOD, than that 
one mind should be able to exercise a sympathetic in- 
fluence upon another. The fact that man is complex 
and finite introduces no difficulty here which is not pre- 
sent in the ordinary processes of thought and life. On 
the contrary, this consideration fixes a bound to the ex- 
tent of our inquiry; for all abstract analysis of Inspira- 
tion is impossible, as the divine element is already in 
combination with the human when we are first able to 
observe its presence. 

Our inquiry is thus limited strictly to the character 
of Inspiration. The real existence of such an influence 
is proved at once by common belief and personal ex- 
perience. The nature of its operation transcends the 
power of our thought ; but it remains to examine the 
form which this divine teaching bears when presented 
to men. And here a characteristic difference may be 
observed. In heathen nations the Sibyl or the Pythoness 
was the type of an inspired teacher; and Plato con- 
sequently places the prophet low in the scale of men, as 
one in whom all human powers of body and soul were 
neutralized 1 . The dream, the vision, the ecstasy, seemed 
i Cf. p. 6, n. i. 


It is impossi- 
ble to con- 
template the 
divine and 
apart / hence 
ive are limit- 
ed to the ex- 

2. The Form 
teaching in 
heathen and 



J ntroduc- 

Biblical re- 

The form is 
adapted to 
the special 
end; but in 
any case it 

to be the only means whereby the Deity could come 
into contact with man, and thus all personal conscious- 
ness was destroyed by the supernatural influence. In 
the records of the Bible, on the other hand, the teaching 
of Inspiration appears as one great element in the edu- 
cation of the world, and therefore it has an essential con- 
nexion with the age and people to whom it is addressed, 
while its form varies according to the needs of men. 

Like every gift of GOD Inspiration is bestowed for 
some special end to which it is exactly proportioned. At 
one time we may picture to ourselves the Lawgiver 
recording the letter of the divine Law which he had re- 
ceived directly from GOD inscribed upon tables of stone or 
spoken face to face. At another we may watch the sacred 
Historian unconsciously it may be and yet freely seizing 
on those facts in the history of the past which were the 
turning-points of a nation's spiritual progress, gathering 
the details which combine to give the truest picture of 
each crisis, incorporating fragments from earlier records 
in his own narrative, and grouping all according to the 
laws of a marvellous symmetry which in after times 
might symbolize their hidden meaning. Or we may see 
the Prophet gazing intently on the great struggle going 
on around him, discerning the spirits of men and the 
springs of national life, till the relations of time no longer 
exist in his vision, till all strife is referred to the final 
conflict of good and evil foreshadowed in the great 
judgments of the world, and all hope is centered in the 
coming of the Saviour and in the certainty of His future 
triumph. Another perhaps looks within his own heart, 
and as a new light is poured over its inmost depths, his 
devotion finds expression in songs of personal penitence 
and thanksgiving, in confessions of sin and declarations 
of righteousness, which go far to reconcile the mysterious 


contradictions of our nature. To another is given the 
task of building up the Church. By divine instinct he 
sees in scattered congregations types of the great forms 
of society in coming ages, and addresses to them not 
systems of doctrine, but doctrine embodied in deed, 
which applies to all time because it expresses eternal 
truths, and yet specially to every time because it is con- 
nected with the realities of daily life. 

But however various the forms of inspired teaching 
may be, in one respect they are all similar. In every 
case the same twofold character is preserved which arises 
from the combination of the divine influence with the 
human utterance. The language of the Lawgiver, the 
Historian, the Prophet, the Psalmist, the Apostle, is 
characteristic of the position which each severally occu- 
pied. Even when they speak most emphatically the 
words of the Lord, they speak still as men living among 
men ; and the eternal truths which they declare receive 
the colouring of the minds through which they pass. 
Nor can it be said that it is easy to eliminate the vari- 
able quantity in each case ; for the distinguishing pecu- 
liarities of the several writers are not confined to marked 
features, but extend also to a multitude of subtle differ- 
ences which are only felt after careful study. Everywhere 
there are traces of a personality not destroyed but even 
quickened by the action of the divine power, of an 
individual consciousness not suspended but employed at 
every stage of the heavenly commission 1 . 

1 The cases of spiritual ecstasy (i Sam. x. 6, 9 16). When St Paul 

mentioned in Scripture are obviously 
exceptional and distinct from pro- 
phetic inspiration. The second rap- 
ture of Saul is easily intelligible from 
the circumstances of the narrative ; 
and on the former occasion it is ex- 
pressly mentioned that GOD gave him 
another heart before he prophesied 

was carried up to Paradise, the words 
which he heard were not for the 
instruction of the Church, but un- 
speakable words which it is not law- 
ful (et-bv)for a man to utter (2 Cor. 
xii. 4). The outpouring of ' tongues' 
was addressed to GOD and not to 
man (i Cor. xiv. 2). [On 



the person- 
ality of the 
teacher is 

In whtit 
sense i 

This person- 
ality an es- 
sential part 
of the con- 

Inspiration then according to its manifestation in 
Scripture is Dynamical l and not Mechanical; the human 
powers of the divine messenger act according to their 
natural laws even when these powers are supernaturally 
strengthened. Man is not converted into a mere machine, 
even in the hand of GOD. 

But it may be asked whether this combination of let- 
ter and spirit be perfect or partial ; whether the special 
human form be essential to the right apprehension of the 
divine idea ; whether the shell be absolutely needed to 
preserve the kernel ; or whether the impress of personal 
character must be effaced before we can see the godlike 
image, and the outward covering be removed in order 
that the inner germ may grow and fructify 2 . 

It might perhaps be a sufficient answer to such in- 
quiries to point out the absolute impossibility of sepa- 
rating the two elements, the external and the internal, the 
historical and the doctrinal, the objective and the subjec- 
tive, however we choose to name them. But the truth of 
this general statement becomes more clearly apparent if 
regard be had to the conception, the expression, and the 
communication of thought. The slightest consideration 
will shew that words are as essential to intellectual pro- 
cesses as they are to mutual intercourse. For man the 
purely spiritual and absolute is but an inspiration or a 
dream. Thoughts are wedded to words as necessarily as 
soul to body. Language is a condition of our being, de- 

On the other hand, the personal 
characters of Balaam and Caiaphas 
remain unchanged when they utter 
unwillingly or unconsciously divine 

1 The word is open to many ob- 
jections on other grounds, and not 
least from its technical application ; 
but I can think of no better one 
which may be conveniently used to 

describe an influence acting upon 
living powers, and manifesting itself 
through them according to their 
natural laws, as distinguished from 
that influence which merely uses 
human organs for its outward ex- 
pression, as for instance in the case 
of the Demoniacs. 

3 Cf. Tholuck, Glaitbwiird. dcr 
Evang. Gcsch. s. 429 ff. 


termining the conception as well as the communication of 
ideas, as in the earliest record of our race we read that 
Adam while still in solitude gave names to all the crea- 
tures which passed before him 1 . Without it the mys- 
teries unveiled before the eyes of the seer would be 
confused shadows ; with it they are made clear lessons 
for human life. 

But even if it were possible for the Prophet to realize 
truth otherwise than according to the capacity of his 
finite mind, still something would be wanting. It is not 
enough that the sacred teacher should gaze upon the 
eternal truths of religion as do the disembodied spirits 
in the Platonic Phaedrus 2 : he must be able to represent 
them fitly to other men. And when addressed to man 
the human element becomes part of the message from 
heaven ; for the divine can be grasped by him only when 
defined and moulded according to the laws of his own 

The Book is thus rightly said to be inspired no less 
than the Prophet. The Book reflects and perpetuates 
the personal characteristics of the Prophet, but it does 
not create them. Writing introduces no limitation into 
the representation of truth which does not already exist 
in the first conception and expression of it. The isolated 
writing bears the same relation to the whole work of the 
Prophet as the Prophet himself to the world from which 
he is chosen. The partial and incomplete record pre- 
serves the clear outline of such features in his character 
and mission, as were of importance for the guidance of 
the future Church. 

1 Cf. Donaldson's New Cratylus, 
p. 62. 

2 Pkadr. 247 D ; 249 c. The pas- 
sage is too long to quote, but no one 
who can refer to the original should 

neglect to study the myth, which 
gives from the side of nature what 
may be called the Sacramental view 
of the world. 


the expres- 
sion, and 

the record of 
the divine 



I ntrocuc- 

Thus Inspi- 
ration of 
Scriftxre is 
plenary, and 

<f to a 

On following out the lines of thought thus lightly 
sketched, it will I think appear that from a Christian 
point of view the notion of a perfect Dynamical Inspira- 
tion alone is simple, sufficient, and natural. It presup- 
poses that the same providential Power which gave the 
message selected the messenger; and implies that the 
traits of individual character and the peculiarities of 
manner and purpose which are displayed in the compo- 
sition and language of the sacred writings are essential 
to the perfect exhibition of their meaning. It combines 
harmoniously the two terms in that relation of the finite 
to the infinite which is involved in the very idea of Re- 
velation. It preserves absolute truthfulness with perfect 
humanity, so that the nature of man is not neutralized, 
if we may thus speak, by the divine agency, and the 
truth of GOD is not impaired, but exactly expressed in 
one of its several aspects by the individual mind. Each 
element performs its perfect work ; and in religion as 
well as in philosophy a glorious reality is based upon a 
true antithesis. The Letter becomes as perfect as the 
Spirit ; and it may well seem that the image of the In- 
carnation is reflected in the Christian Scriptures, which, 
as I believe, exhibit the human and divine in the highest 
form and in the most perfect union. 

For when it is said that the Scriptures are every- 
where quickened by a principle of spiritual life, it is 
already implied that they exhibit an outward develop- 
ment. The divine teaching, though one, is not uniform. 
Truth is indeed immutable, but humanity is progressive ; 
and thus the form in which truth is presented must be 
examined in relation to the age in which the revelation 
was made. At one time it is to be sought in the simple 
relations of the patriarchal household \ at another in the 
more complicated interests of national existence : at 


another in the still deeper mysteries of individual life : 
at another in the infinite fulness of the Saviour's work, 
or in the perplexing difficulties which beset the infant 
Churches. But each form has its proper and enduring 
lesson : each record constitutes a link in the golden 
chain which, to use the Homeric allegory, has again 
bound the earth with all its varied interests to the throne 
of GOD. 

The personal consequences which flow from this 
view of the Inspiration of Scripture are too important 
not to find a passing notice here. Truth is brought by 
the recognition of the human element in its expression 
into a connexion with life which it could not otherwise 
have. The several parts of the Bible are thus united, 
not only by the presence of a common object, but also 
by the impress of a common nature. The history of 
Christ Jesus is concrete doctrine, as doctrine is abstract 
history. The Christian finds in the records of the 
Lord's life a perfect pattern for his own guidance as well 
as the realization of the Apostolic teaching. However 
wonderful each action of the Saviour may be as a mani- 
festation of power, providence, and love, he seeks yet 
further for its personal relation to himself; for he knows 
that the Evangelists, men even as he is, felt truly the 
inner meaning of the events which they record, and 
truly told their outward details. All the Holy Writings, 
as we read, have but one end, that we may be thoroughly 
furnished to all good works , and this is obtained by their 
entire adaptation to our complex nature. Nor will any 
one who is conversant with the history of ancient sys- 
tems be inclined to think lightly of the use thus made of 
the simplest instincts and powers of humanity in the 
revelation of the highest mysteries. The fundamental 
error of the most pious of the ancient philosophers lay 
W. G. B 


3. The rela- 
tion of In- 
spired writ- 
ings to 





4- Thf 
proof* of the 


<*) Kxtrr- 




in their misapprehension of the relation of the finite to 
the infinite. They sought a system of absolute truth, 
independent of the specific laws of human life, and vainly 
laboured to raise men out of the world. They had 
no gospel for the simple and poor, for the mechanic and 
the slave. In the pursuit of wisdom they disparaged 
common duties, and deferred the business of social life 
and of explanation of the popular faith till they should 
have solved the riddle of self-knowledge 1 . They che- 
rished and set forward one part of man's nature to the 
destruction of the others. The end of philosophy was 
declared to be the isolation of the soul : the work of life 
only the contemplation of death. Christ on the con- 
trary, finally uniting in one person GOD and man, fixed 
the idea of spiritual life in the harmonious combination 
of faith and works, and left His disciples in the world 
though not of it. The tree which symbolizes the Chris- 
tian faith springs from earth and is a resting-place for 
the birds of heaven 2 : the leaven spreads through the 
whole 3 man ; for humanity is not removed by the Gospel 
doctrine, but clothed with a spiritual dress 4 . 

The various proofs which may be adduced in support 
of the doctrine of the plenary Inspiration of Holy Scrip- 
ture, according to the sense in which it has been already 
explained, are various in kind, and will necessarily 

appear more or less forcible at different times and to 
different minds. On the one hand, assuming that the 
writings of the New Testament are at least in part the 
works of men whose Divine commission was attested by 
sensible miracles, we may appeal to the fact that they 
claim to speak in the name and by the authority of Him 

1 Cf. Plat. Gorg. 527 D; Phicdr. 
2:0 : . 

- ' >rig. Tom. xin. in Matt. 5: 
itiv ruv dvrtpuv, T& 5 t-n-Tf- 


a Cf. Trench, Notes on the Para- 
bles, p. 115. Olsh. in loc. 

4 Cf. Plat. Phted. 64 A ; 670. 


by whom their mighty works were wrought 1 . Or we 
may collect the passages which the Apostolic writers 
have quoted from the Old Testament, and comparing 
the spiritual lessons which they draw from them with 
the simplest meaning of the text, form some general 
conclusions as to the sense in which they regarded the 
words of the Prophets as indeed the Word of GOD 2 . 
Or, descending still lower, we may shew that the Chris- 
tian Fathers with one consent affirmed in the most com- 
plete manner the Inspiration of the Scriptures, placing 
the writings of the New Testament on the same footing 
with those of the Old, as soon as it was possible that the 

1 The reality of an objective In- 
spiration both of the Apostles and of 
others (Acts viii. 26, 29; xi. 28; 
xiii. i, 2; xxi. 10, 1 1 ) is clearly as- 
sumed in the New Testament. 

i. In the Gospels. Matt. xvi. 17 ; 
x. 19, 20; Mark xiii. n; John xiv. 
26; xvi. 12 15. 

ii. In the Acts, Ch. viii. 26, 29 ; 
x. 19; xi. 12, 28; xiii. 2; xv* 28; 
xvi. 6, 7; xxi. n. 

iii. In the Catholic Epistles, i 
Pet. i. 10 12; 2 Pet. i. 1921; 
i John ii. 20. 

iv. In the Pauline Epistles, i 
Thess. iv. 2 ; (2 Thess. iii. 6 ;) i Cor. 
ii. 10 ; xiv. 37 ; (2 Cor. iii. 18;) Gal. 
i. n, 12; Rom. viii. 16; Eph. iii. 
3 6; i Tim. iv. i ; 2 Tim. iii. 16, 


The same doctrine is. implied in 
the Pauline phrase KO.T eTriTayrjv, 
Rom. xvi. 26 j i Cor. vii, 6 (comp. 
ver. 25) ; 2 Cor. viii. 8; i Tim. i. i ; 
Tit. i. 3. And on the other hand the 
corresponding change in the believer 
' the revelation of eye and ear' is 
vividly set forth; 2 Cor. iii. 18; Col. 
iii. 10. This change extends to each 
element of man's complex nature. 
His spirit (-a-vevfia) is aided by the 
Spirit of God that it may know the 
blessings of the Gospel (i Cor. ii. 

12). His reason (vovs) is furnished 
with new intuitional principles by 
which to test the Divine counsels 
(Rom. xii. 2, avaKaivwcris TOV j/o6s). 
His understanding (didvoia, Eph. iv. 
1 8) is enlightened so as to recog- 
nise the True One (i John v. 20. 
Cf. Eph. i. 1 8, Tre<t>(t)Ti(r/j,evov5 rods 
6(f>0a\/jt.ovs TT/S /capias). And ac- 
cording to the measure of this change 
Inspiration is a blessing common to 
all ages and all Christians. 

The distinction of TO pij/m-a TOV GeoG 
and 6 \6yos TOV 0eoO, which are both 
rendered the Word of GOD in the En- 
glish Version, and Verbuin Dei in the 
Vulgate, is important in relation to the 
doctrine of the Inspiration of Scrip- 
ture. The former phrase occurs in 
Matt. iv. 4 ( = Deut. viii. 3) ; Luke 
(ii. 29) ; iii. 2 ; John iii. 34 ; viii. 47 ; 
Rom. x. 1 7 ; Eph. vi. 1 7 ; Hebr. vi. 5 ; 
xi. 3; i Pet. i. 25 ( = Is. xl. 8). The 
latter is more frequent: Mark vii. 
13 ; Luke v. i, 6r. ; John x. 35 ; xvii. 
17; Acts iv. 31, &=<:. ; Rom. ix. 6; 
Col. i. 25 ; Hebr. iv. 12, &c. ; i Pet. 
i. 23: &. The distinction is lost 
also in the Syriac and Gothic Ver- 
sions. In Eph. vi. 17, Tertullian 
(i. p. 152) strangely reads Sermo Dei. 

2 Cf. App. A. On the Quotations 
in the Gospels. 

B 2 


(|3) The ana- 
logy of the 
Apostolic use 
of the Old 

(y) The testi- 
mony ofttu: 




(b Internal. 

In what 
tense a proof 
of Inspira- 
tion it pot- 

Apostolic records could rise with clear pre-eminence 
above the oral tradition of the Apostolic teaching 1 . On 
the other hand we may examine the character and 
objects of the books themselves, and put together the 
various facts which appear to indicate in them the pre- 
sence of more than human authority and wisdom, no 
less in the simplicity and apparent rudeness of their 
general form than in the subtle harmony and marvellous 
connexion of their various elements. And if this method 
of proof is less direct and definite than the other ; if it 
calls for calm patience and compels thought in each 
inquirer ; it is also broader and more elastic, capable of 
infinite extensions and applications. Nor is it less 
powerful even while it is less cogent. To many perhaps 
the inward assurance which it creates is more satisfac- 
tory than the rigid deductions of direct argument. The 
unlimited multiplication of convergent presumptions 
and analogies builds up a strong and sure conviction, 
possessing a moral force which can never belong to a 
mere formal proof, even where the premises are neces- 
sary truths. 

To speak of the proof of the Inspiration of the Scrip- 
tures involves indeed an unworthy limitation of the idea 
itself. In the fullest sense of the word we cannot prove 
the presence of life, but are simply conscious of it ; and 
Inspiration is the manifestation of a higher life. The 
words of Scripture are spiritual words, and as such are 
spiritually discerned 2 . The ultimate test of the reality 
of Inspiration lies in the intuition of that personal faculty 
(TTvevfia) by which inspired men once recorded the words 
of God, and are still able to hold communion with Him. 
Everything short of this leaves the great truth still with- 

1 Cf. App. B. On the Primitive Doctrine of Inspiration. 
3 i Cor. ii. 12 16. 



out us ; and that which should be a source of life is in 
danger of becoming a mere dogma. At the same time 
it is as unfair and dangerous to reject the teaching of a 
formal proof as it is to rely upon it exclusively. It can- 
not be an indifferent matter to us to bring into harmoni- 
ous combination the work and the writings of the Apo- 
stles : to follow and faithfully continue the clear outlines 
of scriptural criticism as traced in the writings of the 
New Testament: to recognise the power which the Bible 
has hitherto exercised upon the heart of the Church, 
and the depths which others have found in it. Such in- 
vestigations will necessarily lead to other and more per- 
sonal questions. We shall ask naturally whether we 
have any clear conception of the position which the first 
Christian teachers occupied, and the results which they 
accomplished ? Whether we have ever fairly estimated 
the extent to which the different Books of Scripture are 
penetrated by a common spirit ? Whether the fault be 
not in ourselves, if occasional difficulties are allowed to 
destroy the effect of those divine words which have been 
for ages a spring of life ? And thus a new field will be 
opened before us ; and in this case ever-deepening con- 
viction is the result and the reward of labour. For there 
is this essential difference between an outward and an 
inward a logical and a moral proof, that while the one 
can be handed down from one generation to another in 
all its formal completeness, gaining no fresh force and 
admitting of no wider application ; the latter only exer- 
cises its full influence by the personal appreciation of 
each element of which it consists, and adapts itself to 
every shifting phase of thought from which it draws its 

To examine at length the details which suggest this 
internal proof of Inspiration is at once useless and im- 




specially by 

\. T/u nega- 
tive charac- 
ter of the 

(a) Thfir 
arjfuss; and 

thry contain 
that u-f 
knew of the 
life of 

John xxi. 25. 

possible. Their effect lies in the individual point of 
sight from which they are regarded, and their weight in 
their infinite variety. But one or two remarks on the 
Gospels may serve to illustrate different lines of thought 
which will furnish abundant materials for private study ; 
and it is by this only that their real value can be 

In the first place, the negative character of the Gos- 
pels, the absence of certain features which we should 
have expected to find in them, is too striking not to 
arrest attention. They are fragmentary in form. Their 
writers make no attempt to relate all the actions or dis- 
courses of our Lord, and shew no wish to select the most 
marvellous series of His mighty works ; and probably 
no impartial judge will find in any one of them a con- 
scious attempt to form a narrative supplementary to 
those of the others. But if we know by the ordinary 
laws of criticism that our Gospels are the only authentic 
records of the Saviour's life, while we believe that Pro- 
vidence regards the well-being of the Christian Church, 
are we not necessarily led to conclude that some divine 
power overruled their composition, so that what must 
otherwise seem a meagre and incomplete record should 
contain all that is fittest historically to aid our progress 
and determine our faith ? Nor can it be unworthy of 
notice that while the Gospels evidently contain so small 
a selection from the works and words of Christ, so few 
details unrecorded by the Evangelists should have been 
preserved in other ways. The peculiar incidents pre- 
served by each Evangelist shew hardly less clearly than 
the express testimony of the latest evangelic record, 
that during the first age countless facts were preserved 
of which no distinct memorial now remains. The gene- 
ral difference in character between the Gospel of St John 


and the Synoptic Gospels, and in a less degree the cor- 
responding difference between separate parts of the 
Synoptic narratives, indicates the existence of many 
intermediate forms of doctrine of which tradition has 
preserved no trace. We cannot but suppose that the 
numerous witnesses of our Lord's works and teaching 
treasured up with affection each recollection of their 
past intercourse ; still the cycle of the Evangelic narra- 
tive is clearly marked ; and it cannot but seem that the 
same Power which so definitely circumscribed its limits 
determined its contents 1 . 

Again, the Gospels are unchronological in order. We 
are at once cautioned against regarding them as mere 
history, and encouraged to look for some new law of 
arrangement in their contents, which, as I shall endea- 
vour to prove, must result from a higher power than an 
unaided instinct or an enlightened consciousness. 

Once more, the Gospels are brief and apparently con- 
fused in style. There is no trace in them of the anxious 
care and ostentatious zeal which mark the ordinary pro- 
ductions of curiosity or devotion. The Evangelists 
write as men who see through all time, and only con- 
template the events which they record in their spiritual 
relations. But at the same time there is an originality 
and vigour in every part of the Gospels which becomes a 
divine energy in the Gospel of St John. As mere com- 
positions they stand out from all other histories with the 
noble impress of simplicity and power ; and it is as if the 
faithful reflection of the Image of GOD shed a clear light 
on the whole narrative. The answer was once given to 
the Pharisees when they sought to take Jesus that never 
man spake like that man, and those who assail the autho- 


1 Cf. App. C. 

On the Apocryphal traditions oj the Lord's Words and 

Their de- 
ficiency in 

(y) Their 
simplicity oj 

John vii. 46. 



ii. The sub- 
ject of the 

iii. The social 
teaching of 
the Gospels 

rity of the Gospels have been constrained to confess 
that never was history written as in them 1 . 

If we regard the subject of the Gospels it would in- 
deed be strange if this were not so. The New Testa- 
ment does not contain a mere record of ordinary facts or 
a collection of indifferent conclusions, but lays the histo- 
ric groundwork of man's redemption and builds up his 
practical faith. In narrative, in doctrine, and in pro- 
phecy, the same great truths are brought forth under 
different relations of time. And thus the connexion of 
events, the arrangement of arguments, and the choice of 
symbols, may serve to exhibit in clearer and more 
varied outline the whole structure of Christianity. For 
nothing can be immaterial which is able to influence our 
idea of the Saviour's life, or to alter the application of 
Christ's teaching. The history must be not only true to 
the outward form, but true to the inward spirit ; the 
proof must be not only convincing but effectual; the 
prediction must not only answer to the event, but cohere 
with the whole scope of prophetic revelation. It may 
indeed be easy to quote passages in which we do not 
see the importance of the minuter details of the Scrip- 
tures ; for we cannot know the secret experience of all 
Christians ; but it would be equally easy to prove that 
there is no singularity in expression or detail, no trait of 
personal feeling or individual conception in the Gospels, 
which does not in some one place greatly affect our 
notion of Christ's teaching. And thus unless the pe- 
culiarities of each writer were chosen to exhibit a special 
aspect of truth they must in some degree distort it. 

But though we shall dwell frequently in the course 
of the following pages on the characteristic differences 
of the Evangelists, we must not forget that, while they 

1 Cf. Gaussen, Theopneustia, pp. 238 ff. (Eng. Tr.) 


work separately for the instruction of individuals, they 
have a common service to perform in the edification of 
the Church. Their writings must be combined as well 
as analysed, and we must carefully construct the general 
doctrines which they teach us by a comparison of scat- 
tered passages. All true sense of the absolute unity of 
the Diatessaron, as distinguished from its unity of form, 
is commonly lost by separating Miracles, Prophecies, 
and Parables, instead of combining them. We regard 
them, as a child might regard the stars, as chance sparks 
of heavenly light, because we have not observed the law 
which rules their order. Yet it is in the perfection and 
oneness of their social teaching, so to speak, that the 
strongest internal proof of the plenary Inspiration of the 
Gospels is to be found. The office of the Apostles was 
not only personal but public. They had not merely to 
appropriate subjectively the truths of salvation, but to 
set them forth for the instruction of the whole Christian 
Society. The inspiration of the Apostles is to the 
Church what enlightenment is to the believer. For as 
we hold that there are rights which belong to the state 
rather than to the citizen, so there are doctrines which 
pertain to the whole body of the faithful rather than to 
its several members. Such doctrines are the great mys- 
teries of nature foreknowledge and providence which 
find their proper centre in the social and not in the per- 
sonal existence. But nevertheless their truest resolu- 
tions must be sought in the life of Him by whom the 
whole world was reunited to GOD. We must consider 
how far each Miracle and Prophecy helps us to com- 
plete our idea of the power and foresight of GOD in 
reference to the wants and works of man ; and how far 
each Parable suggests the glorious truth of the inner 
harmony of the universe. The manner in which these 




i. Miracles. 

questions the foundation-doctrines of a Christian com- 
munity are treated by the Evangelists is such as to 
exclude the idea of a mere personal intuition, for that 
leaves no room for those combinations in which the ful- 
ness of the Gospel lies. However far one Evangelist 
might have been led by the laws of his own mind, it can 
only be by the introduction of a higher power that four 
unconsciously combine to rear from different sides a har- 
monious and perfect fabric of Christian truth. 

I. The richness and symmetry of this social teaching 
of the Gospels will appear more clearly if we consider a 
little more closely the elements with which it deals. In 
order to understand the full force of Miracles we must 
bear in mind their double aspect outward as well as 
inward as works of power and works of redemption. 
The former view, which was almost exclusively studied 
during the last two centuries, is now well-nigh forgot- 
ten 1 , through that spirit of our own times to which we 
have already alluded ; but still the Miracles are as im- 
portant to the Christian faith providentially as morally. 
And as their redemptive significance is deep and varied, 
so is their outward manifestation perfect in extent and 
glory. It has been well observed that there is nothing 
in them contrary to nature, while all is above nature ; 
that the laws of existences around us are not broken, 
but resolved into or brought into connexion with higher 
I laws ; that there is no creation out of nothing, but a 
freeing of the primitive order (#0071,09, nmndus*) from the 

1 Pascal rises far beyond his own 
age when he says 'Les figures de 
TEvangile pour 1'etat de 1'ame ma- 
Made sont des corps malades.' (Pen- 
sks, II. 372, ed. Faugere.) 

8 The word /c6<r/to$ in this sense 
was first used by Pythagoras (Plut. 
de Plac. Phil. II. i). Mundus occurs 

in Ennius (cceli mundus), and yet 
Cicero evidently speaks of the word 
as strange and unusual even in his 
time (de Univ. x. lucens mundus). 
It will not fail to strike the atten- 
tion, that while the Greeks and Ro- 
mans regarded the outward beauty 
and order of creation as giving the 


lets and limitations of sin. Again, it is equally true, 
though less observed, that they penetrate into every 
class of being with which we are connected material, 
animal, and spiritual ; that they now involve and again 
exclude natural means ; that they alike give life and 
destroy it ; that they rise above the laws of matter and 
change its accidents. The constancy and harmo 
nature have been converted into an argument against an 
almighty Providence 1 ; and in Miracles we find the pro- 
per vindication of the perpetuity and extent of the 
tor's power. They prove His presence in all things 
against those philosophers, who from the time of Epicu- 
rus 2 have confounded the law and Him who works ac- 
cording to the law, and by a strange confusion substitute 
as it were a theory of motion for a living force. There 
is, as I trust to shew, at once a perfect distinctness in 
the practical and doctrinal import of each Miracle, and a 
perfect unity in their final aim ; so that the complete- 
ness of their cycle and the variety of their applications 
suggest to us the influence of a higher power on the 
Evangelists than a mere ' intuitional consciousness 3 .' 


truest name to the world, the He- 
braizing Greek and Rabbinical wri- 
ters should have regarded ' the 

ages' (at'wj'es, D^oty) as the right 
denomination of that- of which the 
interest centres rather in the moral 
than in the physical order. This 
Scriptural conception of the ' Life of 
the World' offers the earliest and 
grandest Philosophy of History. 
Comp. Hebr. i. i ; i Cor. x. 1 1 ; Eph. 
iii. 21 ; Hebr. ix. 26. 

1 Cf. Galen, de Usu Part. xi. 14 
(quoted by Pearson, On the Creed, 
p. 540 note). The following passage 
of Goethe (Tholuck, Glaubwiird. s. 
xiv.) expresses plainly the assump- 
tion which lies at the basis of much 
criticism at present : ' Du haltst das 

' Evangelium, wie es steht, fur die 
'gottlichste Wahrheit: mich wiirde 
'eine vernehmliche Stimme vom 
' Himmel nicht Uberzeugen, dass 
' das Wasser brennt. . . Vielmehr halt' 
' ich dies fur eine Listening gegen 
' den grossen Gott und seine Offen- 
* barung in der Natur.' 

2 Cic. de Nat. Deor. 1.25. Epi- 
curus... ait atomum, quum pondere 
et gravitate directo deorsum feratur, 
declinare paullulum. It is remark- 
able that a change of motion did 
not suggest the idea of some exter- 
nal power. ' Attraction ' is but a 
name to describe the action of force, 
and assumes the existence of that of 
which it cannot explain the origin. 

3 Cf. Rogers, Reason and Faith, 
Ed. Rev. Oct. 1849, PP- 344' 6 - 




2. Parablfs. 

Rom. viii. 19 
-22. Cf. 
Kph. i. 10, 20 
-23: Col i. 
20; Phil. ii. 
9, io. 

3. Prophe- 

2. While the miracles shew that a sustaining power 
is everywhere present in nature, the Parables reveal no 
less clearly the divine harmonies by which it is pene- 
trated. For Parables are more than arbitrary similitudes. 
In part they explain those higher relations of our exist- 
ence to which the common events of life should lead us, 
and realize in religion the Socratic Example. They 
connect the principles of action with the principles of 
faith, and appeal to the heart of man as a witness of his 
true duties to GOD and his fellow. In part they connect 
the natural with the spiritual world, and shew how the 
laws of natural progress correspond to the course of 
spiritual development. And at the same time they give 
us some glimpses of the union of man with higher and 
lower intelligences, and explain that mutual dependence 
of all things which the Manichaean and Gnostic failed to 
recognise, and thence fell into the most fatal and blas- 
phemous errors till we are led to realize the glorious 
words of St Paul that all creation (/CT/CTI?) waitethfor the 
manifestation of the sons of God, groaning and travailing 
in pain until now. 

3. Again, we are taught to recognise the working of 
Providence, not only in the outer world of nature, but 
also in the inner world of action ; while experience shews 
that the control of the general result is reconciled with 
individual freedom 1 . To this end the reality and depth 
of Prophecy is set before us in the records of Judaism, 
of which Christianity is in the highest sense the proof 
and fulfilment 2 . In the various events detailed in the 

1 The confirmation of this great 
doctrine by statistics is one of the 
most striking results of modern 
science. Cf. a Table from M. Que- 
tclet in Mrs Somerville's Physical 
Geography, n. pp. 383-4. 

' Le Vieux Testament est un 

chiffre.' Pascal, Pens&s, ii. 247; 
cf. pp. 242 ff. The Jews had a pro- 
verb : Vana lex donee venerit Mes- 
sias. Cf. Orig. de Princ. iv. 6, 
quoted in App. B. vi. What is need- 
ed to interpret this cipher is briefly 
expressed in the words of our Lord 


Old Testament Scriptures which were written for our 
learning the Jews became figures of us. The private 
fortunes of their monarchs, and the national revolutions 
of their race ; the general import of their history and the 
wider significance of their Prophecies, as well as the 
more explicit predictions; all receive their complete ac- 
complishment in the Messiah and His kingdom. It is 
then through the Evangelists that the Holy Spirit has 
afforded us a true insight into the inner meaning of the 
Prophets who were the historians of the elder dispensa- 
tion, as in the Epistles He has set forth the antitypes of 
the ancient Law. That is surely a meagre theology and 
unscholarlike criticism which finds nothing more than a 
fanciful adaptation in the Scriptures quoted in the open- 
ing chapter of St Matthew, and nothing deeper than an 
arbitrary variation in the different words by which each 
passage is introduced. On the contrary, it seems as if 
from verse to verse the full glory and wisdom of the past 
were being gradually disclosed to us, as we are directed 
to observe the types of the Messiah in the crises of per- 
sonal or national history; and then to acknowledge the 
fulness of the more distant Christian analogies in the 
outward fortunes of the Jews ; and lastly to accept the 
reality of the minuter deductions from their Prophetic 
teaching 1 . 

A personal historic type, Is. 
vii. 14. Immanuel (cf. Is. 
viii. i) Jesus. 
(/3) Matt. ii. 15, jjv &cet...iW 

Tr\rjpii)6rj rb prjOh. 
A national historic type, 
Hos. xi. i. Israel Mes- 
(7) Matt. ii. 17, r6re 

(Luke xxiv. 25) <3 avb-qroi nal 
Ty KapSia : the vovs and Sidvoia [cf. 
Eph. i. 1 8] were alike defective in 
those who failed to understand the 
Scriptures of the Old Testament. 
Compare also Rom. i. 21, e/xaTti6- 
6-rja-av ei> rots dia\oyiff(J.oi$ atrrwj', Kal 
IffKOTiffOr) 77 dativeros ainr&v Kapbia. 
Eph. iv. 17, 1 8, tv naraibTyTi roO 
vobs avr&v <TKOTLcr(j.voL ry diavola. 
1 (a) Matt. i. 22, TOVTO SXov yt- 

yovev tva irKypudri rb ptj- 


An analogy in Jewish his- 
tory, Jer. xxxi. (xxxviii.) 
15. The mother of Israel 



II. Thf Com- 
pleteness of 

But if we admit the Inspiration of Scripture as suffi- 
ciently proved by external and internal evidence, a 
difficulty still remains : for how, it may be asked, can it 
| be shewn that the collection of inspired writings forms a 
complete record of the Revelation which it commemo- 
rates ? There was a time when the Bible, which we re- 
gard as one volume and call by one name, existed only 
in its separate parts, till at length it gained its present 
form after long and anxious questionings. And though 
we believe that history bears clear witness to our Canon- 
ical books and to no others, still history, it may be said, 
cannot assure us that they contain all the points of 
divine truth which it is needful for us to know. What- 
ever is taught 'by Inspiration is authoritative; but how 
can we learn that all necessary elements of inspired 
teaching have been committed to writing ? At the first 
glance the several books appear to be disconnected and 
incidental. In many cases they were composed to meet 
the wants of a special crisis to instruct, to correct, 
to confirm, individuals or churches. There is nothing to 
shew that the Apostles if we regard only the New 
Testament entertained any design of delivering to 
future ages a full written account of the Christian faith, 
or a perfect system of Christian doctrine. On the con- 
trary, there is a marked difference in the points of sight 
from which they regard the Christian dispensation ; and 
they all seem in common to shrink from claiming for 


weeping for her children 
taken from her. 

(8) Matt. ii. 23, Karipicriaev... 
OTTWS ir\fjpudri rb faOtv 
5tA rCiv irpoQTjT&v. 
A deduction from prophetic 
language. Ps. xxii. 6; 
Is. liii. 3. 
It is vt-ry remarkable that the 

final conjunctions (IVa, STTWS) never 
occur with the optative of the New 
Testament, unless Eph. i. 17 may 
possibly be an exception. Is the 
explanation to be sought for in the 
fact that the truest instinct leads 
us to regard every issue as still 
working and waiting for a present 
accomplishment ? 


their own writings a rank co-ordinate with that of the 
Old Testament Scriptures. 

The slightest thought will shew that such inquiries 
will not admit of one peremptory answer, though the 
traditional view of Holy Scripture by which we regard 
the several books as necessarily connected renders us to 
a great extent insensible to many of the difficulties 
which they really involve. This traditional belief has 
indeed practically its proper use and reward ; but where 
investigation is possible, belief must be the goal and not 
the starting-point, the conclusion and not the premiss of 
our reasoning. 

But while we allow that the difficulties thus raised 
are real, they are still not singular or exceptional, but 
analogous to those common mysteries of our being 
which are rarely felt only because they are universal. 
The action of Providence in every case is lost in mys- 
tery. In one aspect most things in the life of an indivi- 
dual seem to be casual and unimportant ; and yet when 
we observe from time to time indications of a providen- 
tial plan in its general course, we practically admit that 
the same superintending power penetrates into those ap- 
parently trivial details which really mould the character 
of the whole. So again in the history of nations it is at 
first difficult to recognise how the feuds of party and the 
confusion of popular cries can form any part of a divine 
scheme for the government of the world ; and yet when 
we discover on a wide survey traces of such a controlling 
influence, we are forced to allow that it extends to com- 
mon things, and works by means which antecedently 
seem totally inadequate to the issue. Or to take yet 
another example : the vast and various convulsions 
which have broken up the surface of the earth, and 
covered it with scars and ruins, seem little like the mani- 



Their solu- 
tion to be 
sought for in 
the notion of 

history and 

festations of infinite wisdom ; and still when it is known 
that they were needed to fashion the fair diversity of 
woods and waters, and to bring within the reach of man 
the treasures stored up by fixed laws in the depths 
below, we acknowledge that Providence not only inspires 
the general law, but acts equally by those changes and 
outbreaks which, as far as the range of our observation 
extends, seem to interrupt its ordinary working. 

These examples of the action of Providence in the 
individual, in society, in nature, will illustrate the form 
in which we may expect it to be shewn in securing the 
completeness of the records of Revelation ; for in relation 
to Holy Scripture the belief in Providence is the neces- 
sary supplement to the belief in Inspiration. Arid if we 
find that GOD works concurrently with the exercise of 
man's free agency ; that He finds even in the weaknesses 
and imperfections of His creatures efficient service ; that 
the traces of a plan and purpose which are disclosed by 
a comprehensive view of His dealings suggest the exist- 
ence of order and completeness throughout, and recon- 
cile us to the presence of disturbing influences; we may 
reasonably expect to meet with similar phenomena in 
the relation of Providence to Scripture : so that it will be 
no fatal objection to the completeness of the Bible that 
it is composed of writings not only occasional and per- 
sonal but also beset with various conflicting difficulties, 
if it can be shewn that there are clear signs of a consist- 
ent historical recognition of this completeness, and also 
traces of a mutual dependence and general unity in the 
books themselves. 

For though is is true that history cannot prove di- 
rectly the completeness of the Scriptures, it can furnish 
strong presumptions that they are complete. The same 
divine messengers who committed to writing the original 



records of Revelation embodied their teaching in a visi- 
ble society. The Bible and the Church trace back their 
claims to the same source, and each can appeal to the 
other to bear witness to its permanent integrity. If then 
it appear, to take one example, that the earliest descrip- 
tion of the Christian body recognises exactly those ele- 
ments which are found in the Apostolic writings : if the 
Articles of Belief and the forms of worship are exactly 
those which are either suggested or prescribed in them : 
if Christians with a common consent appealed to the New 
Testament, as soon as its constituent books were collected 
into one volume, as an adequate and final source of 
Christian doctrine ; and if the same be true of the Old 
Testament in relation to the Church of the Old Cove- 
nant from age to age ; then no one who believes that the 
lessons of Providence are legibly written in the instinc- 
tive judgments of society will doubt that the Bible was 
intended to be that for which the Church has received it, 
a complete record of all that was of permanent import in 
successive revelations. That the proposed conditions are 
satisfied by the mutual relations of the Scriptures and the 
Church from age to age, history can shew most clearly. 
The indistinctness which hangs over isolated details 
commonly arises from the narrowness of the field of 
sight. On a wide view nothing can be mere striking 
than the independence and unity of the written Word 
and the organized Body. And this independence and 
unity offers the clearest proof of their individual sym- 
metry and completeness. 

Nor is this all : it is possible that some outward sym- 
metry may be found to exist in the mutual relations of 
the different fragments of which the Bible consists ; and 
the argument from design is proportionately more con- 
vincing as the elements in which the design is traced are 
W. G. C 

confirm the 
belief in the 
of Scripture; 




more numerous and naturally less connected. That this 
is so seems indeed to be indicated by the very form of 
the Bible. To take an illustration again from the New 
Testament : the obvious analogy between the quadri- 
form Gospel and the four classes of Epistles, the peculiar 
fitness of the Acts as a mediative element to connect 
them together doctrinally and historically, the lasting 
significance of the Apocalypse as a prophetic and typical 
\ view of the fortunes of the Church to the end of time 
create an impression of original unity among the com- 
ponent parts which thus produce a well-proportioned 
whole 1 . And if on a further examination of the books 
it appear that the different characters of their writers, 
the variety of styles in which they are composed, the 
manifold circumstances which called them forth, contri- 
bute in each case some distinctive feature to the image 
of truth which they combine to produce, is not the idea 
of completeness a natural consequence of a combination 
as marvellous as it is unexpected ? But the subtle or- 
ganization of Scripture, no less than that of nature, is 
only revealed to a watchful and attentive eye. A passing 
hint may arouse inquiry, but nothing less than a patient 
and candid study of the Bible can convey any notion of 

the intimate relations which exist between its several 


1 It may be worth while to set 
<lo\vn the correspondence here sug- 
gested : 

i. St Matthew. 

St James, St Jude (St Peter, 

i. St Mark. 
St Peter. 

3. St Luke. 

Epistles ofSt Paul (Hebrews}. 

4. St Jo/in. 
Epistles ofSt John. 

On a broader view we obtain an 
equally striking view of the com- 
pleteness of the New Testament : 

1. The Historical Foundation : 

Synoptic Gospels. St James, 
St Jude. 

Transition to the next class : 
Acts of the Apostles, i Pe- 

2. The Logical Construction : Epi- 

stles ofSt Paul. 
Transition to the next class: 
Ep. to the Ephesians. Ep. 
to the Hebrews. 

3. The Spiritual Completion : The 

Gospel and Epistles of St 



parts. Each fresh point of sight presents to the eye 
new harmonies of detail and form. On a full survey 
contrasts are successively exposed and subdued ; irregu- 
larities are found to belong to the general plan ; orna- 
ments gain a constructive importance ; and, as in some 
noble monument, each well-wrought fragment is seen to 
be stamped with the marks of independence and design. 
The circumstances under which each workman wrought, 
no less than the peculiarities of his work, prove his real 
independence ; and the manner in which every pecu- 
liarity contributes to the whole effect shews that all alike 
were obedient to the design of one great Architect. 

If it be still said that there are gaps and chasms in 
the Canon ; that the structure does not in all respects 
correspond to the plan ; that much appears unfinished 
and insecure : it may be enough to reply that there is 
at least a clear tendency towards unity in its different 
parts, not discernible at first, but growing ever clearer 
to those who look most closely into it ; and that such a 
tendency towards order and perfection is all that can as 
yet be found in the worlds of nature and man, though 
these are confessedly complete in design, as being the 
immediate works of GOD. The distinctness of this first 
revelation is obscured by the existence of evil in a thou- 
sand forms, which seems to contradict our notions of 
almighty power and love ; and it is likely that the same 
kind of difficulties should reappear, however GOD makes 
Himself known. If then we acknowledge in nature a 
perfection of plan, though we cannot make it out in all 
its details, and complete by faith the order which we see 
commenced at intervals ; it is reasonable to regard the 
completeness of Scripture in the same way, and to sub- 
mit patiently to the existence of uncertainties and diffi- 
culties in the Bible, which we find also in the only other 

C 2 


a tendency 
to symmetry 
and order is 
all that "we 
can yet see 
in the other 
works of 



The record 
of the same 
character as 
the original 

ill. The In- 

of Scripture. 

manifestations of GOD'S working with which we can 
compare it. They may indeed be necessarily introduced 
by the narrow range of our observation and experience, 
or be absolutely required for our probation and disci- 
pline. And though this mode of arguing may perhaps 
seem weak and inconclusive to those who have scarcely 
felt the difficulties which it is intended to meet, yet it 
may be remarked that we can have nothing to guide us 
but analogies and presumptions, ideas of fitness and 
order, gathered from the outward government of the 
world, when we endeavour to reason on GOD'S dealings 
with man. Nor can it be said again that such analogies 
only exist between the revelation in nature and the reve- 
lation to men ; for what is true of the original revelation 
is true also of the permanent record. The individual 
character, as has been already shewn, is an essential part 
of both as far as man is concerned. The finiteness and 
imperfection of human nature must everywhere be felt in 
Divine things ; and the supposition that a complete re- 
cord of revelation may be found in writings apparently 
casual and fragmentary introduces no difficulty which is 
not already found in another form in the primary con- 
ception of revelation, and in the first expression of its 
truths. In all alike GOD works through man according 
to the natural laws of thought and action ; and thus the 
One becomes manifold, and the whole can be contem- 
plated only in its component parts. 

From what has been said it follows that the personal 
conviction of the Inspiration and Completeness of Scrip- 
ture depends in a great measure upon the accurate study 
of the Sacred Writings themselves ; and thus it is im- 
portant to fix within certain limits the great principles 
by which they must be interpreted. Nor is this difficult 
in a general sense, however many difficulties may be 



involved in the application of the principles to every de- 
tail. Two great objects appear to be included in the 
work of the interpreter : the strict investigation of the 
simple meaning of the text, and the development of the 
religious teaching which lies beneath it. The first re- 
gards the form, and the second the spirit of Scripture. 
The one rests on the acknowledged permanence of the 
essential relations between thought and language ; the 
other on the Providential purpose which is seen to exist 
in the successive records of the Divine history of the 
world. The religious truth is conveyed through the 
medium of human conceptions ; and human conceptions 
are used for the expression of religious truth. The es- 
sence of Inspiration does not lie in the form alone or in 
the spirit alone, but in the combination of both. If the 
form be the result of direct Inspiration, it follows that 
Scripture contains a revelation of pure physical truth, 
which is contrary to experience ; if on the other hand the 
action of Inspiration be limited to the spiritual element, 
it follows that this must be separable from the form, 
which has been shewn to be impossible. 

At a time when extended criticism has proved that 
the very inflexions of words have a mental significance 
and answer to some peculiarity of race, it seems almost 
superfluous to remark that idioms of language are but 
the embodiments of national character : that an idiom is 
the starting-point, and not the end of inquiry. Yet long 
tradition has sanctioned the application of principles to 
Biblical criticism which are abandoned in all other sub- 
jects ; and it has been held to be a final answer in diffi- 
culties of expression in the Old and New Testaments 
that they are * Orientalisms.' If this be true, it is evident 
that the difficulty is only removed one step further back: 
why, it must be asked, was the Eastern phrase so turned ? 


The object of 
tion two- 

1. the lite- 
ral, and 

2. the spiri- 
tual sense. 

i. Literal 
tion based 
upon strict 
cal criti- 



The import- 
ance of accu- 
rate analy- 
sis of lan- 
guage in the 
ment, owing 
to the com- 
plexity of 
the dialect. 

Impurity of 
a dialect no 
for treating 
it uncriti- 

of what mental condition is it a symptom ? Surely we 
may believe that the Hebrew spirit still lives in the 
characteristics of the Hebrew language ; and if so, the 
close analysis of each Hebrew idiom will lay open some- 
thing of the inner workings of that mind through which 
the world was prepared for the kingdom of God. 

The theory of ' Orientalisms ' has exercised its most 
fatal influence on the interpretation of the New Testa- 
ment. The presence of a foreign colouring in the Greek 
writings of the Apostles is so striking, that we may be 
inclined to smile at the labours of the purists of the last 
century. But to one who looks beneath the surface this 
combination of Hebrew idiom with Greek words is a fact 
of the utmost significance. The Hebrews realized more 
vividly than any nation the present working of GOD in 
the world, and contemplated even nature from a theo- 
cratic standing-point. The Greeks again scrutinized 
with the nicest discrimination the powers of man and 
the objects of sense, and by a vocabulary of infinite ful- , 
ness perpetuated the knowledge which they gained. 
And what more fitting vehicle can we conceive for the 
enunciation of the highest truth than that Hebraizing 
Greek which unites all that was noblest in the forms of 
Hebrew thought with all that was richest in the stores of 
Greek expression ? 

But it is said that the Alexandrine Greek was a 
mixed and degenerate dialect, and that it therefore 
offers no sure ground for minute criticism. With equal 
reason the student of Euripides might complain of 
the arbitrary licence of Homer or Theocritus because 
they do not conform to the Attic standard ; and yet 
the most startling anomalies of the earliest and latest 
authors can be reduced to an arrangement in har- 
mony with the general principles of language. The 



transition from the Greek of Aristotle to that of St Paul 
is in fact less abrupt than might have been expected ; 
but even if it were as great as it is commonly supposed 
to be, the real state of the case would remain unchanged. 
The laws of syntax and the sense of words may be mo- 
dified in the lapse of time or by external influences ; but 
the great law by which words are the living exponents 
of thought remains unchanged, and the modifications are 
themselves necessarily subject to some law. It is rea- 
sonable to expect that the grammar of the New Testa- 
ment may not in every point coincide with the grammar 
of Homer or Herodotus or Xenophon. The style of St 
Paul or St John may differ as much from that of each of 
them as they differ severally from one another. But it 
is the work of the scholar to determine the specific 
character of the writer before him, and to explain in 
what way he has been led to diverge from the normal 
type of expression. And further : the laws which deter- 
mine the continuity of language are not broken by the 
infusion of foreign elements, as long as the language 
retains a living energy. The history of our own litera- 
ture proves that it is a mere assumption that a language 
loses even in precision by the incorporation of new forms 
and words. On the contrary, increased facility of ex- 
pression gives occasion for the fixing of minute differ- 
ences of conception which would otherwise be evanescent. 
And when the Apostolic writers use a Greek dialect 
variously modified by Eastern thought, they are not re- 
moved from the pale of strict criticism, but rather pre- 
sent a problem of unusual interest from the various 
relations of the elements which it combines. 

Nor can it be urged against this view that the Apo- 
stles were unlettered men, and consequently unlikely to 
speak with exactness ; for it is certain that the use of 


depends on 
and while it 
varies in 

survives the 
greatest re- 
volutions in 

And this is 
as true of 
rude dialects 
as of refined. 




The tend- 
ency of the 
disregard of 

i. Spiritual 
tion Based on 
the Literal 

Tkt tpiri- 
t Mai tense 
the primary 
tente of 

provincial dialects is no less strict than that of the purest 
idiom. The very power of language lies in the fact that 
it is the spontaneous expression of thought. Education 
may extend the range of knowledge, but experience is 
an adequate teacher of that which lies before us. Gali- 
laean fishermen were even naturally no less qualified 
than others to watch the processes of the spiritual life, 
and adapt to their own needs the words which the Sep- 
tuagint had already consecrated to a divine use. 

All intelligent interpretation of Scripture must then 
be based upon a strict analysis of its idioms and words. 
To suppose that words and cases are convertible, that 
tenses have no absolute meaning, that forms of expres- 
sion are accidental, is to abjure the fundamental princi- 
ples on which all intercourse between men is based. A 
disbelief in the exactness of language is the prelude to 
all philosophical scepticism. And it will probably be 
found that the tendency of mind which discredits the 
fullest teaching of words leads, however little we may see 
it, to the disparagement of all outward revelation. 

But when the interpreter of Scripture has availed 
himself of every help which historical criticism can fur- 
nish for the elucidation of the text when by the exact 
investigation of every word, the most diligent attention 
to every variation of tense and even of order, the clearest 
recollection of the associations of every phrase, he has 
obtained a sense of the whole, perfect in its finer shades 
and local colouring no less than in its general outline and 
effect his work is as yet only half done. The literal 
sense is but the source from which the spiritual sense is 
to be derived ; but exactly in proportion as a clear view 
is gained of all that is special in the immediate object 
and position of each writer, it will be found that the sim- 
ple record appears to be instinct with Divine life; for, as 


has been already noticed, the external circumstances and 
mental characteristics of the writer are not mere acci- 
dents ; but inasmuch as they influence his apprehension 
and expression of the truth, they become a part of his 
Divine message. And the typical speciality which 
springs from this is the condition at once of the use- 
fulness and of the universality of Scripture. 

The existence of an abiding spiritual sense under- 
lying the literal text of the Old Testament is sufficiently 
attested by the quotations in the New. Unless it be re- 
cognised, many of the interpretations of the Evangelists 
and Apostles must appear forced and arbitrary ; but if 
we assume that it exists, their usage appears to furnish 
an adequate clue to the investigation of its most intri- 
cate mazes. It must always be a difficult task to appre- 
ciate rightly the spiritual lessons of history, to detect the 
real analogy between past and present, to understand the 
fleeting symptoms of good and evil, to compare the 
several sides of truth and error; but the task is one 
which is ever assigned to men. Mere mechanical infalli- 
bility is but a poor substitute for a plenary Inspiration, 
which finds its expression in the right relation between 
partial human knowledge and absolute Divine truth. 
And if this view imposes upon the interpreter of Scrip- 
ture a work of endless labour, at least it clears from his 
way formidable difficulties which would otherwise beset 
him, and that not by any arbitrary division of the con- 
tents of the Bible, but in virtue of its essential character. 
The inspired truthfulness of the Prophet does not lie in 
the view which he takes of natural phenomena, but in 
the relation in which this partial conception stands to 
some spiritual lesson. It is a noble and glorious task to 
follow into their remotest results, and reduce to their 
simplest forms, the laws which govern the world in rela- 



tion to ourselves ; but this is not the work of the mes- 
senger of Revelation. It is enough that he should view 
nature as his contemporaries view it, while at the same 
time he adopts exactly so much of the popular belief as 
serves to illustrate and explain his message. The ' days' 
of creation, the ' windows of heaven/ the * stedfastness of 
the round world/ the ' hand of GOD/ and the like, are 
expressions which, while they are intelligible to the sim- 
plest minds, perpetuate at the same time great facts 
which the highest culture can scarcely realize. No part 
of human knowledge is absolute, except such as follows 
directly from the laws by which the mind of man is 
limited; and probably it will be found that elements of 
permanent truth lie hid in the various aspects of nature 
preserved in the Bible, as in the doctrines of the Apo- 
stles there are certainly traces of the anticipation of 
wants which after the course of ages have scarcely yet 
been fully realized. 

Meanwhile the Interpretation of Scripture no less 
than its true Completeness is being ever set forth in the 
history of the Church. The Christian is not even out- 
wardly left alone in the endeavour to master the mani- 
fold lessons of Revelation. The same Providence who 
guided the composition of the Bible has also furnished a 
Commentary on it in the fortunes of mankind. And it 
will easily be seen that there is a perfect analogy be- 
tween the Church and the Scriptures in their relation to 
the individual Christian. When united, they complete 
the circle of his external defences ; but if they be sepa- 
rated, he is led either into superstition or into doubt. 
Both contain and convey mediately the grace necessary 
for his support, and yet only so far as the Holy Spirit 
works with and through them. The outward form in 
each case brings the essence within the reach of man ; 



and places within our grasp that which is otherwise too 
subtle for our present senses. The enunciation and the 
embodiment of truth are adapted to our finite nature ; 
and it is alike unreasonable to say that we do not need 
a true Bible, and to maintain that a definite Christian 
society is unnecessary for the full unfolding of the spiri- 
tual life. 

Yet there are difficulties in detail which must be 
brought before the individual judgment. Carelessness, 
we allow, has given currency to false readings in the text 
of Scripture ; but the number and variety of the autho- 
rities which may be used to correct them is not only 
unequalled but unapproached in the range of ancient 
literature. The laws of criticism are absolute, and the 
Christian may confide with implicit reverence in their 
issues. Heresy again may draw its doctrine from the 
Bible ; but what does that shew except that Scripture 
has many sides which must be combined and harmo- 
nized, not severed and distorted according to the bent of 
our private will ? The laws of language, as those of cri- 
ticism, are absolute, and the Christian may trust in them 
as the certain outward expression of the deepest truths. 

Nor can the existence of these final and in part irre- 
soluble difficulties appear strange and unnatural. We 
have no reason to conclude from our knowledge of the 
whole character of GOD'S dealings that He might be 
expected to preserve ever inviolate what He has once 
given. The world which was at first good is now full of 
evil ; man who was at first blessed has fallen under the 
curse of sin ; and such contingencies seem to be involved 
necessarily in the idea of a finite existence. But a re- 
demption has been wrought for both ; and so too on the 
historical side of our religion an uncorrupted Bible lies 
before us if we patiently and candidly search for it, and 


Tfie province 
of criticism. 

hallowed by 
a spiritual 




The plan of 
tAe Essay. 

a true personal interpretation may be gained by sincere 
and faithful study. In both cases however the task is 
something more than a merely mechanical or intellectual 
process. Whoever has watched attentively the workings 
of his own mind will feel that in criticism and philology 
there is still room for the operation of that Spirit of GOD 
which is promised to the Christian scholar. Variations 
may exist on the one side, and ambiguities on the other, 
which disappear when brought before the scrutiny of the 
spiritual judgment. 

It will be my object in the following Essay to deter- 
mine in what way the principles thus indicated may be 
applied to the study of the Gospels to determine how 
far their origin and contents fall in with the general or- 
der of Providence, and suggest the presence of that deep 
and hidden wisdom in which we have found the charac- 
teristic of Inspiration to lie. And if it can be shewn that 
the Gospels sum up in the record of the Incarnation all 
that was evolved of spiritual import in the long disci- 
pline from the Captivity to the Advent ; if it can be 
shewn that the time at which they were written was at 
once most suited to their publication and least likely to 
have given birth to them ; if it can be shewn that they 
grew up as it were spontaneously in the Church without 
effort and without design, and yet have a distinct rela- 
tion in their four-fold diversity to the past and future 
wants of the Church ; if it can be shewn that under the 
difference of letter there lies a perfect unity of spirit- 
that there is a special tendency and plan in the writing 
of each Evangelist, arising out of the position which he 
held in the Catholic Church that the varieties of detail 
and the succession of incidents converge to one common 
point and conduce to one common end ; if it can be 
shewn that in particular parts the teaching of the dif- 



ferent Gospels may be combined into a whole of marvel- 
lous symmetry and completeness ; then indeed the resi- 
duum of difficulties and alleged discrepancies will seem 
of little weight. We shall see a noble view opened of the 
relation of the Gospel to the former and future history of 
the world, and of the Gospels to the Gospel itself. We 
shall feel that deep sense of the continual presence of 
the divine influence, and that firm conviction of the un- 
erring truthfulness of the Sacred writers, which can only 
be gained by a comprehensive view of the complete 
subordination of every part of Scripture to the training 
of man and the realization of his hopes. We shall then 
find nothing superfluous in the repetitions of the Gospels, 
and nothing inconsistent in their variety, any more than 
in the fresh groupings and different prospects of some 
earthly scene. We shall understand with the great mas- 
ter of Alexandria that ' every word if only it be rightly 
viewed effects a special purpose;' for Revelation is not a 
vain thing for us ; it is our life. 



The Preparation for the Gospel. 

<TtTOJ Iv 

TJ yrj Ka.piro(popd irp&rov ^prov elrev 
S. MARCVS, iv. 8. 

, efrej/ 

Chap. i. 

Tlie truf 
idta of 

THE Bible is the oldest and truest vindication of the 
dignity of History. When the Jewish Church 
numbered the ancient records of their state among the 
works of the Prophets, they acknowledged that insight 
and foresight are only varieties of the same faculty, dif- 
fering in their objects and not in their essence. The 
present, if we could read it rightly, contains the past and 
future, though that which is real and abiding is enve- 
loped in a mass of confused details, so that it is visible 
only to the eye of the true seer. This follows indeed 
from the nature of the case ; for truth in itself is abso- 
lutely one. But though it is one in itself it can only be 
manifested partially ; and human history in the highest 
sense is the record of its successive manifestations in the 
life of men and man. In this respect History may be 
likened to the gradual unveiling of some godlike figure. 
The imagination of the inspired artist can divine its per- 
fect form from the contemplation of the first fragment, 
but to the common sight it passes slowly from stage to 
stage to the fulness of its finished beauty. Each part 
however which is revealed remains open for ever. His- 



tory is not only progressive in its course, but also pro- 
gressive in the form of its teaching. All its records are 
held together by a real harmony and are instinct with 
one design. Each fresh convulsion leaves the earth 
further advanced towards its final purpose, though for 
the time it is covered with ruins. And in this sense His- 
tory is a nobler Biography, the tale of a nobler life than 
man's ; for even though at present we can but see it 
dimly, there appears to be a common life not only in 
nations but in the world, if at least the best conception 
of life which we can form is that of activity combined 
with organization, the permanence of the whole recon- 
ciled with the change of the parts, a power of assimila- 
tion and a power of progress. 

Any real appreciation of Christianity in its world- 
wide relations must rest upon some such view of History 
as this. Christianity cannot be separated from the past 
any more than from the future. If we may venture so 
to speak, it was not an accident or an after-thought, but 
foreknown before the foundation of the world. The In- 
carnation as it is seen now is the central point of all His- 
tory. And more than this, if we regard the great issues 
of life, all past history as far as it has any permanent 
significance appears to be the preparation for that great 
mystery, and all subsequent history the gradual appro- 
priation of its results. Isolated efforts were made in 
ancient times to anticipate the truth for which men were 
waiting ; and opposing powers sought to check its in- 
fluence when it was set forth in the life of Christ ; but 
premature development and open antagonism served in 
the end only to display the supremacy and consolidate 
the power of Revelation. The Gospel was no sudden or 
solitary message. The legend of Pallas is the very con- 
verse of the Nativity. Christianity is in one sense as 


Chap. i. 

thf record of 
the Gospel Is 
with the re- 
sults of a 
:i >iirld-Tvide 

The outlines 
i]f this train- 
in K partly 
in tlie Old 
Testament ; 

ancient as the Creation, resting on a foundation wide as 
the world and old as time. Step by step the ground- 
work of the Church was laid in the silent depths, and at 
last, when all was now ready, it rose above the earth, 
that all men might consciously combine to rear the spiri- 
tual temple of the living GOD. 

What is true of the subject of the Gospel is true in a 
less complete degree of the record. The writings of the 
New Testament are not a separate and exceptional 
growth, but the ripe fruit of minds which had been ma- 
tured through long ages of various fortunes and manifold 
influences. The very language in which they are written 
is in some sense an epitome of ancient history. For it 
was the will of Providence that the people whom He 
destined to become the special depository of His revela- 
tions should not only develope their individual character, 
but also by contact with Egypt, Persia, Greece, and 
Rome, assimilate the foreign elements necessary to the 
perfection of their work. The history of the Jews thus 
becomes as it were the key to the history of the world ; 
and, by regarding the various stages through which it 
passed, it is possible to distinguish the various consti- 
tuents which combined to form the character of the 
Apostles and to prepare men for their teaching. 

It follows as a necessary consequence that the Old 
Testament is itself the divine introduction to the New. 
In the records of the religious life of the Jews, in the set- 
tling of worship and the widening of hope, it is possible 
to see the foreshadowings of Apostolic doctrine, while the 
vicissitudes of their national history exhibit most clearly 
the growing purposes of GOD. A kingdom was reared on 
the ruins of the theocracy. A hierarchy succeeded to 
the place of the vanquished kingdom. When the Law 
of Moses had lost its power under the complicated forces 


partly to be 
sought in the 
history of 
the Jew's, 
ivhich is 
"with impor- 
tant issues 
owing botlt 

of advancing civilization, it was quickened 
life by the zeal of the Prophets; and the 
Priests and Scribes in after time formulized 
Prophets had taught, that a conquered and tributary 
people might yet find a definite support for their ancient 

But the records of the Old Testament deal only with 
the central periods of the history of Israel, the times of 
direct spiritual instruction, of the Law and the Prophets; 
and the last period of preparation which followed the 
Captivity, like the first preparation in Egypt, is too often 
regarded as a blank. Yet it is in this especially that we 
must trace the growth of that spirit which fixed the 
limits of Judaism and prepared the way for the advance 
of Christianity. Even in the absence of a continuous 
literature the progress of the people is marked clearly 
by definite events, fruitful in lessons on the course of 
national life. 

The mission of Ezra, ' the second Moses ' as he was 
called, like that of the first, was followed by a period of 
silence. It was needful that the law which was written 
on tables should be realized in life. Meanwhile Persia, 
no less than Egypt, had a work to accomplish for Israel; 
and till this was done the wisdom of the East was not 
yet exhausted. Afterwards this work of later training 
and preparation which was begun by Persia was trans- 
mitted in due time to Greece and Rome ; and the Jew 
gained suppleness and strength from a Literature and 
from an Empire of equal breadth with his own faith. 
His faith also was tried by the most varied alternations 
of fortune. At one time a line of native heroes gave 
unity and independence to a subject race: at another 
a foreign despot attempted to found a wide dominion 
upon the basis of the ancient creed. Hope followed 
W. G. D 

its outward 


its imvard 
during the 
Persian and 

( ) rerinn 

hope ; and the last form of Jewish nationality was shaped 
under the heavy pressure of critical vicissitudes. The 
rivalry of the Samaritans, the rise of the Hellenistic 
Church, the tyranny of the Syrian kings, the fall of the 
Maccabsean dynasty, the subjection of Palestine to an 
Idumsean dependent of Rome, disciplined the people for 
the coming of Messiah. 

And while the outward fortunes of the Jews after the 
Captivity were thus varied with progressive phases of 
one growing purpose, the changes in their inner life were 
not less remarkable. The century after Ezra was a time 
of silence, but it was also a time of activity. New facul- 
ties were called out by a new order of things. An age of 
reflection followed an age of Inspiration. The guidance 
of Prophets had followed the close of the Theocracy ; 
and in turn the Prophets were replaced by Doctors 
(Sopherint). Schools of learning methodized the study 
of the Law. The Scribe and the Lawyer succeeded to 
the authority of the Priest ; and, in the words of the 
Talmud, ' the crown of learning was nobler than that of 
'empire 1 .' The definite collection of Holy Scriptures 
marked indeed formally as well as practically the cessa- 
tion of the immediate teaching of the Spirit. The Canon 
regarded as a whole demanded interpretation, and de- 
fined the range of learning. Vernacular paraphrases of 
the Sacred Writings satisfied the wants of the congrega- 
tion, and deeper investigations into their meaning occu- 
pied the place of philosophy. The conquest of the East 
by Alexander interrupted the course of this national de- 
velopment, and introduced a new element into Jewish 
life. The Hebrew and the Hellenist stood side by side, 
at one time in strange combination, and again in angry 

1 Stcinschneider, Jiidische Litcratur, p. 359 (Ersch u. Gruber, Encykl. 


rivalry. It seemed as if a new Israel were rising on the 
banks of the Nile, not only trained in the wisdom of 
Egypt, but courting its favour. And even in Palestine 
there were clearer signs of the coming close of the Jewish 
dispensation than the existence of Sadducees or He- 
rodians. The unity of the nation was still symbolized in 
the Temple, but the Synagogue recognised the existence 
of its component parts. The people looked backward or 
forward for the manifestation of GOD'S Power, but for 
the moment they rested on the ordinary protection of 
His Providence. They were GOD'S heritage no less than 
before, but they were also numbered among the king- 
doms of the earth. 

It is in the great changes thus roughly sketched that 
we must look for the true connexion of the two Testa- 
ments. Unless they are taken into account the very 
language and form of the Apostolic writings must be un- 
intelligible ; for every page of the New Testament. bears 
witness to the depth and permanence of the effects which 
they produced. Nor is it unnatural to regard a period 
unmarked by any direct impress of divine interposition 
as cherishing in darkness germs of spiritual life to be 
quickened in due time. On the contrary, the great 
epochs of revelation are widely separated by ages, which 
serve at once for harvest and seed-time. Such were the 
intervals of silence before the call of Abraham, during 
the Egyptian captivity, and before the mission of Sa- 
muel; and it may not be a mere fancy if we discover 
some analogy between the period of natural development 
in the Jewish nation which preceded the birth of our 
Lord, and that period of natural and silent growth which 
ushered in His ministry. The inward conflict was com- 
pleted before the outward manifestation began. Even 
when the divine power was withdrawn from visible 

D 2 

Chap. i. 

The founda- 
tions of 
tlioitght and 
laid in these 

silently and 


Chap. i. 


Tins follows 
from a gene- 
ral snrvfy of 
the fffscts of 

operation, it was no less certainly engaged in bringing 
within its control new powers, and opening new fields 
for its future work. The end itself came only with the 
fulness of time. 

Slowly and almost imperceptibly this measure of 
time was filled. The interval between the Captivity and 
the birth of Christ was not only fertile in critical combi- 
nations of different elements, but ample space was given 
for each to work its full effect. For two centuries after 
the Captivity the Jews 1 grew up under the dominion of 
Persia ; for about a century and a half they were under 
Greek rulers ; for a century they enjoyed independence 
under the Hasmonaean princes ; and for more than half 
a century Rome was supreme through the government 
of her instruments. Or, if we include the Captivity, it 
may be said that for three hundred years the Spirit of 
the East was dominant in Judaea, to be followed for a 
like period by the Spirit of the West 2 . What then, to 
define more clearly the outline which has been already 
drawn, were the characteristic influences of these two 
great periods ? How can we best represent their effects 
upon the people of God* ? 

1 If the word had been current 
I should have preferred to say Jii- 
daans. In this way a threefold 
name would significantly mark a 
threefold history : the people of 
Israel Judaans Jews: the first 
name marking their providential, 
the second their local, the third their 
sectarian position. 

2 The division of the periods 
corresponds to that of the first two 
schools into which the Hebrew 
writers are divided. The age of the 
Sophcrhn began with Ezra and 
ended with Simon the Just. The 
age of the- Tanaim began after the 
death of Simon and extended to the 
close of the second century. 

3 For the history of the Jews 
during the Persian period Ewald is 
by far the most important authority 
( Geschichte Ezra's undder Heiligherr- 
schaft, Gottingen, 1852). The 
smaller work of Jost (Allgemeinc 
Geschichte, u. s. w. 1832) is a valu- 
able summary. Raphall's History of 
the Jews (\o(s,. i, 2, London, 1856) 
contains much useful matter, but in 
a very uncritical form. For the 
later period Jost's longer work is 
available. Herzfeld's Geschichte ties 
Volkes Israel, u. s. w. (Nordhausen, 
1855 7) is a valuable collection of 
materials and discussions, but not a 



The Captivity in Babylon, as has been already no- 
ticed, is in some respects analogous to that in Egypt in 
its relation to the history of the Jews. In both cases 
the Jews were brought into contact with a nation whose 
material power was scarcely greater than its intellectual 
culture. In both cases important changes were wrought 
in the organization of the people which clearly repre- 
sented the influence of their conquerors. But the two 
periods of exile were distinguished essentially in their 
character. The oppression in Egypt was manifested in 
the personal bondage of individuals : the Captivity in 
Babylon was the political subjection of the nation. In 
Egypt we can see a people trained to patient endurance 
and ready submission among masters whose idol was 
science and whose watchword was changelessness. In 
Babylon we can see the same people, exhausted by vain 
hopes, and lamenting a fallen kingdom, led to contem- 
plate the sublime truths of -a spiritual world among 
teachers whose perception of the antagonism of good 
and evil, even amidst the worst corruptions, seems to 
have been only less clear than that of their Persian con- 
querors. The Jews came up out of Egypt an entire 
people, bound together by common descent and common 
sufferings ; the voice of Sinai was still sounding in their 
ears when they approached the borders of Canaan ; the 
miracles of release were but a prelude to miracles of 
conquest. They returned from Babylon no longer as 
a separate nation, but as a colony to form the central 
point of a religious commonwealth : they returned to 
hear the last words of Prophecy from those who had 
guided their course, and to recognize in the writings of 
the past the abiding lessons of GOD : they returned as 
tributaries to a foreign power, and yet with a freedom for 
hierarchical development which hitherto had been denied 

Chap. i. 


as to 



(a) National 
The Jews by 
losing their 
gained a 
truer spiri- 
tual union 
nnd higher 

them. The revolution in their national hopes, in their 
spiritual position, in their social organization, was distinct 
and critical 1 . 

The return from Babylon was partial and not gene- 
ral. The people of Israel passed from Egypt one united 
tribe, to take possession of a promised kingdom, and to 
assert their national independence. From Persia only a 
small band of exiles came back to the home of their 
fathers, while the mass of their countrymen still lingered 
in the land of their captivity, and were content to retain 
their faith while they sacrificed their patriotism. Hence- 
' forth the Jews ceased to form one people in a political 
sense, though they had found a spiritual bond which 
could transcend all national differences. While they 
fought for different masters, and even met face to face in 
adverse lines', they could still serve one GOD with undi- 
vided worship. But however insignificant the returning 
exiles may have been in numbers and wealth, yet the 
return was necessary; and from being the centre of a 
kingdom Jerusalem became the centre of a creed. But 
the difference was most significant. The growth of a 
Church succeeded to the growth of a people, and the 
sympathies by which its members were united grew 
wider as the sources from which they rose became more 
truly spiritual. In losing their independence the Jews 
lost also something of the narrowness of their first views 2 . 
No longer needing the close limits of Canaan to shut 

1 Outwardly the annals of the 
Jews from the time of Nehemiah 
(B.C. 445) to the invasion of Alexan- 
ander (B.C. 332) are indeed brief. 
One event only is mentioned the 
murder of his brother by a high 
priest in the Temple: Joseph. Ant. 
xi. 7. i. But there are traces of 
oppression on one side and heroic 
endurance on the other : Hecat. ap. 

Joseph, c. Apion. I. 22. 

The chronological errors of the 
Rabbins in consequence of this 
silence of history, which introduce 
a difference of 240 years, are noted 
by Raphall, I. 33. 

2 It cannot however be deter- 
mined when the court of the Gen- 
tiles was added to the Temple : 
Ewald, IV. p. 197. 



1 Cf. Renan, Etudes, Uhistoiredu 
Peuple d* Israel, p. 121; a brilliant 
sketch of Jewish history from 

Ewald's point of view. 
2 Cf. Ewald, iv. p. 201 n. 

them off from foreign influences, they were prepared to 
maintain their faith in whatever land they visited. De- 
prived of their hereditary dominion, they were led to 
look forward to a more glorious period of power, when a 
Son of David should found an eternal and boundless 
kingdom. Under the presence of foreign rule they clung 
to the sure promises of their higher destiny ; and with 
higher hopes than they had ever realized before, a few 
poor exiles went forth to conquer the world 1 . 

When once the people was inspired with this new 
principle of life the Prophetic work was ended. It re- 
mained only to ponder over the teaching of the old Pro- 
phets, and to read their words in the light of a new faith. 
The promises were already given, and only a suspension 
of creative energy was needed that it might be possible 
to contemplate with steady and undiverted eye the trea- 
sures of the past. In this sense the Jews were stationary 
during the Persian period ; but stationary only so far as 
they entered on no new ground while they were busy in 
mastering every position in that which had been already 
occupied. And as if to prepare them for such a period 
of repose and silence the last words of Malachi pointed 
to no new Prophet, but to Elijah himself as the herald of 
the last and greatest crisis in their history. To some the 
very name of Malachi the Messenger 2 seemed to an- 
nounce a new epoch, and the later tradition which iden- 
tifies him with Ezra was only a bolder expression of the 
same idea. 

But when the personal work of the Prophet was 
finished, the need of the collective Prophetic teaching 
was deeper than ever ; and the warnings of ancient his- 

Chap. i. 

(|3) Spiritual 
position. As 
of this the 
work ceased, 

the Pro/the tic 
were collect- 


tory were then sought for most earnestly, when the 
records which contained them were to the mass of the 
people but sealed books. The generation which grew 
up in exile adopted the Aramaic dialect (Chaldee), 
which had been already introduced into Palestine by the 
Chaldaean invaders, and thenceforth Hebrew ceased to 
exist as the national language. But the want and the 
difficulty mutually relieved each other. The providen- 
tial change of language suggested a general limit within 
which the voice of Inspiration might be heard, as the fear- 
ful chastisements of the Captivity turned men's minds to 
the old Scriptures with a devotion before unknown 1 . 

1 The history of the Jewish 
Canon is necessarily obscure. The 
books of Moses appear to have been 
united under the title of the Law 
from a very early period (2 Kings 
xxii. 8; cf. Josh. xxiv. 26; i Sam. 
x. 25?); but though the later Pro- 
phets exhibit a familiar acquaint- 
ance with the works of their pre- 
decessors, there is no evidence to 
shew that the prophetic writings 
were either formed into a definite 
collection or connected with the Law 
before the exile. The earliest trace 
of such a collection of the Prophets 
if Dan. ix. 2 be excepted) occurs in 
Ecclesiasticus (xlviii. xlix.), where 
the writings of Isaiah, Jeremiah, 
and Ezechiel, are mentioned in detail, 
though it is probable that xlix. 10, 
in which 'the memorial of the twelve 
' Prophets' is blessed, is a later inter- 
polation. The book of Daniel seems 
thus not to have been reckoned 
among the Prophets at that time, 
though from the absence of authen- 
tic evidence it is impossible to mark 
the successive steps by which the pre- 
sent Canon was determined. Pre- 
scriptive usage, as in the case of 
the New Testament, is the clearest 
witness of its early history, till the 
persecution of Antiochus, like that 
of Diocletian, definitely separated 

the holy writings of the suffering 
Church from its remaining litera- 
ture. But the fact that the Hebrew 
book of Sirach was not admitted into 
the Palestinian Canon is a sufficient 
proof that the distinction existed 
practically long before; and it is 
generally allowed that the contents 
of the Law the Prophets and the 
Hagiographa were determined by 
'the Great Synagogue,' which ac- 
cording to a Jewish tradition first 
added the books of Proverbs, Canti- 
cles, and Ecclesiastes, to the last 
division. Zunz, Die Gottesdienstlichen 
Vortrdqe der Juden, p. 14, note b, 
Berlin,' 1832. Cf. Keil, 156 ff.; 
Fuerst, d. Kanon d. Altcn Test, 
nach d. Ucberlieferimgen in Taltmid 
u. Midrasch 1868; Geschichted. Bib- 
lischen Litcratur 1867-71. The 
famous tradition of the restoration 
of the lost books by Ezra is but 
an exaggerated version of the work 
of collection which really dates from 
him : 4 Ezra [2 Esdras] xiv. Iren. 
c. //;-. in. 21, (25) &c. See The 
Bible in the Church, App. A. 

The existence of the Great Syna- 
gogue itself has been called in ques- 
tion on insufficient grounds : cf. 
Jost, Gesch. I. p. 43850 ; Ewald, 
IV. p. 191 ; Taylor, Abofh t ^p. 124 ff.; 
and p. 58, n. 4. 



The cessation of Prophecy and the formation of the 
Canon were accompanied by other changes in the per- 
sonal life of the Jews not less important than these and 
closely connected with them. The Prophets had spoken 
of a New Covenant and of an inward worship of the heart 
with ever-increasing clearness. The position of the peo- 
ple helped them to accept the lesson. In exile, far from 
the sanctuary, they had learnt, as never before, the power 
of prayer 1 . The simple religion of Moses had become 
impossible ; and on the other hand contact with Persia, 
which stands out from all ancient nations in the simpli- 
city of a spiritual worship, naturally led them to realize 
the purity of their faith, and idolatry passed away for 
ever from among them. The removal of this peril opened 
the way to a further extension of their divine knowledge. 
The time was come when they could contemplate with- 
out peril the contending powers of an unseen world ; and 
the doctrine of spirits of good and evil took shape, not as 
a foreign accretion, but as a seasonable development of 
their first faith 2 . 

Outwardly however the great change in the Jewish 
nation after the return was the predominance of the hier- 
archical element in the state : but it was a hierarchy of 
education and not of caste. The records and the institu- 
tions of Judaism were regarded as the hallowing power, 
and not the class to whom the administration of them 
was committed. In the absence of direct Prophetic 
teaching public worship became the witness of GOD'S 
presence, and the requirements of the Law were ex- 
tended with scrupulous minuteness to the details of pri- 
vate life. Two important changes in ritual signalized 

1 Ewald, IV. p. 30 ; and on the re- 
moval of the ark, 'ib. p. 197 n. The 
Great Assembly introduced daily 

prayers : Zunz, a. a. O. p. 3 1. Ethe- 
ridge, Hebrew Literature, p. 93 ft. 
2 Cf. Ewald, IV. p. 207 f. 

Chap. i. 

religion as- 
sumed a 
more person- 
al character, 

the -view of 
the spiritual 
world was 

(y) Social or- 
The hierar- 
chical ele- 
ment pre- 
vailed _from 


Chap. i. 

Hie growing 
.1 to the 
J.a'iu and 

of the service 

the new order of things. The 'dispersion' was recog- 
nised by the creation of Synagogues 1 : the close of the 
Prophetic era by the stated reading of the Law 3 . From 
these necessary innovations other results flowed which 
exercised an important influence upon the character of 
the people. The anxious and excessive zeal which led 
men to limit and overlay the freedom of daily conduct 
by religious observances tended to invest a select body 
of teachers with almost absolute power. Thus the 
1 Scribes ' soon rose above the Priests, and with them tra- 
dition supplied the place of literature. The same result 
was further strengthened by the services of the Syna- 
gogue. The reading of the sacred text was necessarily 
attended by a vernacular paraphrase (Targuni}, oral in- 
deed, yet formed according to strict rules, and handed 
down in regular succession 3 . Thus schools of biblical 
learning grew up around the Synagogues, and the mem- 
bers of these passed naturally into the great council of 
the nation (a-vve&piov, ryepovaia) or into the provincial as- 
semblies which were framed upon the same model 4 . 

1 The exact date of the institu- 
tion of Synagogues cannot be detei> 
mined. Possibly Ps. Ixxiv. 8 may 
be a reference to them, and in that 
case their existence shortly after the 
Return would be established; and 
this is on many grounds the most 
reasonable belief. 

The importance of the institution 
as marking the new stage of tradi- 
tion is recognised in the use of the 
Synagogue (as opposed to Church} 
for the whole outward constitution ' 
of Judaism (Lutterbeck, Die Ncu- 
testamentlichen Lehrbcgriffc^ I. p. 1 59, 
Mainz, 1851). 

3 The traces of the public reading 
of the Law are as obscure as those 
of the existence of a primitive Canon. 
The custom was attributed in part 
to MDSOS, and having existed par- 

tially at least under the kings, was 
established on a firm basis by Ezra. 
Lessons from the Prophets were 
added in the time of the Maccabees; 
and at a much later period passages 
from the Hagiographa were intro- 
duced into special services of the Ba- 
bylonian Synagogue. Zunz, a. a. O. 
pp. 37. 

3 Zunz, a. a. O. pp. 7, 8. Cf. ch. 
H. r. ii. ft. 

4 The Sanhedrin probably existed 
from the time of the Return, and 
seems to have been formed on the 
model of the Mosaic council (Numb. 
xi. 16). During the Persian period 
the attention of its members would 
be naturally turned to internal af- 
fairs ; and Ewald's conjecture (iv. p. 
191) seems most just that the tradi- 
tions of 'the Great Assembly' really 



But the very zeal with which the people sought to 
fulfil the Law contained the germ of that noxious growth 
by which it was finally overpowered. For there was a 
dar,ker side to the prospects of the Jews, though their 
old perils were conquered. Not only was the integrity 
of their national character endangered, but they were 
exposed to the subtle temptation of substituting formu- 
las for life. Hence arose the necessary reactions of 
dogmatism and scepticism : hope strengthened into affir- 
mation, doubt descending to denial. Meanwhile the 
fresh joy of life was sinking under the pressure of super- 
stition ; and as the saddest symbol of the direction in 
which they were turning, the people of GOD shrank from 
naming Him who was their Strength 1 . 

The scanty remains of the literature 2 which may be 
referred to the Persian period reflect in fragmentary 
images the characteristic features which have been no- 
ticed in it. The latest writings which were received into 
the Hebrew Canon are rather results of the former 
teaching of the nation by the Law and the Prophets 
than new elements in its progress. They were essen- 
tially Holy Writings (djioypa^a, Kethuvivi) and not 
fundamental or constructive, the expression and not the 
spring of a divine life. In the books of Chronicles, Ezra, 

refer to the first Sanhedrin. The 
greater political activity of the coun- 
cil in the Grecian period is a suffi- 
cient cause for the adoption of the 
Greek title and the separation of the 
two councils. The earliest allusion to 
the Sanhedrin has been found in a 
fragment of Hecatoeus (Joseph, c. 
Apion. i. 22) referring to circa B.C. 
312 (Raphall, Hist, of Jews, I. p. 86, 
from Frankel's Monatsschrift, Nov. 
1851, p. 48). 

1 Wie der Volksname sich mit 
ieder der drei grossen Wendungen 
dieser Geschichte andert (Hebraer; 

Israel; Judaer) und jeder als kurzes 
Merkmal des ganzen Wesens der 
besondern Wendung gelten kann, 
ebenso und noch mehr der Name 
Gottes; aber nichts 1st bezeichnen- 
der als dass auf dem einfachen aber 
hocherhabenen Jahve der pracht- 
volle Jahve der Heere mit dem sehr 
frei gebrauchten Jahve, auf diesen 

endlich ein folgt. Ewald, iv. p. 


2 Though the remains of the 
literature are small, the wise man 
complains of the multitude of books : 
Eccles. xii. 12. 

Chap. i. 

The dangers 
of the period. 

The general 
impressed on 
the litera- 
ture, and 



and Nehemiah, it is possible to trace a special purpose 
in the prominence given to ritual observances. In 
Esther it might seem that we have a simply human nar- 
rative, were it not for that under-current of faith which 
refers all to the Providence of Him whose name is never 
mentioned. The later Psalms are a softened echo of the 
strains of David, and not new songs; hymns for the 
ordinary service of the Temple, and not deep searchings 
of the heart. In Ecclesiastes again the sublime ques- 
tionings of Job pass into rhetorical arguments, directed 
to calm the bitterness of outward suffering rather than to 
fathom the deep riddles of humanity 1 . 

The spirit of the period was rightly appreciated by 
those who ruled it, and finds its true expression in the 
three principles which are attributed to the men of the 
Great Assembly: 'Be discreet in judging: train up many 
'scholars: make a hedge around the Law 2 .' The diffi- 
culties of social and national life, the conflicting interests 
of ruler and subject, the anxious effort to realize in prac- 
tice the integrity of state and citizen when both were im- 
perilled by foreign supremacy, are attested by the first 
command, which could never have occupied such a place 
in a land of settled government and certain independence. 
The second command points to the true source of strength 
in an age of transition and conflict. The evils of doubt 
and dissension are best removed by the extended know- 

1 Ewald places the composition 
of Baruch and Tobit at the close of 
the Persian period (pp. 230, 233), 
but they seem to belong to a later 

2 Aboth, I. i. Cf. Ewald, iv. p. 
219. Raphall, Hist, of the Jews, I. p. 
118 ff., where a somewhat different 
explanation of the three commands 
is quoted from Frankel's Monats- 
schrift, vi. 

The Pirke Aboth has been pub- 
lished with a German translation 
and commentary by Dr A. Acller, 
Fiirth, 1851 (2 parts); by R. Young, 
Kclinb. 1852; and with very com- 
plete illustrations by C. Taylor, 
Camb. 1877. It is the most im- 
portant record of Jewish thought du- 
ring the whole period, and the short 
maxims which it contains when writ- 
ten out at full length become history. 



ledge of the principles embodied in the state. In pro- 
portion as the different classes of the Jewish people were 
instructed in the writings of Moses and the Prophets, 
priestly usurpation on the one hand and popular defec- 
tion on the other became impossible. The third com- 
mand alone contains the warning of the coming end. 
The fence was necessary, because the Law was not only 
fixed but dying. Religion already seemed capable of 
being defined by rule ; duty had ceased to be infinite. 
Stern uprightness, devotion to the law, scrupulous ri- 
tualism, all Springing from a heroic faith and tending 
to a lifeless superstition, such were the characteristics 
of the city which on the frontier of the East awaited 
with undaunted courage the approach of the conquering 
hosts of Alexander. 

Inwardly as well as outwardly the Jewish nation was 
at that time prepared to support the antagonism of 
Greece. The people had comprehended their relation to 
the world, and the bold expression of the national faith 
was the motto of the last teacher of the Great Assembly. 
Simon the Just said, 'The world (Olam) hangs on three 
'things: the Law, worship 1 , the practice of philanthro- 
4 pyV And it was by the strength of this faith that Jeru- 
salem stood unshaken when Tyre fell 3 . In addition to 
the lively consciousness of a spiritual mission yet to be 
fulfilled, the Jews found ready defences against the spe- 
cial dangers which were involved in Grecian rule. The 
belief in the absolute unity of GOD was so firm that the 
subtlest form of polytheistic worship could no longer 
endanger its integrity. The theocratic aspect of nature 

1 Avodah, i.e. service, worship, 
ivork. The old commentators agree in 
referring it here to the temple wor- 
ship of sacrifice. . 

2 Aboth, 2. Adler gives a gene- 
ral interpretation to the maxim. 

The world life in its fullest develop- 
ment rests on (i) Doctrine, that is 
spiritual religion; on (2) the Service 
of God, that is practical religion ; on 
(3) Love, as the spring of action. 
3 Ewald, iv. p. 250. 

Chap, i. 

ii. The GRE- 
The Jews 
were Pre- 
pared for 
the conflict 
itiith Greece. 



Chap. i. 

A Itxandria, 
the common 
ground, and 

a new centre 
of Judaisvt. 

was so universal that the refinements of pantheism could 
scarcely make their charms felt. Ritualism was so deep- 
ly inwrought into common life that the teaching of phi- 
losophy could at best only gain a hearing in the schools. 
The work of the Eastern world in training a chosen peo- 
ple was perfected ; and it was reserved for Greece to 
bring the bold teaching of reason and nature into con- 
tact with the rigid forms of truth which constituted the 
centre of the old Dispensation, as it remained for Rome 
in after time to present the image of a kingdom of the 
world, raised upon the foundation of civil law and social 
freedom, in significant contrast with that kingdom of GOD 
of which the children of the Prophets failed to recognise 
the extent and comprehensiveness. 

The introduction of this new element into Jewish life 
brings with it, in part at least, a change of scene. The 
storm of conquest and the vision of empire passed away, 
but the true work of Alexander was perpetuated in the 
city which he chose to bear his name ; and which re- 
mains after two thousand years the common portal of 
the East and West. Greek and Roman, Byzantine and 
Arab, ruled in turn, but Alexandria retained under every 
dynasty that catholic character which its founder sym- 
bolized by placing the temple of Isis side by side with 
the temples of the gods of Greece 1 . Alexander prepared 
a stage in which ample scope and opportunity were given 
for every combination of thought and feeling, and men 
were found to occupy it. The teaching of Philo, Origen, 
and Plotinus, was able to leave its individual impress on 
the three greatest forms of religious faith. 

A large colony of Jews formed a part of the original 
population of the new city ; and after more than a thou- 
sand years the descendants of PJiaraoJis bondmen re- 

1 Arrian, in. i. 


turned to the land of their bondage. A second time, 
according to the old conceit, Israel was preparing to 
spoil Egypt, now of her intellectual as before of her 
spiritual heritage, while the colony grew up in the enjoy- 
ment of perfect freedom under the continued influence of 
the Greek language and literature. For some time the 
mutual influence of the Churches of Jerusalem and 
Alexandria was intimate and powerful. Afterwards 
from political and social causes the separation grew 
wider, till the foundation of the temple at Leontopolis 
completed the schism. Yet even thus the ancient inter- 
course was not broken off. No beacon-fires announced 
in Egypt the due time of celebrating the new moons 1 as 
determined by the Sanhedrin, but still the great body of 
the Alexandrine Jews paid the tribute to the Temple. 
Jerusalem was still regarded as their mother-city 2 ; and 
when the famous synagogue at Alexandria was destroyed 
in the reign of Trajan, it was said that 'the glory of 
< Israel was extinguished.' From this time Judaism 
acknowledged another centre ; and three great streams 
flowed from Alexandria, Babylon, and Jerusalem, which 
carried the name and faith of the GOD of Israel through 
Africa, Asia, and Europe. 

The return from Persia was in itself, as has been 
shewn already, the beginning and the preparation of a 
dispersion : the Greek invasion opened the way to its 
fulfilment, and Greek rule neutralized the evils by which 
it was attended. 

The* liberal policy of Alexander towards the Jews 
was imitated by his successors, and the progress of their 
dispersion was consequently accelerated 3 . Ptolemy is 

1 Cf. Mishna, Rosh Hashanah, u. 
p. 234. 

2 Philo, c. Place. 7, 

8 Cf. Ewald, pp. 267 ff.; Raphall, 
II. p. 64 ff., who quotes Frankel, 
Afonatsschrift, Dec. 1853. Merivale, 

si on at once 
Political and 


Chap. i. 


said to have placed Jewish soldiers in occupation of 
Egyptian and African strongholds, in addition to those 
whom he carried with him after his conquest of Jeru- 
salem ; and he introduced Jews into the colony of 
Cyrene. Seleucus Nicator about the same time admit- 
ted Jews to the full citizenship of the numerous towns 
which he founded throughout Asia Minor and Syria, 
and Antioch became the seat of an important Jewish 
settlement. At a later period Antiochus the Great 
transferred two thousand Jewish families from Babylon 
and Mesopotamia to secure the loyalty of the disturbed 
districts of Lydia and Phrygia. On the shores of the 
Caspian and in the highlands of Armenia the Jews in- 
creased in number and influence under the protection of 
the Parthian dynasty. From Egypt they penetrated in- 
to Abyssinia, and probably into Arabia ; and at last to 
anticipate one detail the work of dispersion was com- 
pleted when Pompey carried with him to Rome a train of 
Jewish captives. 

Meanwhile the influence of commerce was not less 
powerful than the constraint of policy in scattering the 
Jews wherever civilization had penetrated. The power 
of the Greek arms and the Greek language laid open 
new paths on every side, and Jews followed the con- 
querors not only as soldiers but as merchants. Energy 
characterized their efforts in the one case no less than 
fidelity in the other, and the wealth which rewarded 
their industry secured them independence and respect. 
But the tendency of this dispersion of commerce was 
more perilous than the dispersion of war. The forces 
which were sufficient to support the people in their first 

Romans under the Empire, in. p. authorities for the facts summarised 
361 ff. Dictionary of the Bible s.v. in this section are given. 
Dispersion of the Jews, where the 


conflict were weakened by sub-division. Everywhere 
they were mingled with the heathen population, and yet 
they were doubly isolated, for as their religion divided 
them from their fellow-citizens, so the ties of their com- 
mon nationality were weakened by foreign habits. The 
political divisions which followed the captivity were mul- 
tiplied a thousand fold, and Judaea itself was gradually 
yielding to the influence of Greece, when the precipitate 
fury of a persecutor finally concentrated the spirit of the 
people in absolute and heroic devotion to the law of 
Moses. The persecution of Antiochus averted the great 
outward peril by which the Jewish peoj^e were threat- 
ened from the West Sympathy was quickened through- 
out the whole body, and directed to one centre. The dis- 
persion was reconciled with a real unity when the Law 
was felt to supply the want of a fatherland. The lesson 
which was first taught at the Return was completed; 
and the Church finally assumed the place of the nation. 
The independence, not only national but individual, 
which was in the end the result of the Greek conquest, 
deeply affected the whole internal condition of Palestine. 
The Law became the vital centre of a widespread 
Church, but the Church itself was no longer absolutely 
one. Distinct sects were formed when the example of 
Greece had prepared a new way to speculation ; and 
according to tradition terrible portents preceded the 
change. After the death of Simon the Just, it is said } 
the scape-goat no longer perished among the rocks, but 
escaped into the wilderness. The western light of the 
golden candlestick, which had always burned brightly, 
was now sometimes extinguished. The fire upon the 
altar languished. The blessing upon the shew-bread 
ceased 1 . Antigonus of Socho, the first among the Doc- 

1 Prideaux, Connexion, II. 2, from the Jems. Talm. 
W. G. E 


by fersecu' 
tion render- 
ed compati- 
ble ivith true 

The inter nil 
history cf 
r. The 'Jews 
in Palestine 
(a)The Greek 

The rise of 



tors who bears a. Greek name 1 , marks the beginning of 
this era, and tradition describes him as the first of the 
Tanaim. The motto in which his doctrine is summed 
up is as it were an epitome of the coming controversy, 
combining the antithetical principles which were after- 
wards dissevered. ' Be ye not as servants who serve 
' their Lord for the sake of a reward, but as servants who 
'serve their Lord without looking for a reward; and let 
' the fear of Heaven be upon you 2 .' The first clause 
offers a protest against the unworthy superstition of a 
ceremonial righteousness; the second reproves that proud 
confidence in self which follows on the first liberation 
from legal service. The two distinct truths which lay at 
the root of Pharisaism and Sadducadsm are recognised 
together, and each excludes the exaggeration of the 
other. The historical position assigned to Antigonus is 
in exact harmony with this teaching. He is said to have 
been the scholar of Simon the Just the last member of 
the great Synagogue, and the master of Sadoc and 
Boethusthe founders of Jewish rationalism 3 . The teacher 
now rises distinct from the Church. Hitherto there had 
been no schools of faith, no famous men ; but at length 
individual feeling found its peculiar expression no less in 
thought than in action. 

Sadducaeism was the first and boldest expression of 
the growing passion for freedom. But the type of free- 
dom was sought in Greece corrupted by luxury and 
scepticism and not in the Prophetic pictures of the spi- 
ritual Israel. After the first assertion of man's absolute 
independence, a doctrine which contained implicitly all 


1 Zunz, p. 36. 

Aboth, 3. This is said (Adler, 
p. 37) to be the first instance of the 
use of Heaven for God. 

8 The story (from ih&Aboth of R. 

Nathan)isgivenbyRaphall,i.p. 161. 
Socrates, it will be remembered, 
numbered both Antisthenes and 
Aristippus among his scholars. 


6 7 

the subsequent tenets of the school, the influence of the 
Sadducees on Judaism was purely negative. Their exist- 
ence was a protest against the sufficiency of the Phari- 
saic system ; but they offered nothing to replace it. 

While some sought freedom, others, as is always the 
case, strove to exclude the possibility of its operation. 
The rise of Sadducaeism was coincident with a reaction 
in favour of tradition. The Pharisees claimed to possess 
exclusively the full perfection of the Law ; and though 
the spirit by which the ancient writings were dictated 
passed away, the form in which they were cast still 
moulded the oral supplements 1 which were added to 
complete them. The Halaka and the Haggada the 
Rule and the Word represented in their general scope 
the Law and the Prophets; and the primary Midrash 
(Interpretation) united precept and exhortation at once 
with one another and with Holy Scripture 2 . But no 

Chap. i. 


1 The best authorities for early 
Hebrew literature are : Zunz's Got- 
tcsd. Vortr. d. Judcn, already quoted, 
which stands alone for critical accu- 
racy and completeness within its 
peculiar range : Steinschneider's ar- 
ticle Jiidische Literatur, in Ersch 
and Gruber's Encydopcedit (which 
has been revised and published in 
English by the author) : Etheridge's 
Hebrew Literature, London, 1856, 
a very unpretending and useful 
summary. Hirschfeld's Geist der 
'I almudischen Auslegung der Bibel, 
Berlin, 1840, is very diffuse and de- 
ficient in clearness. Cf. note at the 
end of this Chapter. 

2 As these words are of frequent 
occurrence, it may be well to trace 
their meaning once for all. 

(i) The general word for Biblical 
interpretation in its widest sense 
(cf. Aben Ezra ap. Buxtf. s. v.) is 
Midrash (fr. darash, to investigate 
and interpret}. Hence also an ex- 
position or allegorical interpreta- 

tion is called Darush (the result 
of inquiry] ; the teacher generally 
Doresh, Darshan (interpreter}; and 
the school baith hammidrash. The 
word occurs in 2 Chron. xiii. 22; 
xxiv. 27. Gesenius gives to rub as 
the radical meaning of the verb: cf. 
Ges. Thes. s. v. 

(2) The practical precept is Halaka, 
a step, a rule, from halak, to go, 
hence to spend one's life, to live. 
The comparison of derek (via, vita, 
cultus} shews clearly how a step 
would naturally express a detached 
principle of life. The cognate form 
halikah (found only in pi.) occurs 
trop. in Prov. xxxi. 27. 

(3) The narrative, extending from 
the legend to the homily, is Hag- 
gada, Aggada, from Nagad, Hiph. 
Higgid, to tell, relate. 

Hirschfeld (Der Geist der Tal- 
mud. Auslcgiing, p. 13) gives a 
different and I think an erro- 
neous explanation of the words : 
halakah, iteratio^ von halak, das 




Chap. i. 

The influ- 
ence f>J tra- 

claim was made to original divine legislation. It was 
said that an oral Law had been given on Sinai, and that 
this which had been handed down in due succession from 
tho time of Moses, when explained by the sayings of the 
great teachers, constituted the necessary supplement to 
the written Law, and completed a perfect code of life of 
equal and paramount authority in all its parts. It was 
the work of the Sopherim to collect, of the Tanaim to 
arrange the substance of this oral Law. Nor was this 
done hastily. The first formal classification of the con- 
tents of the Torah shebeal Peh the Law that is upon the 
Lip is attributed to Hillel ; and the six Orders (Seda- 
rim} which he distinguished formed the basis of the 
work of Akiva and Jehuda, when at length, at the end 
of the second century, the Mishna the repetition of the 
Law was committed to writing 1 . 

The popular influence of this secondary Law is every- 
where visible in the Gospels. It is absolutely authorita- 

Nachgehen, Folgen einer Vorschrift, 
Mithalten, und 'der Parthei sein.' 
Haggadah, dicta, sermones, von na- 
gad sprechen, erzahlen, meinen, 

1 The precepts of this oral Law, 
in allusion to their supposed source, 
were called halacoth le Mosheh me- 
Sinai (precepts of Moses from Sinai). 
This was the original kabbalah (tra- 
dition], a name applied to the writ- 
ings of the Prophets (Steinschn. ut 
supr. p. 361). For centuries this 
Law was preserved by memory or 
in secret rolls (megilloth sctkarini). 
At the end of the second century, 
when the consequences of the defeat 
of Barkokeba threatened the utter 
dismemberment of the Jewish na- 
tion, it was committed to writing 
by R. Jehuda (tipi A.C.), and be- 
ing embodied with other materials 
in six Sedarim (Orders) under the 
name of the Mishna (shanah), to 

doubly repeat; the word mishneh 
occurs for a copy [of the Law] in 
Deut. xvii. 18; Josh. viii. 32 has 
remained the central point of all 
later tradition. Round the Sedarim 
of the Mishna a complement of dis- 
cussions Gemara (gamar, to complete) 
was gradually formed, and the whole 
was completed at Babylon in 498 
A.D. The study of the Mishna and 
Gemara was properly called Talmud 
(study from lamad, he learnt], and 
this name was applied to the works 
themselves. A second Gemara (ex- 
tending to four of the six Orders) 
was formed in Palestine about the 
end of the fourth century ; and this 
in combination with a text of the 
Mishna, slightly differing from the 
Babylonian, forms the Jerusalem 
Talmud. On the Jewish interpreta- 
tion of Torah and Kabbalah see 
Taylor, Aboth, pp. 119 ff. 


6 9 

tive, and yet absolutely definite. The tradition of the 
Elders claims the obedience of the faithful ; and teaching 
with authority with independent power is contrasted 
with the teaching of the Scribes 1 ' But the recognition of 
such a code in itself marks a crisis of religious feeling. 
As long as the charter of faith is felt to consist in living 
principles capable of being clothed in ever-varying 
forms, no change can render it obsolete or inadequate. 
If however its terms are once fixed by some temporary 
interpretation, at the first revolution of thought or posi- 
tion it is found antiquated and insufficient, and that help 
is sought from tradition which really can be found only 
in the vitality of the original Law. To invoke tradition 
as an independent authority is to proclaim that the first 
Law is dead. 

Between the false freedom of the Sadducee and the 
ritualism of the Pharisee a third course lay open. The 
Essenes sought rest in a mystic asceticism which pro- 
mised freedom through the conquest of sense, and true 
worship in the substitution of the spiritual for the 
material 2 . Like similar reformers in every age they 
began by asserting the sovereignty of God to the ex- 
clusion of man's freedom 3 . Jews by race, they found 

1 R. Eliezer boasted that he had 
never said anything which he had 
not heard from his teacher. (Stein- 
schneider, a. a. O. p. 364.) 

a The relation in which the three 
parties stand to one another is a suf- 
ficient proof that it is unnecessary 
to seek the origin of the Essenes 
in any foreign society. The triple 
tendency ever exists in men, and in 
times of strong religious feeling 
will find an outward expression in 
each case partial and exaggerated, 
and approaching more or less 
closely to the corresponding de- 
velopments of other periods. The 

Palestinian origin of the Essenes is 
rightly asserted by Hilgenfeld, Die 
Jud. Apok. pp. 245 ff. Alexandrine 
and Pythagorean influences may 
have modified the details of the so- 
ciety in the course of time; but 
the resemblances of the Essenes, 
Therapeutae, and Neo-Pythago- 
reans are explicable on other 

The derivation of the name is 
uncertain. Many deduce it from 
asa, to heal. Hilgenfeld proposes 
Ifazin, ffoztm, seers, which is sup- 
ported by Suidas s. v. 

3 Joseph. Antiq. xm. 5. 9. 




Chap. i. 

The Phari- 
sees and 
Essfnes con- 
nected by an 
Tvhich ap- 
pears in 

their chief bond of union in mutual love as members of 
a society rather than citizens of a nation 1 . The institu- 
tion of celibacy and the community of goods reduced 
the relations of their domestic life to the simplest form ; 
but each detail assumed something of the solemnity of 
worship. Though ascetics they did not wholly fly from 
the business and society of men, but living in scattered 
communities they offered a public testimony to truth, 
justice, and purity 2 . At the same time, by varied 
fastings and lustrations and by the study of the sacred 
books 3 , they aspired towards a closer communion with 
the unseen world, and claimed to retain among them 
the gift of prophecy; and 'it is rarely,' Josephus adds, 
' that they are found to err in their predictions 4 .' 

The school of the Essenes, however different in its 
final shape from that of the Pharisees, yet sprang from 
the same causes. A feeling of distrust in life, a faithless 
unwillingness to tread in the old paths, a craving after 
the protection of a stern discipline, combined with a 
zeal prepared for any sacrifice, found satisfaction in the 
minuteness of an oral Law, or in the self-devotion of a 
religious rule 5 . 

1 Joseph. Bell. Jud. n. 8. 4. ([Hip- 
pol.] Philos. IX. 1 8 ff.) Cf. Antiq. 
xvin. 2; xv. 10. 4. Philo, Quod 
omnis probus liber, 12 f.; ApoL fr. 
ap. Euseb. Prep. Ev. vm. n; Plin. 
//.jV.iv.v. 17. The first passage con- 
tains the authority for what I have 
stated, unless a direct reference to 
some other source is added. 

tus fj-eToiKoucrt, om. TOV Tayfj-aros, is 
more favourable to the common 
rendering. Some Essenes even re- 
garded marriage as a dutv (Joseph. 
B. J. n. 8. 13). 


2 Hilgenfeld (a. a. O. p. 259 anm.) 
seems to give rightly the sense of 
Joseph. B. J. n. 8. 4: 'They have 
'not one city, but many dwell to- 
'gether in each [of their communi- 
'ties]' (as below tv tKaarr) iroXei TOU 
jr^aroj). The words thus become 
consistent with those of Philo and 
Pliny; but the reading in Hippoly- 

o.iro(f>6yiJ.a<rLV. The ra TUV ira\a.iwv ( 6) seem to have 
included more than the books of 
Scripture. (Cf. Hippol. ix. 22.) 
The Essenes had also private books: 
TO. TTjs atp&rews /3i/3Xia ( 7). 

4 He quotes three examples : An- 
tiq. xv. 10. 5 ; Bell. Jnd. I. 3. 5; n. 

7- 3- 

5 The Essenes ' reverenced the 
' Lawgiver next to God, ' and their 
observance of the Sabbath was most 


The book of Ecclesiasticus, the sole relic of the 
Palestinian literature during the Greek supremacy, is 
marked by the traces of this anxious legalism 1 . Life 
appears imprisoned in endless rules, and the teacher 
strives to restore its cheerfulness. Subjection and 
humility are among the chief virtues 2 . Knowledge is 
hidden in proverbs and confined in schools. To unriddle 
dark sayings is the duty of the wise man, though it be 
'a wearisome labour of the mind.' He who ' sees a man 
' of understanding will get betimes unto him, and wear 
' the steps of his door 3 .' The renown of the Scribe is of 
all the most brilliant and the most enduring 4 . Giving 
glory to the priest is coupled with shewing fear towards 
GOD 5 . 

The sayings of the later Doctors are still more 
impressed with the spirit of dependence. The stored 
mind of the teacher is the source of wisdom, and hope 
seems surest when it can be referred to old belief 6 . 
' Jose the son of Joezer of Zereda said : Let thine house 
' be the gathering-place of the wise. Dust thyself with 
' the dust of their feet ; and drink their words as a 
4 thirsty man.' ' Joshua the son of Perachja...said : Get 
* for thyself a teacher; win for thyself a companion...' 
' Abtalion said : Ye wise men be careful in your dis- 

scrupulous (Joseph. /. c.). They 
offered sacrifices (dvalas TTIT\OV<TI) 
also, but not at Jerusalem (Joseph. 
Antiq. XVIII. 2). Philo however 
says (p. 457 M.) Oepairevrai Oeov 
yeycvacriv ov coct KaraBvovTes... 

1 There cannot I think be any 
reasonable doubt that the translation 
was made c. 130 B.C. and that con- 
sequently the Hebrew original was 
written about 180 B.C. It seems 
probable that old materials were 
included in the original book, but I 
see nothing which may not be of 

purely Palestinian origin. Cf. Ewald, 
pp. 298 ff. Diet, of the Bible, s. v. 

2 Ecclus. iv. 7; viii. i, 8, 14; ix. 
13; xiii. 2. 

3 Ecclus. xiii. 26; vi. 36. 

4 Ecclus. xxxviii. 24; xxxix. n. 
With this compare the corresponding 
praise of the Law: xxiv. 23 29. 

6 Ecclus. vii. 29 31. At the 
same time the writer takes a wider 
view than usual of the extent of 
God's providence: xviii. 13. 

6 Aboth, 4, 6, ii. 


Chap. i. 

05) ThtHas- 
monann su- 

A new im- 
pulse given 
to thovght 
and writing. 

'course, lest ye be... cast into a place of bitter waters, 
'and the scholars who come after you drink of them 
'and die...' ' Hillel said: He who will make himself 
' a great name loses his name ; he who increases not 
' decreases ; he who learns not is worthy of death ; and 
'he who makes use of the Crown [of the Law for his 
'own ends] is lost 1 .' ' Shammai said : Make thy doctrine 
'sure. Speak little and do much...' 'Gamaliel said : 
' Make to thyself a teacher. Relinquish doubtful points ; 
' and give not tithes often according to conjecture [but 
' with strict accuracy].' 

For a time however the resuscitation of the national 
spirit supplied the loss of the ancient spirit of the 
Prophets. The Maccabaean struggles, which averted 
the danger of a general assimilation of the people to 
their Grecian rulers, at the same time gave real life to 
the study of Scripture, and called out new forms of 
thought and writing. Hitherto the Law had concen- 
trated upon itself the affection and hope of the Jews. 
Since the Return they had been content to find in this 
the pledge and foundation of their national stability, 
anticipating a future which should only confirm and 
complete the character of the present. But now again, 
in the heat of contest and under the immediate 
consciousness of divine help, they felt that the end 
could not be consummated in a mere 'judgment of the 
'heathen,' but fixed their eyes again upon the faded 
image of Messiah, and saw their fullest hope only 
through the strife and trials which should accompany 
His advent. In the moment of victory they knew that 
its issue was transient. The temporal glory of a con- 
queror was insufficient to satisfy the hopes of the 

1 Aboth, 13, according to the sion of Surenhusius cannot be cor- 
translation of Adler; the Latin ver- rect. 



nation, and Simon was appointed * governour and 
' high-priest for ever until there should arise a faithful 
' prophet 1 .' A corresponding change came over their 
literature. The last echo of the Prophets passed away 
in the book of Baruch, the writer of which, after con- 
fession and reproof, describes in the magnificent imagery 
of Isaiah the future triumphs of Jerusalem 2 . But now 
Revelation succeeded to the place of Prophecy. It 
seemed that the time was come when the veil might be 
raised from the counsels of GOD ; and the seer pointed 
to all things working together for the immediate and 
final crisis 3 . 

In addition to the 'Revelations' of Daniel 4 two 

1 i Mace. xiv. 41. 
ix. 27. Yet it is 

Cf. iy. 46; 
pot d 

(John i. 21). 

2 It is extremely difficult to de- 
termine the date of the Book of 
Baruch. Possibly it was written 
shortly before or after the war of 
liberation; but on some accounts I 
siiould prefer an earlier date. The 
first part (i. iii. 8) is evidently de- 
rived from a Hebrew original ; and 
the Greek translator of this part 
probably added the conclusion (iii. 
9 end). See Diet, of the Bible, s.v. 

3 A Revelation (aTro/cciXu^ts) with 
its specific purpose, its artificial 
plan, its symbolic imagery, its an- 
gelic ministrations, possessing at 
once the unity of a poem and the 
gorgeousness of a dream, is in itself 
the last step in the development of 
Prophecy. It is also the most at- 
tractive form in which hope can be 
offered to a people which has learnt 
to feel even in the deepest afflictions 
that they form the turning-point of 
the world's history. But Revelation 
differs from Prophecy not only in 
the details of composition, but also 
in the point from which it contem- 
plates the future, or rather the eter- 
nal. The Seer takes his stand in 

the future rather than in the pre- 
sent; and while the Prophet seizes 
on the prominent elements of good 
and evil which he sees around him 
as seeds of the great ' age to come,' 
the Seer is filled first with visions of 
'the last days,' and so passes from 
those to the trials of his time. In 
Prophecy the divine and human 
intuitive prescience and fragmentary 
utterance are interwoven in one 
marvellous web. In Revelation 
the two elements can be contem- 
plated separately, each in its most 
active vigour, distinct predictions 
and elaborate art. As a natural 
consequence, Revelation invites imi- 
tation as well by its artificiality as 
by its definiteness: its form is hu- 
man, and its subject-matter limited 
and uniform. And thus, while few 
have ventured to affect the style of 
the ancient Prophets, ' Apocalypses' 
have rarely been wanting to embody 
the popular belief of those enthu- 
siasts who in all ages antedate the 
final judgment of the world, and see 
in passing events nothing but cer- 
tain signs of its near approach. 

4 This is not the place to enter on 
the question of the date of the Book 
of Daniel in its present form ; but I 



Jewish Apocalypses still remain, the Book of Henoch 
and the so-called fourth Book of Esdras, which shew 
with singular clearness in what way the writings of 
Daniel served as the foundation for later dreams. Both 
exist only in translations, but have otherwise, as it 
appears, but few deviations from their original form. 
The former is evidently of Eastern and probably of 
Palestinian origin, while the latter with equal certainty 
may be ascribed to Egypt. Both contain numerous data 
which seem to point to the period of their composition, 
but at the same time these are so ambiguous as to have 
received the most various explanations. Without enter- 
ing into the details of the question, it appears most 
probable that the books were written at periods sepa- 
rated by about a century, Henoch during the later times 
of the Grseco-Syrian empire, and Esdras when the power 
of Rome was everywhere dominant in the East and 
Octavian undisputed master of the empire 1 . But 
however this may be, there can be no doubt that both 
Apocalypses represent purely Jewish notions ; and 
dealing with the problems which Christianity solved, 
at no long interval from the time when the great 
Answer was given, they yield in strange interest to few 
records of antiquity. Even in respect of style as well 
as of substance they repay careful study. The spirit of 
GOD'S ancient people is indeed no longer clothed in the 
utterance of divine Prophets, but it is not yet shrouded in 

may be allowed to remark that the 
canonicity of the book depends on 
the judgment of the Jewish Church, 
and not on the date of its compo- 
sition. If it can be demonstrated 
that it belongs to the Maccaboean 
era, it remains just as much as be- 
fore a part of Scripture, and a 
divine comment on history. See 
Diet, of the Bible, s. v. 

1 The general character of the 
book at first sight suggests a date 
shortly after the destruction of Jeru- 
salem, and this has been adopted by 
Gfrorer, Wieseler, and Bauer; but 
the description of the 'three heads' 
(c. n) appears to point to the times 
of the Triumvirates. Cf. Hilgenf. p. 




a dress of idle fables. There are symptoms of increasing 
degeneracy and faithlessness in the later book, but 
when Henoch and Esdras were written the words of 
Inspiration were still powerful to rein the fancy and 
shape the visions of seers, and the wildest imaginings 
which they contain make little approach to the trifling 
of the Talmudists 1 . 

At the same time that prophetic hopes reappeared 
under the form of Revelations, prophetic history gave 
rise to those striking narratives of individual life, Tobit 
and Judith, which present the popular ideal of virtue, 
courage, and patience. For these the book of Esther 
offered a Scriptural model, as that of Daniel for the 
Apocalypses, and Ecclesiastes for the books of Wisdom. 
Nor can it be unworthy of notice that the latest books 
in the Canon offer a complete parallel in theme and 
manner to the works which followed, while they are 
clearly distinguished from them even by outward marks 
of power and originality. As time advanced, imagina- 
tion supplied the place of vision, and fiction was substi- 
tuted for history. 

The book of Tobit is at once the oldest, the most 
natural, and the most beautiful, of the scenes of later 
Jewish life. The legalism of Jerusalem is softened 
down in the regions of the far East, and it would be 
impossible to find a more touching image of holiness 
and piety, according to the then current type, than that 
of the Israelite captives at Nineveh. The various ties 
of family relationship are hallowed by the presence of 
pure love. The righteousness of works appears in deeds 

1 Compare, for instance, the al- 
lusion to Leviathan and Behemoth 
in Henoch Ix. 7, with the well- 
known Talmudic legend. The fourth 
book of Esdras contains the legend 

in a transition state, vi. 4952. 

The Apocalypses of Henoch and 
Esdras will come under notice more 
particularly in the next chapter. 


Chap. i. 


i Maccabees. 

2 Maccabees. 

2. The Jews 

in J-.tyfit. 
1 he Septua- 

of affection and mercy rather than in forms of mere 
ritual. The power of private prayer is exalted by its 
manifold success. The belief in the eternal purposes of 
GOD is firm and constant ; and hope is proportionately 
clear and strong. The book of Judith is conceived in a 
far different strain. The ordinary relations of a house- 
hold are changed for the most terrible dangers of war : 
holiness in living for valour in daring. It was written 
apparently when a season of conflict was still impending, 
and the memory of deliverance still fresh. A woman, 
and she a widow, is able to overcome the captain of 
' the king of all the earth ' by the power of the GOD of 
her fathers. 'There is none that may gainsay her words' 
or her confidence ; and why should Israel tremble before 
Syria ? Faith can yet do what faith has done 1 . 

The first book of the Maccabees is the only Palesti- 
nian record of the heroic struggle which was inspired by 
such a hope, and is simple, natural, and accurate. The 
second book, of African origin, is more ambitious, and 
at times legendary ; but both are destitute of that 
Prophetic insight which elsewhere makes the chronicles 
of the Jews a commentary on the fulfilment of the 
divine counsels 2 . 

The relics of the ante-Christian literature of Palestine 
terminate 3 with the first book of Maccabees ; but mean- 
while the Jewish spirit in Egypt had not been inactive. 
The Greek Bible had preserved that real union with 
ancient Israel which the disuse of the Temple-service 

1 The numerous recensions in 
which the Books of Tobit and Ju- 
dith like those of Esther and Daniel 
exist is a sufficient proof of the 
wide popularity which they enjoyed. 
Cf. Fritzsche, Exeg. Handb. Einl. 
Tob. 3-8; Jud. 2 5. 

a In the article Maccabees in the 

Diet, of the Bible I have endeavoured 
to sketch the religious condition of 
the Jews at the time. 

3 The Book of Jtibilees perhaps 
may be added, cf. ch. n. i. i. 8. The 
Targums were rather the gradual 
embodiment of traditions than spon- 
taneous literary works. 



had threatened to destroy ; and from the first the 
growth of independence and thought was more rapid 
among the Jews of Alexandria than among those of 
Palestine. The city itself was not stamped with the 
impress of any distinct nationality, and controversy was 
inevitable in a place where every system found its 
representatives. But the Law and the Prophets still 
continued to guide the philosophy of the Dispersion ; 
and the Greek dress in which they were clothed pre- 
pared for after-times the means of expressing intelligibly 
the principles of Christianity. The history of the LXX. 
is obscure and perplexed 1 . This however at least is 
clear, that the Pentateuch was translated first, no long 
time after the first settlement of the Jews, and that the 
other books were added at various intervals before the 
middle of the second century B.C. 2 The character of 
the Alexandrine Church has not failed to influence the 
translation ; and in some respects it is rather an adap- 
tation than a reproduction of the original. Even in the 
Pentateuch the traces of a growing refinement are dis- 
cernible. The most remarkable anthropomorphic phrases 
are softened, and * the glory of the Lord ' is substituted 
for His personal presence. Some preparation at least is 
made for the distinction of the Creator from JEHOVAH; 
and the narrative of the creation is moulded according 

1 The work of Hody, De Bibli- 
orum Text. Orig., Oxon. 1705, is 
still the most important original in- 
vestigation of the LXX. Frankel 
( Vorstudienzu derLXX. Leips. 1841) 
deals well with details of language 
and orthography. Grinfield (Apology 
for the LXX. London, 1850) pleads 

for the authority of the translation. 

2 It is a coincidence too remark- 
able to be left unnoticed, that about 
the same time at which the transla- 

tion of the Pentateuch was com- 
pleted, Manetho, an Egyptian priest, 
published in Greek the first authen- 
tic account of the Egyptian history 
and religion based upon the original 
records. Once again Egypt and Is- 
rael came in conflict. The writings 
of Callimachus illustrative of Greek 
mythology, and of Aratus on natu- 
ral phenomena, belong to the same 
period. Cf. Carove, Vorhalle des 
Christcnthums, p. 176, Jena, 1851. 


fixed a theo- 
logical dia- 

chap. i. to the current conceptions of a primary ideal world and 
of the constitution of man's nature 1 . The variations in 
the Prophets are still more remarkable ; and it seems 
difficult to explain the omissions which occur, except by 
supposing that there was some intentional reserve in 
publishing the expected glories of Messiah 2 . 

But the LXX. performed a still greater work than 
that of extending a knowledge of Judaism to the heathen 
world: it wedded Greek language to Hebrew thought, 
the most exact form of expression with the most spiri- 
ual mode of conception. The intellectual vocabulary 
of the civilized world was claimed for religious use, and 
heology became a science. Active speculation followed 
as a necessary result. The gifts and promises of Reve- 
ation were compared with the faculties and wants of 
man. Traditional faith and new philosophy were ex- 
amined and combined with various success ; and the 
two events which mark the widest divergence of the 
Alexandrine from the Palestinian Jews belong to the 
same generation, and synchronize with the Maccabsean 
struggles. About the same time that the temple of 
Leontopolis was built, Aristobulus, a Jewish follower of 
Aristotle 3 , gave the first real impulse to that mystical 
and Hellenizing tendency which was afterwards supposed 
to characterize the synagogue and church of Alexandria. 
The two facts mutually explain one another ; for the 
growth of wider views of the purposes of the Law and a 
more spiritual perception of its precepts might seem to 


,/ Hellen- 


1 Cf. Gfrorer, a. a. O. II. ff. 8 ff.; 
Dahne, n. i ff. Frankel, p. 176 ff. 

2 Grinfield, p. 74, with reference 
to Isai. ix. 6. 

8 With regard to the development 
of Jewish thought at Alexandria, it 
is important to remember that the 
pursuit of philosophy was of late 

introduction in the city, and that 
the form first current was the Peri- 
patetic. Platonism was only a reac- 
tion against scepticism, which springs 
naturally from an exclusive study of 
the abstract or useful sciences. Cf. 
Matter, Hist, de fcole Alex. ill. p. 
153 ^ 



justify the abandonment of the literal Sion. The time 
was come, it was said, when there should be an altar to 
the Lor din the midst of 'the land of Egypt, as the Prophet 
had spoken ; and when Egypt should be blessed as God's 

The voice of Paganism itself was now boldly used to 
attest the supremacy of the faith of Israel. In his com- 
mentary on the books of Moses 2 Aristobulus introduced 
a long Orphic quotation, which must have been cast in a 
Jewish shape either by himself or by some one of his 
countrymen. The adaptation for it seems to have been 
an adaptation rather than a forgery was not without 
excuse, and found abundant parallels. Orpheus seemed 
to stand apart from the later forms of polytheism in the 
depths of a mysterious antiquity, and thus the reminis- 
cences of a patriarchal tradition could be attributed to 
him without unnatural violence. In like manner the 
Sibyl occupied an independent position in the religions 
of Greece and Rome. If Orpheus represented the 
recipient of a primaeval revelation, the Sibyl was an 
embodiment of the teaching of nature 3 . The writings 
of a Jewish or Chaldaic Sibyl contain probably the 
earliest fragments among the Sibylline verses ; and the 
very fact of their existence and currency is a proof of 

1 Isai. xix. 18, 19, 25. Joseph. 
Antiq. XHI. 3. Cf. Hieron. Comm. 
in Isai. V. /. c. 

2 B/3\ov$ ef^TjrtKas TOI Mbwtr&f 
vbfwv, Euseb. H. E. vii. 32. The 
fragments of Aristobulus are pre- 
served in Euseb. Prcep. Evang. vii. 
13, 14; VIII. (8), 9, 10; xni. 12. 
The passages quoted by Clement 
of Alexandria recur in Eusebius. 
The objections to the authenticity 
of the fragments are quite insuf- 
cient. Cf. Gfrrer, Philo, II. pp. 
71 ff.; Daehne, n. p. 73 ff.; Ewald, 

IV. p. 294 n. 

3 Oracula Sibyllina recensu it 

T. H. Friedlieb, Lipsioe, 1852. 

Cf. Hilgenfeld, Die Judische Apoka- 
lyptik, Jena, 1857, pp. 5390. The 
text however is still extremely cor- 
rupt. The second edition of the 
Sibylline Oracles by C. Alexandra 
(Paris, 1869) is the most convenient, 
and with the Excursus by the same 
author (Paris, 1856) gives an exhaus- 
tive review of the literature of the 



the growing sympathy between Jew and Greek. 'GOD,' 
it is said, 'dwells in all men, the test of truth in common 
'light 1 .' His people are no longer only^ ministers of 
His vengeance this office is reserved for the ' barbarian 
'rule' of Rome 2 but 'they shall be guides to all men 
' unto life 3 .' The corruptions of heathendom are traced 
to their first source in the confusion of tongues; and 
the triumphs of the true faith are pursued till it becomes 
the religion of the whole earth, till ' prophets are made 
' kings and judges of the world,' and a heavenly peace 
is restored to nature and man 4 . In this respect the 
Sibylline writings stand alone as an attempt to embrace 
all history, even in its details, in one great theocratic 
view, and to regard the kingdoms of the world as de- 
stined to form provinces in a future kingdom of GOD. 

The writings of Philo exhibit the maturity of Alex- 
andrine thought which was thus early directed to subtle 
allegory and wide hope. They bear few marks of 
originality or order, and must be regarded as the epitome 
and not the source of a system. Their characteristic is 
meditation and not thought : their source the accumu- 
lated treasures of the past, and not the opening of any new 
mine : their issue eclecticism, and not discovery. They 
may shew how far men had advanced, but they open no 
way for future progress. Filled with the most profound 
belief in the divinity of the Jewish Law, and not unin- 
structed in the philosophy of Greece, Philo endeavours 
to shew the real unity of both, or rather to find in Moses 
the true source of the teaching of Plato and Aristotle. 
The spiritual instinct which had softened down the 
anthropomorphic language of the Pentateuch in the 

1 Prol. 1 8. Cf. in. 262. 

2 m 638, 520. 
1 in. 195. 

4 III. 781; 367 ff.; 784 ft. Cf.pp. 
90 ff. 



LXX. translation led Philo to explain away the traces of 
it which still remained. The divine Logos, at once the 
Reason and the Word of GOD, is brought into close and 
manifold connection with the world, while JEHOVAH (TO 
ov, rarely 6 o>V) is farther withdrawn from it. With the 
fullest consciousness of the work which the Jews had to 
discharge as teachers of mankind, Philo saw no way in 
which the work could be accomplished but by the per- 
petuation of the ordinances of the 'Law. He felt that 
the details of ritual were more than symbols of abstract 
ideas, but he found no antitype to substitute in their 
place. And thus while his spiritualism retained the 
restrictions of the old faith, it removed it from the reach 
of the simple. So far from preaching a Gospel to the poor, 
it took away from them the outward pledge of it in 
which they trusted. Its tendency was to exalt know- 
ledge in place of action :< its home was in tne cells of the 
recluse, and not in the field or the market ; its truest 
disciples were visionary Therapeuta, and not Apostles 
charged with a Gospel for the world, debtors alike to Jeiv 
and Greek. 

The society of the Therapeutse 1 was indeed the 
practical corollary of Alexandrianism. The same tend- 
ency which had produced the society of the Essenes in 
Palestine found a new development on the borders of 
Lake Mceris. The discipline and occupation of these 
ascetics seemed to offer so clear an image of later 
monastic life that Eusebius claims them as Christians, 
and probably they furnished the model on which the first 
Egyptian communities were framed. They differed from 
the Essenes both in the object of their pursuit and in 
the austerity of their rule. The examination of the 
deeper symbolism of Scripture was a congenial employ- 

1 Philo, De Vita Contemplative^ throughout. 
W. G. -F 

Chap. i. 

The Thera- 



Chap. i. 

The Book of 

ment to those whose external position had long shut 
them out from the literal observance of the Law ; and 
the open corruption of the court of the Ptolemies natu- 
rally called out the antagonism of an excessive self- 
denial. The active work which formed an essential 
part of the system of the Essenes found no place in the 
cells of these Alexandrian devotees. For them the 
' whole day from sunrise to sunset was spent in mental 
' discipline ;' their one study was to investigate the inner 
meaning of their national philosophy contained in the 
' holy writings.' The use of hyssop to give flavour to 
the ordinary diet of bread and salt and water was re- 
garded as a delicate luxury. They sought only to 
appease the appetites and not to gratify them. But the 
satisfaction of bodily wants was often forgotten in the 
pursuit of wisdom; and at all times 'meat and drink' 
were held unworthy of the light. In one respect only 
they shared in common pleasures, when on their weekly 
vigil they recalled in sacred hymns and dances the great 
song of Moses and Miriam, adapting the rich resources 
of Grecian poetry and music to their divine themes. 

The Book of Wisdom is the noble expression of a 
mind which might have sought rest and joy in this 
meditative life ; nor need it be a matter of wonder if the 
clearest foreshadowing of some of the truths of Chris- 
tianity proceeded from such a source : if the attributes 
of the Divine Wisdom were gathered to something of a 
personal shape, and the workings of its powers extended 
to the whole world, by men who lived in the contempla- 
tion of God's dealings with mankind. Yet it is Wisdom, 
not the Word, and much less Messiah, which is exalted 
by the poet as ' the creative, preserving, guiding, power.' 
To the recluse far from the rude struggles of life from 
'the publicans and sinners' of a suffering world it might 


seem enough to paint the glories of Wisdom and gaze 
for ever on the picture, but Wisdom, cold and partial, 
could not be the truth for which creation was looking 1 . 

For this last growth of Judaism, if the fairest, was 
still premature and fruitless. In its essence it was the 
ideal of heathen religion and the negation of Christianity, 
because it raised the soul in isolation from the earth and 
excluded all regard to the outer work of life and redemp- 
tion. It was equally partial in its application and in its 
scope. It addressed only one part of man's nature, and 
one class of men. It suppressed the instincts of civil 
and domestic society, which Christianity ennobled: it 
perpetuated the barriers which Christianity removed : it 
abandoned the conflict which Christianity carries out to 
victory. Yet even thus the mystics of Egypt and 
Palestine maintained a practical belief in the necessity 
of a spiritual faith. Their own existence was a sign of 
* the last times/ but they could not interpret it. They 
witnessed that Judaism in its literal acceptation was 
insufficient to fulfil the desires of men ; but they could 
not proclaim, as did John the Baptist, the near approach 
of a coming kingdom. 

A retrospect of the manifold vicissitudes of the 
history thus briefly sketched will shew the rich variety 
of discipline by which the Jews had been moulded, and 
the work which they were fitted to perform in the Apo- 
stolic age. The spirit of the Law and the Prophets had 
been embodied in every great typical form. The several 
phases of partial and independent development were 
now completed. Judaism had existed in the face of the 
most varied nationalities, and had gained an elasticity 

1 The other side of the picture 
is given in the account of ' the 
righteous man' (c. ii. 10 ff.) The 
importance of this passage will be 

felt by comparing v. 13 (TTCUS Kvpiov) 
with Is. lii. 13 if., and Acts iii. 
13, 26; iv. 27, 30. 


8 4 


of shape without losing its distinctness of principle. But 
each concrete system which was substituted for the 
faithful anticipation of the Messianic times led in the 
end to disappointment and confusion, and the scattered 
exiles' were unable to spiritualize the nations among 
whom they sojourned. The hierarchy which seemed so 
full of life in the age of Ezra at last degenerated into a 
mere sect. The kingdom which had been thought to 
herald the final triumph of the nation ended i-n a foreign 
usurpation. The alliance with Greek philosophy had 
led on the one hand to an Epicurean indifference, on the 
other to an unpractical mysticism. But meanwhile the 
principles which lay at the basis of these partial efforts 
had gained a substantive existence, and were silently 
working in the whole people. The truths which had 
been felt once still lived even under the ruins of the 
systems which had been reared upon them. . Law, 
freedom 1 , thought, an intense national pride, and a world- 
wide' dispersion, a? past bright with the glories of a Divine 
Presence, a present lost in humiliation, a future crowded 
with pictures of certain triumphs, combined to fashion 
a people ready to receive and propagate a universal 
Gospel. A missionary nation was waiting to be charged 
with the heavenly commission, and a world was un- 
consciously prepared to welcome it. 

The influences which had moulded the Jewish people 
during the three centuries preceding the Christian era 
were not confined within that narrow circle. The age of 
Alexander was the culminating point of Greek thought 
as well as of Greek power. Afterwards the scholar oc- 
cupied the place of the poet, and a period of criticism 
followed a period of creation. Aristotle, Pyrrhon, and 
Epicurus, brought the last new elements into the system 
of ancient philosophy, and their successors combined, 


arranged, methodized, but opened no new ways of 
knowledge 1 . The same interval which matured the ful- 
ness of Jewish hope served for the development of the 
final issues of Greek wis.dom. And yet more than this : 
as the Jewish nationality was broken up fcy their wide 
dispersion, so the great {ides of Western conquest swept 
away gradually the barriers by which the world had 
been divided, and colonization followed in tke train of 
conquest. The citizen of Rome passed from province 
to province, and if he borrowed the Greek language it 
was to assert the Roman supremacy. As a necessary 
consequence the power of paganism everywhere gave 
way. If philosophy had undermined its theoretical basis, 
national intercourse had weakened its practical effects. 
The life of paganism lay in its speciality. Pagan belief 
was in each case the religious expression of some par- 
ticular region : the peculiarities of the creed were bound 
up with the character and history of its birthplace. Be- 
yond its native limits its true vitality ceased, and all 
that remained was a spasmodic action. At the time 
when the Jew had discovered in his faith a germ of 
universality unknown before the dispersion, other re- 
ligions were proved vain by their narrowness. The 
gods of Greece had faded away into dim shadows ; 
and Rome after she once left the borders of Italy 
had no true gods, but admitted to a comprehensive 
Pantheon the deities of each conquered race. Through- 
out the West the religion of the state and the religion 
of the citizen were divorced. Faith was dying, and 
yet the desire of faith was evident: the old temples 
were deserted, and the wildest mysteries found eager 

1 See the article Philosophy in is given a general survey of the de- 
the Diet, of the Bible, in which there velopment of Greek philosophy. 



Chap. i. 

tht catholic 
powers sur- 
vive : Greek 
and Roman 

And philo- 
sophy by 
man S pow- 
ers <i>id 
prepared the 
vnyfor their 

But if Greece and Rome alike failed to found a uni- 
versal religion, they shewed its possibility. Each in its 
turn had exerted a power capable of uniting all men by 
a moral influence. Greece had left a universal literature 
and language by seizing the general laws of beauty and 
thought. Rome had founded a universal empire by 
asserting with instinctive justice the great principles of 
right in her dependent provinces. The idea of a com- 
mon humanity transcending the differences of race and 
time was outwardly established by the help of thought 
and law 1 . 

For the universal powers of Greek language and 
Roman right were not all which heathendom laid at 
the foundation of Christianity. The great work of Greek 
philosophy had been to distinguish the various elements 
which were confused in the popular idea of religion, that 
they might be prepared for a harmonious combination. 
Theology, morality, law, worship have been so long and 
so clearly apprehended in their separate scopes, that it 
is often forgotten that they were once entangled in one 
complex notion. Step by step the great masters of 
antiquity advanced towards the truth which they divined. 
From the study of the universe they passed to the study 
of man, marking his varied relations, analysing his dis- 
tinct faculties, and asserting the manifold instincts by 
which he is impelled, even while it remained impossible 
to reconcile them. Partial truths obtained their boldest 
expression, freedom and fate, a life purely sensuous and 
a life purely intellectual, man's body enthroned and 
imprisoned, Epicurism and Stoicism : such was the 
final contrast which St Paul found at Athens, and which 
Christianity harmonized. 

1 Compare the marvellous descrip- definxif) quoted from Cicero b 
tion of the power of universal law Lactantius, . 
(quam M. Tullius pene divina voce Rep. ill. 22). 

b >' 
Lactantius, Instit. VI. 8 (Cic. de 


Even in their negative aspect the results of systems 
as varied as the elements of human nature were an im- 
portant preparation for the Gospel, and were in them- 
selves an exhaustive commentary on Natural Religion, 
defining the extent of its domain and the nature of its 
independence 1 . The central principle which should bind 
all men into one family and unite earth to heaven if 
heaven indeed existed had been sought in nature, in 
individual reason, in civil life, and all that magians, 
philosophers, statesmen, had found were fair shadows, 
noble and bright at first, but resolving themselves into 
terrible spectres. The religions of the East had sunk 
into degrading superstitions and strange sorceries. The 
speculations of Greece had been directed into countless 
channels all leading to blank scepticism. The organiza- 
tion of Rome was on the point of becoming the mere 
machinery of a military despotism. Everywhere idolatry 
had wrought out its fearful issues, and shameless wicked- 
ness had corrupted the streams of social life. 

Nor can it be urged with justice that this picture of 
the exhaustion of ancient life ceases to be true if we look 
beyond the limits of the Roman empire. The religions 
of India and Scandinavia contained no element capable 
of renovating a world; and though it is impossible to 
penetrate far into the darkness in which their beginnings 
are shrouded, they appear to have fostered forms of cor- 
ruption and barbarism more desolating than the paganism 
of the West. The Northmen were gathering strength 
for a contest yet distant: the masses of Eastern Asia 
were in some sense condemned by nature to slavery. 
In one case civilization was not yet possible, in the other 
it was essentially defective. And in estimating the 

1 Let any one, for instance, compare Arist. de Anima, in. 5 with 
i Cor. xv. 

Chap. i. 

But philo- 
sophy could 
not solve the 
problem it 

Nor was the 
case other- 
wise beyond 
the limits of 
the Roman 



Chap. i. 

A solution 
sought in the 
Roman Ktn- 
pire; but 

nature of an epoch it is sufficient to regard the great 
centres of civilization. The drama of history is ever 
enacted upon a narrow stage. Fresh characters enter 
and play their parts in due course, but till then they 
have no influence except through others. The world 
has its representative nations to whom its fortunes are 
entrusted, and who truly express its condition ; and in 
this sense the Roman empire at the beginning of the 
Christian era was no less really than popularly identical 
with the civilized world 1 . 

But in the midst of disappointment and exhaustion 
hope still lived. There was a vague presentiment abroad 
that a new period was drawing near; and the triumph of 
material power appeared to offer the blessings which 
Christianity realized. The birth of Augustus is said to 
have been accompanied by prodigies which declared him 
to be the future master of the earth, and old legends 
revived in his person 2 . Time seemed to fulfil the au- 
guries. The beginnings of the Empire gave promise of 
a government able to maintain the welfare of the world ; 
and the lull of general peace by which it was ushered in 
was welcomed as the inauguration of the new era. The 
nations were gathered into one, and a ruler such as the 
world had not seen claimed them as his inheritance. 
At such a time even outward unity might well seem to 
promise secure happiness. The state, which was always 
the real object of a Roman's devotion, had found a per- 
sonal embodiment ; and the people were willing to 
concede to the Emperor the divine titles which he 
claimed 3 . The stern image of Might was decorated with 

1 'H olmvfUni. et Deus noster sic fieri jubet' (Suet. 

8 Suet. Oct. c. 94. The whole Domit. c. 13). Cf. Tac. Ann. i. 10. 

chapter is very curious. Salvador, Hist, de la dom. Rom. J. 

3 The climax was reached by Do- 334 ff. 
mitian whose edicts ran, ' Dominus 


something of oriental splendour. The verses of the 
Sibyl had already passed from Alexandria to Rome; 
and in painting the future the legends of the Golden 
Age were combined with the prophetic expectations of 
the East. 

For it was in the East that hope rested. The strange 
traditions of India and China are well known; but in 
their present form they seem to have received something 
of a Christian colouring, though the Jews must have 
carried with them in their dispersion the great outlines 
of their national faith 1 . In Palestine these outlines had 
been filled up in times of spiritual trial. TJie Messianic 
promises had grown purer and clearer by the ordeal of 
persecution and suffering ; and the people which was of 
all the most despised cherished a belief which was 
noblest in the time of its distress. The Jew knew that 
a spiritual kingdom would come, of which the Roman 
empire w T as but a fairjt and partiaj image; and by certain 
signs he felt its near approach. His view might be 
imperfect or distorted, coloured by -the hope of material 
triumph or clouded by thoughts of vengeance, yet his 
eye was fixed heavenward, and he stood ready for the 
conflict. The spectacle is one of sublime interest ; and 
to understand the fulness of the Jewish faith it is neces- 
sary to go back once more ancl trace the outlines of the 
Messianic hope as it was gradually shaped through long 
ages of discipline, after the dispensation of the Prophets 
had closed. 

1 Cf. Hue's Christianity in China, I. p. n. Schlegel's Philosophy of 
History, p. 136 (Eng. Trans.). 


Chap. i. 


The following slight synopsis of Jewish literature will serve as a clue to 
much that will be said afterwards. [Alexandrine writers and works are 
distinguished by Italics.] 

3rd Cent. B.C. ANTIGONUS of Socho. 

The Pentateuch translated into Greek; the other books of 

the Old Testament at various times afterwards. 
Baruch i iii. 8. 
The Septungint completed. 

2nd Cent. B.C. ARISTOBULUS (fragments). 

Jesus the Son of Sirach (Ecclesiasticus); Sepher Ben Sira 

perhaps contains fragments of the original book. 
170 The Psalms of Solomon. (Greek: Fabr. Cod. Pseud. V.T. 

I. 914 ff.) 

150 Additions to Daniel and Esther. 
(?) Judith. 
(?) Baruch, the present recension. 

Jewish Sibylline Oracles. 
1 20 The Apocalypse of Henoch. ./Ethiop. Trans. 

Ecclesiasticus translated into Greek. 
(?) The Wisdom of Solomon. 
EZECHIEL (fragments). 
The elder PHILO. 
The Book of Jason on which 2 Mace, was based. 

ist Cent. B.C. i Maccabees (Greek Trans.). 
90 2 Maccabees. 

The Letter of Jeremiah. 
(?) 3 Ezra, translation and revision of the Hebrew book. 

4 Maccabees. 

4 Ezra (yEthiop. Ar. Lat. Trans.)- 
(?) Prayer of Manasses (cf. Fritzsche, Excg. Hand. p. 158). 

3 Maccabees (perhaps later). 




ist Cent. A.D. Targum of Onkelos on the Pentateuch (Zunz, p. 62). 

Targum of Jonathan Ben Uzziel on the Prophets (id. p. 62). 

PHILO (C. 20 B.C. 50 A.D.). 

The Book of Jubilees (^Ethiop. Trans.). 
JOSEPHUS (47 C. 100 A.D.). 

AKIVA (ti22 or 135). 

2nd Cent. A.D. xxxii. Middoth of R. Eliezer (Zunz, p. 86). 
Megillath Taanith (fragm., id. p. 127). 
SIMON Ben Jochai. 

JEHUDA Hannasi, or Hakkodesh, or Rabbi (tipo). 
Elements of the Books Jetzira and Zohar. 

3rd Cent. A.D. Mishna. 

Sifra debe Rab (on Leviticus : Rab + 243). 
Sifri debe Rab (on Numbers and Deuteronomy). 
Toseftas (addenda) of R. Chija and R. Hoschaja. 
Seder Olam (Zunz, p. 86). 

4th Cent. A.D. Mechilta (on part of Exodus, Zunz, p. 47). 
Sifri Sutta (fragm. on Numbers, id. p. 48). 
Malacath Hamashecan (id. p. 87). 
Bereshith Rabba (except the last five chapters, id. pp. 

174 ff-). 

Jerusalem Gemara (Talmud). 

5th Cent. A.D. Babylonian Gemara (Talmud). 



The Jewish Doctrine of Messiah. 

eovroTs vfuv 

i S. PETER i. 12. 

Chap. ii. 

T/u Biblical 
doctrine of 
Messiah in 

THE book of Genesis connects the promise of Re- 
demption with the narrative of the Fall 1 . At 
each crisis in the providential history of the world this 

1 The various works on the growth 
and form of the Jewish doctrine of 
the Messiah, particularly after ,the 
close of the Prophetic era, seem to 
me to contain materials for a history 
of the doctrine rather than the his- 
tory itself. Schottgen (Hone He- 
braica: et Talmudic(Z,Dresd. 1733 
42) has accumulated a most valuable 
collection of Jewish traditions, but, 
to omit minor inconsistencies, he ex- 
hibits no critical perception whatever 
of the relative value of the author- 
ities which he quotes, and often 
seems to me to misinterpret the real 
tenor of their testimony. The wri- 
ters who have followed him have for 
the most part confirmed his errors. 
Nork (Rabbinische Quellen u. s. w. 
Leipzig, 1839), who has collected 
with fair accuracy the sum of He- 
brew tradition, is most offensive and 
unjust in the use which he makes 
of it. Gfrorer (Das Jahrhundert des 
Heils, Stuttg. 1838) has given the 
best general view of the subject, but 
he is not free from the great faults 
of Schottgen, which found their na- 
tural issue in Strauss' Leben Jesu. 
As a correction to these exaggerated 
pictures of the completeness of the 
Jewish doctrine of Messiah the re- 
I marksof Br. Bauer (KritikderEvang. 
Gesch. I. 391 ff. Leipzig, 1846) on 

the non-existence of any such clear 
doctrine, however exaggerated they 
may be on the ojther side, are wor- 
thy of consideration. Ebrard's an- 
swer (Kritik der Evang. Gesch. pp. 
651 ff. Erlangen, 1850) seems to me 
partial and inadequate. 

Bertholdt's Christolcgia Judao- 
rum (Erlangae, 1811) possesses no 
distinctive or critical value, and Bp. 
Blomfield unfortunately relied upon 
him in his Dissertation ttpon the tra- 
ditional knowledge of a promised Re- 
deemer (Cambr. 1819) for the state 
of Jewish belief in our Lord's time. 
Hengstenberg's Christology (Eng. 
Tr. Edinb. 1856, Vols. i. u.) is 
rather a collection of criticisms on 
the Messianic passages of the Old 
Testament than a connected view of 
the doctrine; and the same remark 
applies to Pye Smith's Scripture Doc- 
trine of Messiah, Lond. 1837. 

[To these books must be added 
Hilgenfeld's Messias Judceorum... 
Lips. 1869, which gives a collection 
of texts. Drummond, J. Jewish Mes- 
siah, London, 1877. The book of 
Vernes, Histoire des Idees Messia- 
niques, Paris, 1874, has no value. 
The Christus of A. Schumann sup- 

S'ies a convenient summary of the 
iblical teaching on the subject.] 



promise was brought within narrower limits, and illus- 
trated by fresh details. After the Flood one of the sons 
of Noah was especially connected with the future tri- 
umph of God 1 . Abraham was called, and the assurance 
was given to him that the blessing of the earth should 
spring from his seed. The fortunes of the twelve 
Patriarchs were prophetically foreshadowed, and the 
sceptre was assigned to Judah. But up to this point no 
personal frait of a Redeemer was given 2 . Hope was 
turned from mankind generally to a race, a nation, a 
tribe ; but in accordance with the simplicity of early 
faith it was> left otherwise vague and distant. 

The legislation of Moses contained the next revela- 
tion of c the great age to come/ and the first description 
of the Prophet by whom it should be inaugurated. The 
Law from the* first exhibited the image of a nobler Law ; 
and that which was permanent and essential' m the rela- 
tion which it established between God a'nd man was 
transferred to a future Lawgiver. At the same time the 
hope of the world was definitely centred in Palestine by 
the witness of a heathen seer. The promise of Moses 
was confirmed by the unwilling testimony of Balaam, 
who looked forward to the triumph of the Jewish race 
and the Jewish King,- and condemned himself; just as in 
after times Caiaphas admitted the necessity of Christ's 
sacrifice, and condemned his nation. 

The establishment of the kingdom gave occasion for 
a further enlargement of the conception of Messiah's 
person and work, and a narrower' limitation of the stock 
from which He was to spring. One family was selected 
from the chosen tribe ; and the * sceptre ' was now 

1 Gen. ix. 27. The rendering of naculis Scm. 

Onkelos, whatever may be thought * The doubtful term Shiloh (Gen. 

of its correctness, makes this more xlix. ro) cannot be urged against 

clear : Dilatet Deiis Japheth : et ha- this view. 
bitare facial gloriam suam in tabtr- 

Chap. ii. 

Mosaic, and 




The Apocry- 
phal books 
silent as to 

i Mace. xiv. 

reserved for the Son of David. The later period of 
the kingdom saw the gradual unfolding of the idea of 
the future king. Human tyranny served to place in 
clearer light the fulness of Messiah's love ; the idolatrous 
faithlessness of the people brought out the irresistible 
persuasiveness of His teaching ; the growing conscious- 
ness of sin witnessed to the efficiency of His priestly 

The Captivity completed the circle of the Messianic 
hopes, by turning the eyes of the people to the divine 
glory of the coming king, and the universal extent of 
His dominion. The Son of David was recognised under 
the wider title of the Son of Man ; and His kingdom 
appeared as the last and mightiest of the monarchies of 
the world. 

In this way the earliest hope of mankind was centred 
in a Person ; and the image of the future Saviour was 
drawn from the varied forms in which God made Him- 
self known in the history of the chosen people. The 
same discipline which shaped their character chastened 
and ennobled their hopes. The old hope gave birth to a 
new one, and yet survived the transformation, because it 
was true though partial ; and at the close of the Pro- 
phetic era three great Messianic types remained, the 
Mosaic, the Prophetic, the Apocalyptic representing in 
some degree the three periods of inspired teaching ; and 
according as these different types were adopted ex- 
clusively or variously combined, so the faith of later 
generations was dwarfed or enlarged. 

The Apocryphal books, as is well known, contain no 

reference to a personal Saviour. The first book of 

Maccabees records the decision of the Jews and the 

priests tJiat Simon be ruler and high priest for ever (et? 

I TOV alwva) till a faithful prophet arise ; but it seems 



doubtful whether there is any reference in these words 
to the great Prophet of whom Moses spoke, or to the 
forerunner of Messiah. The omission is probably due 
to the character of the books, and not to the absence of 
the hope which is clearly expressed in other contempo- 
rary writings. Similar writings in the Old Testament 
(e.g. Ezra, Nehemiah) contain no Messianic predictions ; 
and the book of Baruch, the only echo of the Prophets 
which remained in the Maccabean age, announces in 
ancient wor'ds the restoration and triumph of the chosen 
people 1 . / will cause them to return \saith the Lord\ to 
the land which I sware to their fathers, to A braham and 
to Isaac and to Jacob, and they shall be lords over it ; and 
I will multiply them, and they shall not be diminished ;... 
and I will no more move my people Israel from the land 
that I gaife them*. Take a good heart, O Jerusalem. He 
that named thee shall comfort thee. Wretched are they 
that afflicted thee and rejoiced over thy fall. Wretched are 
the cities to which thy children were in bondage. Wretched 
is the land that received thy sons. . .For fire shall come upon 
her from the Eternal for long days, and sJie shall be in- 
habited by evil spirits for the longer time. Look round to 
the East, O Jerusalem, and behold the joy which is coming 
to thee from God. Behold thy sons are coming whom thoii 
sentest forth : they are coming, gathered together from the 
East to the West by the word of the Holy One, rejoicing in 
the glory of God... For God shall shew thy brightness to 
every country under heaven... They went out from tJiee on 
foot, led by enemies, but God is leading them to thee lifted 
up on high with glory, as children of the kingdom*. The 

1 But the language used of the 2 ii. 34, 35- 

Law as eternal and life-giving (iv. i ) 3 iv. 30 ff. v. 3, 6, where the other 

and in an especial sense a revelation reading ws Opovov /SatnXeJas gives the 

of God's person (iii. 37 f.) is par- same general sense, but the meta- 

ticularly worthy of notice. phor is very harsh. 


Chap. ii. 

i. TJie Mes- 
sianic doc- 
in tlie Apo- 

(a) The 
160 140 B.C. 

same ideas recur in the book of Tobit. The God who 
scattered them shall gather His people together again, 
and bring them to their land. And they shall build His 
house, not such as was the former house, until the seasons 
of the age (tcaipol rov alwvos) be fulfilled^ ; and afterwards 
they shall return from the places of their captivity, and 
build Jerusalem glorioiisly* . . . Jerusalem shall be built 
with sapphire and emerald, and thy walls with precious 
stone, and her towers and battlements in pure gold ; and 
the streets of Jerusalem shall be paved with beryl and 
carbuncle and stone of Ophir*...And all nations shall turn 
truly to fear the Lord God, and bury their idols ; and all 
nations shall bless the Lord ; and His people shall confess 
God, and the Lord shall exalt His people ; and all who 
love tfie Lord God in truth and righteousness shall rejoice, 
doing mercy to our brethren 4 . 

But these wide anticipations of coming glory appear 
vague and incomplete when compared with the clear- 
drawn visions of that Apocalyptic literature 5 , in which 
we must next trace the progress of the Messianic faith. 

The earliest fragments of the Sibylline writings 6 
which belong ta the beginning of the Maccabean period 
complete the picture of the national triumph by the 
recognition of the great Conqueror 7 . When the need of 
man is sorest, and pestilence and war are spread over 
the world: when king seizes king, and nation ravages 
nation, and rulers fly, and the earth is changed, and a 
barbarian power desolates all Greece : when the earth is 

feld, a. a. O'. 53 ff. Gfrorer, Philo, 
u. s. w. n. 121 ff. 

7 The best general introductions 
to the Apocalyptic writings are by 
Liicke ( Versuch einer vollstandigen 
Einleitttng in die Offenbarung Jcs 
Johannes, 2te Aufl. Bonn, 1852) 
and Hilgenfeld (Die Jiidische Apoca- 
lyptik, Jena, 1857). 

1 Quoadusque repleatur tempus 
muledictionum. Vet. Lat. 

xiy. 5. 

xiii. 16, 17. 

xiv. 6, 7. 

Cf. p. 73. 

Lib. in. with the exception of 
w. i 96, 818 828, and one or two 
smaller interpolations. Cf. Hilgen- 



unsown and unploughed, covered with the unburied dead 1 : 
then it is said 2 ' God shall send from the sun a king who 
' shall cause every land to cease from evil war, slaying 
'some, and fulfilling a faithful covenant with others. 
'Nor shall He do all this by His own counsels, but 
' obeying the high decrees of the mighty God. Then 
' again the people of the mighty God shall be laden 
' with noble wealth, with gold and silver and with array 
' of purple ; and the earth shall bring forth to perfection, 
'and the sea teem with blessings... But again the kings 
' of the Gentiles with gathered might shall assail this 
' land, bringing fate upon themselves; for they shall wish 
' to ravage the fold of the mighty God, and to destroy the 
'noblest men. ..But swords of fire shall fall from heaven, 
'and on earth great flames shall come... and every soul 
'of man and every sea shall shudder before the face 
'of the Immortal... And then shall [the foes of His 
' people] recognise the Immortal God who brings these 
'judgments to pass, and there shall be wailing and cry- 
'ing over the boundless earth as men perish... But the 
'sons of the mighty God 3 around His temple all shall 
'live in quiet... for the Immortal is their defender, and 
'the hand of the Holy One. And then shall all the 
' islands and cities say How does the Immortal love these 
' men, for all things strive ivith them and help them... 
' Come, let us all fall on the ground and entreat the Im- 
' mortal King... Let us send to His temple .. .and all heed 
' the Law of 'the Most High 6W...And then 4 shall God 
'raise up a kingdom for ever (et9 alwvas] over all men... 
' And from every land men shall bear frankincense and 
'gifts to the house of God... And prophets of the mighty 

1 Vv. 632 651. 

2 Vv. 652 ff. 


3 Vv. 702 ff. 

4 Vv. 766 ff. 

9 3 


1 God shall take away the sword, for they shall be judges 
' of mortals and righteous kings. Rejoice then, O Virgin, 
' and exult ; for to thee hath He given gladness for ever 
'who created heaven and earth. In thee [O Sion] shall 
' He dwell ; and for thee shall He be an Immortal 
' Light 1 .' 

But even in these Oracles the glory of the king is lost 
in the glory of the nation. The house of David is for- 
gotten in the recollection of the theocracy 2 . The perma- 
nent establishment of the Law as the rule of the whole 
earth is the object of highest hope 3 , or second only to 
that final consummation of the world, when a fiery flood 
shall destroy all that is corrupt and perishable in man 
and nature, and leave the good in eternal purity. ' The 
'people,' it is said, 'shall be guides of life to all mortals 4 ;' 
but there is no mention of a spiritual covenant. There 
are no glimpses of a Gospel or of an Incarnation. The 
blessings of the future are drawn after the types in Deu- 
teronomy, and the plagues which are denounced against 
the wicked recall the scenes of the Exodus and the corn- 
quest of Palestine. 

Still the belief in a Messiah is recognised, and the 
glorious future is connected with His advent. Nor is 
His descent from the Sun, the seat of the empire of light, 
the only sign of His divine nature. In a later fragment, 
which dates from the time of the last triumvirate, Mes- 
siah appears in contrast to Beliar the great manifestation 
of the power of evil 5 . 'A holy king as time hastens on 
' shall come to hold the sceptre of every land for all 

1 The remainder of this passage 
(787794) is a close imitation of Is. 
xi. 6-8. Cf. 367 380. 

a The only reference to the family 
of David is found in vv. 288790, 
but it appears to relate to Zerubba- 
bel; and the king whom 'God shall 

' send from heaven, who shall judge 
' each man in blood and flash of fire ' 
(vv. 286 f.), though he appears with 
the attributes of Messiah, can be no 
other than Cyrus. 

3 Cf. vv. 573 ff. 

4 Ver. 195. s Vv. 49 ff. 



4 ages... But forth from the people of Sebaste 1 shall Beliar 
' come afterwards; and he shall plant the lofty mountains 
' [in the valleys], and stay the sea, the mighty fiery sun, 
' and the bright moon, and wake the dead, and perform 
' many signs among men ; but they shall not bring their 
' accomplishment in him, but they shall be deceptive, and 
' in truth they shall deceive many men (/uepo-Tra?), both 
' faithful and chosen Hebrews and also other lawless men 
4 who have not yet heard the word of God. But when 
' the threats of the mighty God draw near, a flaming 
' power shall come in a billowy flood (Si olS/naros) upon 
' the earth, and consume Beliar and all the haughty men 
'who placed their trust in him...GOD shall roll the 
' heaven as a book is rolled, and the whole spangled fir- 
' mament shall fall on the glorious earth and ocean. A 
' torrent of devouring fire shall flow unwearied, and con- 
'sume the land, and consume the sea, and the firmament 
' of heaven, and days ; and creation itself it shall melt 
' together, and refine it and purify it (e? /caOapov SiaXegei). 
' And no longer shall the laughing globes of the [heaven- 
' ly] lights [roll on. There shall be] no night, no dawn, 
4 no many days of care, no spring, no summer, no winter, 
* no autumn. And then shall the judgment of the mighty 
' God come in the midst of the mighty age when all these 
4 things come to pass V 

Shortly after the first collection of Sibylline Oracles 
was formed at Alexandria, the hopes of the Palestinian 
Jews were raised to the highest pitch by the successes of 
John Hyrcanus, only to be lost again in the rising con- 
flict of sects, and the weakness and crimes of his succes- 

1 This name must have been in- 
serted afterwards (with a reference 
to Simon Magus, Sebaste = Samaria? 
or to Nero) ; for it could not have 
been used of the Romans before the 

death of Antony. 

2 It is sufficient to refer generally 
to Matt, xxiv., 2 Thess. ii., Apoc. 
vi., xxi., for striking parallels to 
many of the thoughts in this passage. 

G 2 

(0) The Hook 
of Henoch. 

t 107 B.C. 



sors. These alternations of joy and sorrow found their 
expression in the Apocalypse of Henoch 1 . No Apocry- 
phal book is more remarkable for eloquence and poetic 
vigour; and the range of subjects which it includes is as 
noble as its style. In its present form the book aims at 
little less than a comprehensive vindication of the action 
of Providence both in the physical and in the moral 
world. At one time it encourages men quailing before 
outward enemies; at another it rebukes a people torn by 
inward divisions : How it offers an explanation of the 
mysteries of creation ; and now it seeks the type of pre- 
sent dangers in the catastrophe of primaeval history. It 
is probable that these different parts owe their origin to 
distinct authors, and that they were interwoven into the 
present book by a later compiler. But the distinction of 
the constituent elements is of comparatively little im- 
portance at present, since the book assumed a certain 
unity during its last revision, and offers a generally con- 
sistent view of the office of Messiah 2 . But while the 

1 Liber H?noch, sEthiopice. A. 
Dillmann, Lipsia?, 1851. Das Buck 
HenocH. Uebersetzt tmd erklart von 
Dr A. Dillmann, Leipzig, 1853. 
These (wo editions supersede those 
of Abp. Laurence : The Book of 
Enoch, &c. Oxford, 1821, 33, 38, and 
Libri Enoch, versio Ethiopica, Oxon. 
1838. Where* the difference ap- 
peared to require notice I have given 
Laurence's rendering in brackets 
[L,] or in the notes. The editions 
of Hoffmann and Gfrorer have no 
independent value. Cf. Dillm. Bin- 
Icit. pp. Ivii. ff. 

8- Ewafd in an admirable eosa'y 
on the book (Ueber d. ^Ethiop. B. 
Henoch Entstehung, Sinn u. Zusafii- 
mcnsetz. Transact, of the Royal Soc. 
of G'ottingcn, 1856, pp. 107 ff.) sup- 
poses that it consists of fragments 
of four books. 

i. The first book, the original pro- 
phecy, written in a period of out- 
ward trouble and danger, during 
the first years of John Hyrcanus, c. 
B.C. 144, represented by capp. xxxvii. 
Ixxi. with some interpolations. 

ii. The second book, written a few 
years later, when prosperity had 
given rise to internal schisms, c. B.C. 
135, of which fragments occur i 
v.; vi. i, 2j viii. 4; ix. i 6, 8 
ii ; x. 4 10, 12; xi. 2; xii xvi. ; 
Ixxxi. 1 4; Ixxxiv. ; xci. 4; cv. 

iii. The third book, written a little 
later, c. B.C. 128, philosophical in 
character, as the first is poetical and 
the second rhetorical. Fragments 
of this occur: xx xxxvi. ; Ixxii 
Ixxxii. ; Ixxxiii. i 9; Ixxxv xc. ; 
cvi [cviii.] 

iv. The book of Noah, occurring 
in scattered fragments; vi. 38; 



whole book is thus impressed with a certain stamp of 
uniformity, the central portion round which the other 
prophecies are grouped glows beyond the other parts 
with a spiritual fervour, pure, intense, and passionate. If 
the deeper mysticism and colder speculations of the 
Apocrypha leave no place for the doctrine of Messiah : 
if the priestly and prophetic office of the great king was 
merged by the Sibyl in the prophetic office of the nation : 
in Henoch the Advent of Messiah is contemplated with 
a joyful and certain hope. The might and tyranny of 
heathen oppressors serve only to suggest the certain 
retribution and just vengeance which hangs over them : 
the victories which have been gained by the people of 
God are but a prelude to wider conquests. A judgment 
is reserved for sinners ; a triumph is prepared for the 
righteous : and Messiah is the divine instrument of this 
twofold issue. Such is the message of ' faith and truth 1 ' 
which the voice of the ancient patriarch proclaims to a 
people conscious of their heavenly mission and fresh from 
brilliant struggles, and yet trembling and divided 2 . 

The first introduction of the Messianic subject is 
marked by several peculiarities which at once call atten- 

1 Cf. Dillm. p. 32; Ewald, p. 

2 In giving a general yiew of the 

ix. 7; x. i 3, ii ; xi. 22; Ixix. 2; 
xvii xix. ; xxxix. I, 2"; Ix. I 10, 
24 f. ; Ixiv Ixix. 16. This book 
was written some years after the 

The whole book of Henoch as- 
sumed its present shape, according 
to Ewald, during the first half of 
the century before Christ. I have 
given these details, not because I 

Messianic descriptions of Henoch, 
I have quoted the book in its final 
shape, not only because it is most 
convenient to do so, but because the 
book was current in this form at the 
Christian era, for the arguments of 
Hoffmann (Schriftb. I. 371) in favour 

think it possible to accept a result of a later origin are quite unsatisfac- 
<:n rnmnlimtpfl hut because the di- torv. It will be seen that the chief 

so complicated, but because the di- 
visions throw considerable light upon 
the internal structure of the book. 
Other theories of its composition 
may be seen in Hilgenfeld, a. a. O. 
pp. 95 ff. Perhaps all that can be 
affirmed with certainty is the later 
origin of the Noachian portions 

tory. It will be seen that the chief 
part belongs to Ewald's ' First 
Book.' In the 'Second Book' the 
righteousness of Messiah is His 
characteristic attribute, just as the 
people of God are described as ' the 
righteous' more usually than ' the 

Chap. ii. 

The ititro- 
d tu tif>M of 
the Messi- 
anic doctrine 
in Henoch. 


Ch*p ii. 


TJie general 

conception of 

t!u' Messiah. 

tion to its importance. The Vision which contains the 
most complete portraiture of the coming Kingdom is 
emphatically the Vision of Wisdom; and this 'beginning 
'of Wisdom' is addressed to all 'the dwellers on the 
' earth, both those of old times and those who shall come 
'after.' Even God Himself is addressed by a new title 
in connexion with these Messianic revelations, as 'the 
' Lord of Spirits,' the Supreme Sovereign who establishes 
by His spiritual hosts order and righteousness in the 
various realms of creation. 

The vividness of the prophecy is already foreshadowed 
by the form which it assumes. In one passage the Seer 
is represented as approaching the divine presence and 
contemplating the person of Messiah. * I saw/ he says, 
'in heaven One, Ancient of days 1 , and His head was 
'white as wool; and with Him was another, whose coun- 
; tenance was as the appearance of a man, and full of 
' grace like to one of the holy Angels. And I asked one 
' of the Angels, who went with me and shewed me all 
' hidden things, of that Son of Man, who He was and 
' whence He was and wherefore He went with the An- 
' cient of days. And he answered me and spake to me : 
' This is the Son of Man to whom righteousness belong- 
'eth, with whom righteousness dwelleth (hath dwelt, L.), 
'and who revealeth all the treasures of that which is 
'concealed, because the Lord of Spirits hath chosen 
'Him; whose lot before the Lord of Spirits hath sur- 
' passed all through His uprightness forever (in evcrlast- 
' ing righteousness, L.). And this Son of Man whom 
'thou hast seen shall raise the kings and the mighty 
' men from their beds, and the powerful even from their 
' thrones ; and shall unloose the bands of the powerful 

1 Dillm., an Haupt der Tage, bdagtes Hanpt. 
vii. 13 justifies the translation. 

The allusion to Dan. 



' [with which they bind God's people], and break in 
'pieces the teeth of sinners. And He shall hurl the 
' kings from their thrones and their kingdoms, because 
'they magnify Him not nor praise Him, nor acknow- 
' ledge with thankfulness whence the kingdom is lent 
'to them... And they shall be driven from the dwellings 
'of the assembly of His Church and of the faithful 1 .'... 

The attributes of majesty and humanity, of dominion 
and righteousness, with which Messias is here clothed, 
continually reappear throughout the Visions, and the ma- 
nifestation of these in the deliverance of the faithful and 
the final retribution of the wicked forms the general object 
of His work. Without adding any new element to the 
fulness of the old Prophets the writer of Henoch endea- 
vours to combine into one grand image the scattered 
traits in which they had foretold the working of their 
great king; and if he only dwells on the resistless might 
and certain triumph which should attend His advent, he 
differs from later zealots in retaining the essential cha- 
racter of superhuman glory with which Daniel had por- 
trayed Him. He appears in several places to recognise 
the pre-existence of Messiah, while at the same time he 
describes Him as very man ; and though the interpre- 
tation of these passages has been questioned 2 , the clear 
recognition of the eternal predestination of Messiah, and 
of the intimate relation in which he stands at once to 
God and to the whole world of spirits, is one of the most 
conspicuous points in the teaching of the book. 'Before 
' the sun and the signs of heaven were created, before 
'the stars were made, the name [of the Son of Man] 
' was named (invoked, L.) before the Lord of Spirits 3 .' 

1 c. xlvi. 

2 Wrongly, I believe. Cf. Lau- 
rence, Prel. Diss. li. f. 

8 Compare the Rabbinical saying, 
that ' the name of Messiah existed 
' before the foundation of the world. ' 



' He was chosen and hidden in the sight of God before 
' the world was created, and He shall be to eternity in 
' His sight 1 .' At the day of His appearance, 'the kings 
1 and mighty men and dwellers on the earth shall laud 
'and praise and magnify Him who ruleth over all, who 
' was hidden. For aforetime He, the Son of Man, was 
'hidden, whom the Most High kept in the presence of 
1 His power, and revealed to the elect 2 .' And thus it is 
said that Henoch in his lifetime was ' translated from 
' among the dwellers on the earth to that Son of Man, 
'to the Lord of Spirits 3 .' Even before His manifestation 
the Messias was the joy of men and angels ; for * the 
'Wisdom of the Lord of Spirits revealed Him to the 
'Holy and the Righteous... for in His name are they 
'delivered, and He is the avenger of their life 4 .' And 
Henoch heard 'the voice of the Angel Rufael praise the 
' Elect One and the elect people ' before the throne of 
the majesty of God 5 . The very stars and elements and 
powers of nature ' rejoiced greatly, praising and mag- 
' nifying [God], because that to them was revealed the 
' name of that Son of Man 6 .' 

In contrast with this divine aspect of Messiah are 

1 c. xlviii. 3, 6. ' The elect and 
'the concealed one existed in His 
' presence before the world was cre- 
'ated and for ever.' (Laur.) 

2 c. Ixii. 6, 7; c. Ixi. 10, Laur. 

3 c. Ixx. i. This difficult pas- 
sage, which is the clearest testimony 
to the pre-existence of Messiah, be- 
longs, according to Dillmann, to the 
' Noachian ' additions to the original 
book, and so dates from the first 
century B.C. (Dillm. pp. xl. 1.). 
Laurence's translation is quite dif- 
ferent : ' After this the name of the 
' Son of Man, living with the Lord 
' of Spirits, was exalted by the inha- 
1 bitants of the earth.' Cf. Dillm. I.e. 
Ewald (p. 1 24 n.) gives another trans- 

lation. 'Afterwards was Henoch 
' celebrated among men as living 
' with Messias and with God...' 

4 c. xlviii. 7. ' He revealed the 
' wisdom...' Laur. 

5 c. xl. 5, 9. 

6 c. Ixix. 26 (Iviii. 38, Laur.). 
From this passage it appears natural 
to conclude that the unutterable 
name The Oath by which the 
whole world was ruled (c. Ixix. 14 
ff.) was the name of Messiah. Cf. 
Apoc. ii. 17. According to the pre- 
sent text, the title ' Lord of Spirits ' 
is once applied to Messiah, c. Ixii. 
2, but there is probably some cor- 



the many titles which declare His humanity and sub- 
ordination to God. He is the Righteous One 1 chosen by 
God for His uprightness : the Elect One' 1 according to 
God's good pleasure : the Anointed? ', the Son of Man, the 
Son of woman*, while still also the Son of God 5 . And 
though these titles belong in a peculiar sense to Messiah 
as the type and head of His Church, they are extended 
also to all believers, who are called the righteous, the elect, 
the children of God. Even the form under which Messiah 
was first described is applied in a lower scale to Henoch, 
who is addressed by an Angel as ' the Son of Man who is 
' born to righteousness, and on whom righteousness dwell- 
' eth, and whom the righteousness of the Ancient of days 
' leaves not 6 / In the imagery of one of the Visions Mes- 
sias is * born as a white bullock 7 / and all the beasts of the 
field and all the birds of the air feared Him and prayed 
to Him always. 'And I looked/ the Seer continues, 'till 
' all their races were changed, and they all became white 
' bullocks...' And when the judgment is accomplished it 
is said : ' The whole host of heaven and all the Saints 
1 who are above, and the host of God, the Cherubim and 
4 Seraphim and Ophanim, and all the Angels of might, 
' and all the Angels of dominion, and the Elect One, and 
' the^other powers which are on the land above the water, 
'shall cry on that day, and with one voice exalt and 
' praise and laud and magnify [God] in the spirit of faith, 
' in the spirit of wisdom and of patience, and in the 
* spirit of mercy, and in the spirit of right and of peace, 
' and in the spirit of goodness, and shall all say with one 

ference to Gen. iii. 15. 
6 c. cv. i only. 

6 c. Ixxi. 14 (Ixx. 17, Laur.). Cf. 
c. Ix. 10. 

7 (c. Ixxxix. 45, Laur.). By this 
figure He is compared with the Pa- 
triarchs. Cf. Dilhn. p. 286. 

1 cc. xxxviii. i', liii. 6. 

2 c. xly. 3, 4, &v. This is the 
most usual title of Messiah. 

3 cc. xlviii. 10; Iii. 4; only. 

4 c. Ixii. 5 only. The form of the 
title appears to be suggested by the 
context. I believe there is no re- 

t Chap. ii. 



Chap. ii. 

/lit f.rcel- 
U'lii gi/ts. 

Tlu f/Tfct of 
His coming. 

' voice : Praise be to Him, and praised be the name of 
' the Lord of Spirits for ever and ever 1 .' 

But while Messiah is thus represented as man, and 
perhaps classed among- created things, He stands far 
above all in the greatness of His gifts. Not only is He 
placed by God on the throne of His majesty to execute 
judgment in the world, but 'wisdom is poured out [on 
' Him] like water, and there is no end of His majesty. 
' He is mighty in all the secrets of righteousness, and 
'unrighteousness passes away before Him like a sha- 
'dow...In Him dwells the spirit of wisdom, and the 
' spirit of Him who giveth knowledge (the spirit of in- 
'tellectual wisdom, L.), and the spirit of teaching and 
' power, and the spirit of those who have fallen asleep in 
' righteousness* And He shall judge the hidden things ; 
' and no man shall be able to utter an idle speech before 
' Him, for He is chosen before the face of the Lord of 
4 Spirits according to His good pleasure 2 .' 

The effect of the manifestation of Messias follows 
immediately from His character. ' In those days shall a 
'change be wrought for the holy and the elect : the light 
' of day shall dwell upon them, and majesty and honour 
'shall turn to them. And on the day of distress ruin 
'shall be heaped upon sinners. ..And in those days the 
'earth shall give back that which has been entrusted 
' to it, and the kingdom of death shall give back that 
' which has been entrusted to it, and Hell (Sheol) shall 
' give back that which it owes. And [Messias] shall choose 

1 c. Ixi. 10, ii. From the posi- 
tion in which the words ' the Elect ' 
occur, and from a comparison of the 
{ context, a question may perhaps 
arise whether the reading is correct. 

'earth over the water on that day' 
(Ix. 13); yet he defends it as con- 
taining 'an obvious reference to 
'Gen. i. i,' and 'the declaration of 
'a... precise and distinct Trinity of 

i Laurence's translation is not very ' Persons under the supreme appel- 

, nrriHaKl* * A nrl oil fVir A ^<n1r- ^ffk.. <l.-twi- t\f / ^si/f nnsJ / n-**,] * /-/-./ 

. probable: 'And all the Angels 
4 Lord, namely of the Elect one, and 
'of the other Power, who was upon 

lation of (Jod and Lord.' l j rd. 
Diss. p. lii. 
i\ xlix. (xlviii. Laur.). 



'the righteous and holy among them, for the day is 
* come that they should be delivered 1 .' 

But the final establishment of Messiah's kingdom 2 is 
preceded by a time of devastation and conquest cm earth 
a ' period of the sword.' ' I saw, and a great sword was 
1 given to the sheep [the long oppressed people of God] : 
' then the sheep went forth against the beasts of the field 
' [their ancient oppressors] and all the beasts and the 
f fowls of heaven fled before their face 3 / and turned too 
late to prayer and repentance 4 . This occupies the 
eighth of the ten 'weeks' into which the history of the 
world is divided ; ' and the sword is given that judgment 
' and righteousness might be executed on them who act 
' with violence, and the sinners given over into the hands 
' of the righteous 5 . And the hearts of the saints are full 

1 cc. 1. ; li. The doctrine of the 
resurrection is again described with 
singular force and detail in c. Ixi. 5, 
6. One point is particularly de- 
serving of notice; in speaking of 
the future state of the wicked the 
writer always speaks of their spirits 
only (Dillm. p. 165). The re-union 
with the body the condition of 
sharing Messiah's kingdom is re- 
served for the righteous. Cf. Horn. 
Odyss. xi. 487 ff.; Plato, Resp. ill. 
386 c. The same doctrine occupies a 
prominent place in the Mormonite 
system. Spencer's Letters, pp. 154 

2 The mutual relation of the dif- 
ferent parts of ' the end of the 
world' is naturally obscure, and the 
obscurity is increased by much con- 
fusion both in the language and in 
the text of the book. The general 
interpretation which I Have given 
appears to be intelligible and con- 
sistent; but two difficulties remain, 
as to the times of the appearance of 
Messiah, and of the great judgment. 
In c. xc. 37 the birth of 'the white 
' bullock with great horns' (Messiah) 
is described as taking place after the 

period of the sword and before the 
great conversion of the world ( 38), 
though all men were already col- 
lected at the Holy City (/. e. in the 
ninth week); and this, I believe, is 
the opinion of the writer. And cor- 
respondingly it appears to be his 
intention to place the great judg- 
ment at the end of the tenth week, 
after the peaceful reign over the 
converted world, though in c. xc. 
20 27 it is described immediately 
after the period of the sword, pro- 
bably as being its final consumma- 
tion and spiritual antitype (cf. xlvii. 
4; xlviii. 2). The character of Mes- 
siah as the resistless and righteous 
Judge requires that all judgments, 
even the period of the sword (c. xlviii. 
4 ff.), should ultimately be referred 
to Him. The clearer statements must 
interpret the more general. 

3 c. xc. 19 (Ixxxix. 27, Laur.). 
But even the most terrible calamities 
are regarded as a judgment on sin- 
ners (and not a trial for the elect, 
cf. cap. c. i ff.). 

4 cc. Ixiii.; xxxviii. 6. 

6 c. xci. 12 (xcii. 13, 14, Laur.), 
cf. c. xxxviii. 5. Even in this chap- 

Chap, ii. 

The iv nrs 
which pre- 
cede it; and 



'of joy that the number of righteousness was fulfilled, 
' and the prayer of the righteous heard, and the blood of 
' the righteous required before the Lord of Spirits 1 .' At 
the end of this week the people of God have reared 
houses for themselves ' in their own pleasant land,' and 
built 'a new temple for the great King, greater and 
' nobler than the first/ and ' all the sheep are therein. 
'And in that place I saw a fountain of righteousness 
' which was inexhaustible ; many fountains of wisdom 
'encircled it, and all that were thirsty drank thereof, 
'and were full of wisdom, and had their dwelling with 
'the holy and righteous and elect 2 .' In the ninth week 
the righteous judgment is rendered...' And all men look 
' to the way of uprightness ; and all the beasts of the 
' field and all the fowls of heaven gathered themselves 
' to the house [of God], and the Lord of the sheep had 
'great joy that they were all good and returned to His 
'house. And I looked till the sheep laid down the 
' sword that was given to them, and brought it back to 
'His house, and it was sealed before the face of the 
'Lord... And the eyes of all were opened that they 
' should see that which is good (the good one, L.), and 
' there was not one among them who saw not 3 .' And 
after this, at the end of the tenth week, shall be the 
eternal judgment over the Angels...' And the former 
' heaven shall vanish and pass away, and a new heaven 
' shall appear, and all the powers of heaven shall give 
' light for ever sevenfold. And after that shall be many 
1 weeks without number in goodness and righteousness, 
'and sin shall be no more named for ever and ever 4 . 

ter the different stages of the great also c. xcviii. 12; xcvi. i. 

end of all things seem to be distin- l c. xlvii. 4. 

guished: 'the period of the sword,' 2 c. xlviii. i. 

46 ; ' the revelation of the secrets 3 c. xc. 33 f. 

'of the righteous,' 3; 'the mani- 4 c. xci. 17 (xcii. 16, Laur.). Cf. 

'festation of Messiah,' 2. See c. xcii. 4, 5. 



' And it shall come to pass in these days that the elect 

* and holy children [of God, the Angels,] shall descend 
' from the heights of heaven, and join their Lord with the 
'children of men 1 . And from henceforth there will be 

* nothing that corrupts (transitory, Dillm.) any more, for 
' He, the Son of Man, hath appeared, and sits upon the 
' throne of His majesty, and all evil shall vanish and 
'pass away before His face... 2 . And the chosen One 
'shall dwell among His chosen people 3 . And they shall 
'be arrayed in the robe of life... ; and the Lord of Spirits 
' shall dwell over them, and they shall dwell with that 
' Son of Man, and eat with Him, and lie down and rise 
'up [with Him] for ever and ever 4 .' 

The interval between the dates of the books of He- 
noch and Esdras 5 was one of humiliation and trial for 

1 c. xxxix. i. Cf. Dillm:. /. a 

2 c. Ixix. 29. 3 G. xlv. 4. 

4 c. Ixii. 16, 14. The traces of 
4 mysticism' in the book of Henoeh 
are very rare, but they tend to 
shew that the personification of Wis- 
dom and the Word was entirely un- 
connected with the doctrine of Mes- 
siah. ' Wisdom found no place where 
' she should dwell ; then had she a 
* dwelling in heaven. Wisdom came 
4 to dwell among the children 1 of men 
4 and found no dwelling-place ; then 
4 Wisdom returned to her place and 
4 took up her abode among the An- 
4 gels. And Unrighteousness (Folly) 
' came forth from her abode [the in- 
definiteness of the phrase is worthy 
of notice]: 'she found those whom 
' she sought not and dwelt among 
4 them, [welcomed] as the rain in the 
4 wilderness, and as the dew on the 
4 thirsty land' (c. xlii.). In another 
place it is said : 4 The Righteous 
' One [Messiah] shall arise from 
4 sleep, and Wisdom shall arise and 
4 be given to them [the elect] ' (c. xci. 
10). Once more: 'the Wisdom of 
4 the Lord of Spirits revealed [the 

' Son of Man] to the holy and the 
righteous' (c. xlviii. 7). Again 
Henoeh is described as bidding his 
son collect all his household toge- 
ther, 4 for,' he says, 'the Word calls 
4 me, and the Spirit is poured out 
4 upon me../ (c. xci. i). So again c. 
xiv. 24, *The Lord called me and 
4 spake to me; Come hither, Henoeh, 
' and to my Holy Word.' The pas- 
sage c. xc. 38 (Ixxxix. 47, Laur.) is, 
I believe, in spite of Ewald's autho- 
rity (p. 159 n.), an interpolation; 
and Dillmann's explanation of the 
manner in which it may have arisen 
is at least very ingenious. The literal 
rendering as it stands is: 'the first 
'in the midst of them became [a 
4 word, and that word became] a large 
' beast. ' Nor can I think that c. Hi. i, 
' When he brings his word upon you 
' shall ye not be destroyed?' refers to 
Messiah personally. Cf. Dillm. inlocc. 
5 LUcke, Einlcitung, tt. s. w. 
12. Hilgenfeld, Jnd. Apok. 187 ff. 
The best edition is that of Gfrorer, 
Prophcta; veteres Psendepigraphi, 
Stuttgard, 1840, pp. 66 ff., who gives 
Laurence's Latin version of the 



Chap. ii. 

Henoch by 
its gloomy 
tone; and 

the faithful Jew. The kingdoms of the world grew 
stronger, and he was gradually brought again under their 
dominion. The very forms in which the revelations are 
clothed furnish apt symbols of the times in which they 
were respectively written and of the general feelings by 
which they were pervaded. A patriarch translated from 
earth to heaven, and admitted to gaze face to face on 
the hosts of the spiritual world, is the fitting herald of 
wisdom, righteousness, and judgment, to a people who 
even in suffering see in their tyrants only the objects of 
coming vengeance. A prince in exile with an exiled 
nation, the witness of heathen wickedness and the victim 
of tormenting doubts, pleads with significant energy the 
cause of a people whom their God seems to have for- 
saken and given up to the oppression of an alien 1 . The 
mysteries of the physical creation are as nothing to one 
who is bewildered by ' the counsels of the Most High/ 
though he is referred back to the lessons of nature that 
he may acknowledge his weakness 2 . 

This fundamental difference of tone between the two 
Apocalypses appears to explain their divergences in 
detail. The burden of Esdras is throughout 'How long, 
'O Lord 8 ?' The present world is for him utterly cor- 
rupt ; few only shall share in the promised redemption. 
Fasting and tears are the preparation for his visions ; 

F!thiopic (Oxon. 1820) with a colla- 
tion of the Old Latin, and the Arabic 
version (by Ockley in Whiston's 
Primitive Christianity, Vol. I v. 1711). 
The Dissertatio Critica of Van der 
Vlis (Amsterd. 1839) g ives a care- 
ful examination of (i) the Latin ver- 
sion, (2) the Ethiopic version, and 
(3) of the scope, date and author of 
the book. 

The 'Missing Fragment' of the 

: Latin Version has been edited with 

I great care and completeness by Mr 

R. L. Bensly, Cambridge, 1875. 

The quotations are here given ac- 
cording to the divisions in the Eng- 
lish version: the references in brack- 
ets are to Gfrorer's divisions. The 
Ethiopic text is followed unless the 
contrary is stated. The Authorised 
Version follows the Latin. 

1 Cf. c. vi. 9 (iv. 15). Esau ap- 
pears to represent the Idumsean 
Herod. Hilgenf. p. 195. 

2 c. iv. 5 ff. (ii. 7 ff.). 

3 Cf. c. iv. 35 (ii. 44 ), & e . 


and the seer no longer looks upon the mysteries of 
heaven, but listens to them as they are revealed by the 
ministry of Angels 1 . Everywhere the language is that 
of an exile among the foul corruptions of Egypt, to 
whom the promised land is no longer the gathering field 
of nations, 'the joy of the whole earth.' The 'woes of 
' Messiah ' are described with a terrible fulness, which 
is hardly exceeded by the despairing traditions of the 
Talmud 2 . ' Behold the days shall come that... the way 
' of truth shall be hidden, and the land of faith shall be 
'barren (sterilis erit a fide V. L.). But iniquity shall be 
' increased,... and the land shall be wasted utterly. ..The 
' sun shall shine suddenly in the night and the moon in 
' the day, and blood shall drop from wood, and the stone 
'shall give his voice, and the people shall be troubled... 
' There shall be a sound also in (chaos fiet per V. L.) 
'many places ;... and friends shall destroy one another. 
' Then shall wit hide itself, and understanding withdraw 
' into his secret chamber, and shall be sought of many 
' and yet not be found. Then shall unrighteousness and 
' incontinency be multiplied upon earth. One land shall 
' ask another and say, Is righteousness gone through thee, 
'or one doing righteousness (justumfaciensV. L.)? And 
' it shall say, No. At that time shall men hope, and 
' obtain nothing ; they shall marry, and not rejoice ; they 
' shall labour, but their ways shall not prosper 3 .' And 
these woes and evils are supposed to follow by an inevit- 
able law from the working of nature. ' For the world 
' hath lost his youth, and the times begin to wax old. 
' For the world is divided into twelve parts, and the ten 
' parts of it are gone already and half of a tenth part... 
' And look how much the world shall be weaker through 
' age, so much the more shall evils increase upon them 

1 Cf. c. iv. 21 (ii. 30). 2 Cf. below, pp. 133 f. 3 c. v. (iii.). 



Chap. ii. 

its stern c.r- 

'that dwell therein 1 ... For the grain of evil was sown in 
' the heart of Adam from the beginning, and the fruit of 
' ungodliness hath been brought forth and multiplied up 
' to this time, and shall yet be brought forth until the 
' time of harvest come 2 .' So ' when commotion shall be 
' seen in the world between several nations, and nations 
'shall be disturbed, and the people shall be polluted, 
'and princes shall hasten to mutual slaughter, and 
' leaders shall be struck with consternation, then under- 
' stand that of these the Most High hath spoken as 
' coming before his appointed time 3 / 

The stern spirit of exclusiveness, through which the 
blessings ushered in by these terrible signs are reserved 
for the Jewish nation alone, is another sign of the over- 
whelming sorrows under which the writer of the book was 
bowed down. 'And now, O Lord. .1. if the" world (o alwv) 
'be made for our sakes 4 , why do we not possess an in- 
'heritance with the world? how long shall this endure 5 ?' 
And when he inquires as to the end of all things and 
the terrible issues of Adam's sin, the answer is given : 
' The Most High hath made this world for many, but the 
'world to come for few... There be many created, but 
'few shall be saved 6 .' 'For you is paradise opened, the 
'tree of life is planted, the time to come is prepared... 
'and therefore ask no more questions concerning the 
'multitude of them that perish 7 ;' nay rather 'inquire 
' how the righteous shall be saved, whose the world is 
'and for whom the world is created 8 .' 

1 c. xiv. loflF. (xiv. 8ff.). Cf. c. 

v- 54, 555 iv. 50. 

2 c. iv. 30 (ii. 38). 

3 c. ix. 3 ff. (ix. i ff.). 

4 Cf. c. vi. 55 (iv. 63), 'All this 
' have I spoken before thee, O Lord, 
' because thou madest the world for 
' our sakes ;' and c. vii. 10, i r (v. 10). 

6 c. vi. 59. 

6 c. viii. i, 3. Cf. c. vii. i 13 : 
The entrance to the fair city was 
made ' one only path, even between 
' fire and water, so small that there 
* could but one man go there at once ' 
at the time of Adam's transgression, 
while before it was wide and sure. 

7 c. viii. 52, 55. 

8 c. ix. 13. The scarceness of the 


Its doctrine 
of the Com- 
siah and 

At length when deceit and oppression and terror I chap. ii. 
have filled the world, Messiah shall come, 'even he whom 
' (Unctus V.L.) the Highest hath kept for the end of | 
'days, of the seed of David (pm. V.L.), like a lion from 
' a wood, rebuking the eagle for her unrighteousness and 
' utterly consuming her. The rest of my people shall He 
' (/ ^Eth.) deliver with mercy, them that have been pre- 
' served in my judgment, and He shall make them joyful 
' until the coming of the day of judgment, whereof I have 
'spoken unto thee from the beginning 1 .' Under another 
image Messiah is described as a man rising from the mys- 
terious sea into whose depth none can look; for 'no man 
' upon earth can see my Son [saith the Lord], or those 
'that be with Him, but in the day [of His appearing] 2 .' 
' And afterwards that man flew with the clouds of heaven, 
'and wheresoever He turned His countenance and looked 
'all things forthwith vanished before Him... and there 
' was gathered together a multitude of men out of num- 
' ber from the four winds of the heaven to subdue the 
' man that came out of the sea. But I beheld and lo 
' He had raised for Himself a great mountain and flew 
' up upon it... And as the multitude came against Him 
' He neither lifted up His hand, nor took His sword nor 
' any instrument of war, but only there went forth out of 
' His mouth a billow of fire... and burned them up every 
' one, until nothing was left of them but only the dust of 
'their ashes and the smoke of their conflagration... 
' Afterwards I saw the same man come down from the 
' mountain and call unto Him a peaceable multitude; and 
'there came much people unto Him... Then was I struck 
' with great fear and I awaked 3 ... And this is the mean- 

ood is given as a reason for God's 2 c. xiii. 51, 52.- 

elight in them (vi. 35, 

xii. 30, 31, 34 (xii. 36 ff.): cf. millibus cceli. V.L. 

c. xiii. 3 1 3 . Convalescebat cum 

xi. 37 ff. (xi. 41 ff.) 





Apoc. xxi. 10. 

'ing of the vision: The man whom thou sawest coming 
' up from the heart of the sea, the same is He whom God 
'the Highest hath kept a great season, to redeem the 
'world unto Himself (qui per semetipsum liber abit creatu- 
' ram suam V.L.)... And the Most High shall begin to 
' deliver those that dwell on the earth. [And He shall 
'undertake to fight against another, one city against 
' another, one place against another, one people against 
another, and one realm against another. And when 
these things shall come to pass, and the signs shall 
' happen which I have shewed thee before, then shall 
' that Man (filius meus V. L., Ar.) be declared, whom 
' thou sawest (ut virum V. L.) ascending. And when all 
'the people hear His voice they shall leave the battles 
' they have in their own land one against another. And 
' an innumerable multitude shall be gathered together 
' desiring to slay Him. But He shall stand upon the 
' top of Mount Sion. And Sion shall come, and shall be 
' shewed to all men, prepared and built, like as thou saw- 
' est that mountain to come forth and be formed without 
' hands. And this is my Son who shall rebuke the 
' nations for their sins... and He shall destroy them with- 
' out labour like coals of fire (per legem qua igni assi- 
4 milata est V. L.). And whereas thou sawest that another 
' peaceable multitude was gathered unto Him ; these are 
' the nine (decem V. L. ; novem et dimidia Ar. 1 ) tribes which 
' were carried away prisoners out of their own land... But 
'they took this counsel among themselves, that they 
'would leave the stock of their people (multitudinem 
'gentium V.L.) and go forth into a country where never 
' mankind dwelt, that they might keep their statutes 
4 which they had never kept in their own land. And they 
' entered through the narrow passages of the Euphrates. 

1 Cf. Baruch, Ep. Syr. init. 


'For the Most High... held still the flood till they were 
' passed over... and now the Highest shall stay the springs 
'of the stream again that they may go through 1 ; there- 
Tore sawest thou the multitude come together... 2 .' 

The reign thus commenced in terrible and over- 
whelming desolation shall last for four hundred years 3 . 
' After these years,' it is said, ' shall my son Christ die, 

* and all men that have breath, And the world shall be 
' turned into the old silence -seven days, like as in the 
'first beginning, and no man shall remain. And after 
' seven days [the world that yet awaketh not V. L.] shall 
' be raised up ; and the corruptible world shall retire afar. 
' And the earth shall restore those that are asleep in her, 
' and so shall the dust those that are in silence, and the 
' secret places shall deliver those souls that were com- 
' mitted unto them. And the Most High shall appear 

* upon the seat of judgment ; and His mercy shall come 

* (i.e. to the distressed faithful ; pertransibunt miseries 
'V.L.), and His clemency shall cease, and His long- 
( suffering shall have an end, but judgment only shall 
' remain, and truth shall stand, and faith shall bud, and 
' the work shall follow, and the reward shall be shewed, 
' and justice shall watch, and injustice shall not slumber 4 .' 
For ' the day of doom shall be the end of this time and 
'the beginning of immortality for to come, wherein cor- 
'ruption is past... 5 .' 

The great outlines of these Apocalyptic visions offer 
a striking parallel to the teaching of the Apostles. The 
times of war and tumult which portend the coming of 
Messiah, His sudden appearance with a heavenly host, 

his qui cum eo [sunt], et Icetificabit 
eos qui resuscitabuntur. Filitis metis 
Jesus V. L. .Filius metis Jlfesstas Ar. 

4 vii. 2835 (v. to 40). 

5 c. vii. 43 (vii. 12). 

1 Cf. Apoc. xvi. 12. 

2 c. xiii. 25 47 (xiii. 32 ff.). 

3 vii. 28. The corresponding 
clause is wanting in yEth. v. 29. 
Revelabitur enim Messias meus cum 

Chap. ii. 

the reign of 


H 2 

as Cfift f>arcd 
with the 


(Jhnp. ii. 

The Apoca- 
lypse of 

The Messi 
anic v> 
on cartk. 

the destruction of the wicked by the breath of His 
mouth, the reign of triumph, the general resurrection 
and last judgment, are brought out with distinct clearness. 
Nor is this all ; in spite of the importance attached to 
the ' good works laid up in heaven,' faith is required as a 
condition of salvation ; and legalism is spiritualized by 
the recognition of a higher energy. But a sorrowful 
gloom lies over all. Messiah Himself dies. Chaos re- 
sumes its old sway. The earth is not quickened with a 
new life, but passes away in a second creation. 

The Apocalypse of Baruch has many points of re- 
semblance both in its general conception and structure 
and in its specific teaching to IV Ezra 1 . It was written 
after the destruction of the second Temple by Titus 2 , 
but the data are insufficient to fix the exact time of its 
composition, which however may be placed certainly 
within fifty years after that event Israel is described 
as the central object of divine love. Their chastise- 
ments were for good. The present world and the world 
to come were made for the righteous 3 ; and by 'the 
righteous ' the author understands in the spirit of post- 
Exilic Judaism the strict observers of the Law 4 . 

The Messianic expectations of the book are gathered 
in two main scenes, the ' beginning of the revelation of 
Messiah ' and the Resurrection : a reign on earth and 
ineffable bliss in heaven. 

As a preparation for the description of the circum- 
stances and character of the earthly triumph of the 
righteous, the writer gives an interesting view of the 

1 This book was found in a 
Syriac translation included in a MS. 
of the Old Testament by Dr Ceriani, 
who first published a close Latin 
translation in his Monumenta sacra 
ct prof ana i, i, 1866, and afterwards 

gave the original Syriac text in the 
second part of the fifth volume of 
the same work in 1871. 

2 c. xxxii. 

3 c. xv. 

4 e.g. c. xlviii. 



periods of light and darkness into which the history of 
the world may be divided 1 . The last darkness is the 
gloomiest of all 2 . Then there shall be universal wars, 
earthquakes, fires, famines ; every land except the Holy 
Land shall consume its inhabitants, and the few who 
remain shall be given into the hand of Messiah 3 . But 
the Holy Land shall protect its people*, and Messiah 
shall summon to him there all that survive of the nations. 
Some too he shall quicken and some he shall slay. All 
the people who knew not Israel or who trampled not on 
the seed of Jacob shall live. All who tyrannised over 
them or knew them [and did not join themselves to 
them] shall be slain with the sword 5 . Then, after 
humbling all that is in the world, Messiah shall sit upon 
his throne in peace ; and there shall be universal tran- 
quillity, health and joy. There shall be no untimely 
death, and birth shall be without pain. Labour shall 
have no fatigue ; and the beasts shall minister to men. 
This is the beginning of that which is incorruptible 6 . 

In another passage 7 the crisis of the advent of this 
first manifestation of divine judgment is marked with 
more detail. Baruch saw in a vision a mighty cedar, 
the survivor of the woods, and a vine growing near it. 
The vine uttered the voice of righteous judgment against 
the cedar ; and the cedar was consumed and the vine 
grew and was circled by flowers that never fade. The 
cedar, he learnt, was the fourth [Roman] kingdom : the 
vine the kingdom of Messiah 8 . The last prince [of 
Rome], who should be left from the desolation of his 
people, would be brought to Mount Sion. There 
Messiah would convict him of his evil deeds, and after- 

\ c. liii. ff. 

2 cc. Ixix. f. 

3 c. Ixx. 

4 c. Ixxi. 

5 c. Ixxii. 

6 cc. Ixxiii. f. 

7 cc. xxxvi. ff. 

8 c. xxxix. 

Chap. ii. 

This rcigu 

on Hu'fall 
Rout (Vi 



Chap. ii. 

The Hnnl 

wards slay him ; and then rule his people who should 
be found in the place which he had chosen, ' till the 
'world of corruption ends and the times foretold are 
'fulfilled 1 .' 

There is a second description of this period of 
earthly bliss which contains some additional details of 
interest. In the last tribulations, it is said again, those 
only will be protected by God who are in the Holy 
Land. And * when that shall have been fulfilled which 
' is to happen there, Messiah shall begin to be revealed.' 
And Behemoth shall be brought to light and Leviathan, 
and they shall be for food to all who are left. 'The 
' earth also shall bring forth a thousand fold ; and on 
' one vine there shall be a thousand branches and one 
'branch shall give a thousand clusters, and one cluster 
' shall give a thousand grapes, and one grape shall give 
' a measure (corwri] of wine 2 .' A breeze shall waft sweet 
odours in the morning, and clouds shall bring refreshing 
dews at night. And manna shall come down again 
from above upon the faithful, ' for they have reached the 
'end of time 3 .' 

'And it shall be after this/ the writer continues, 
'when the time of the advent of Messiah shall be ful- 
' filled, [and he shall return in glory, then all who slept 
' in hope of him shall rise again. And it shall come to 
'pass in that time that] 4 the treasuries shall be opened 
' in which the number of the souls of the just are kept... 
'and they shall rejoice... And the souls of the wicked, 

but he does not appear to me to 
have sufficiently distinguished 'the 
beginning of the coming of Messiah ' 
(incipiet revelari Messias, c. xxix.) 
from the consummation of his coming 
in the new order (implebitur tempus 
adventus Messiah), when the cor- 
ruptible ceases. Comp. c. Ixxiv. 

1 c. xl. 

2 This imagery appears with 
some amplification in the famous 
fragment of Papias, ap. Iren. v. 33. 

3 c. xxix. 

4 Mr Drummond rightly, I be- 
lieve, supposes that this passage has 
been interpolated by a Christian 
hand (Jewish Messiah, pp. 380 f. ;) 



' when they shall see all these things, shall be more 
'afflicted, for they know that their punishment has 
'come... 1 .' 

At first the dead shall be raised in the shape in 
which they were laid in the grave, that there may be 
perfect mutual recognition 2 . Then when this end has 
been gained, they shall all be transfigured. The appear- 
ance of the wicked shall become worse, that they may 
endure punishment ; and the righteous shall be clothed 
in light. ' Those who are saved in their works, and 
'to whom the Law was hope...' shall see the glories of 
the invisible world. They shall not grow old and shall 
be made like to angels, and they shall be greater than 
angels. ' The majesty of the living creatures which are 
' beneath the throne ' shall be unfolded before their eyes, 
and all the marvels of being which God now hides from 
sight 3 . 

In this anticipation there is little more than the 
devout confidence of the Pharisaic Jew in the certain 
grandeur of his people's destiny and the perfection of 
the Law. The broader visions of hope for the Gentiles 
which the prophets had laid open have faded away. A 
few poor remnants alone are tolerated in subjection to 
the chosen people. Palestine is the narrow region of 
safety and happiness. 

But there was a yet narrower and sterner form 
of Jewish hope in which exclusiveness degenerated 
into the wildest intolerance, and the observance of 
the Law into the most passionate formalism. This 
spirit was evoked in its full energy by the rise of 
Christianity, and distinctly animates the Boofaof Jubilees*, 

1 c. xxx. Ewald's Jahrbiicher der Biblischen 

2 c. 1. Wissenschaft, 1849, pp. 230 ff. : 

3 c . li. 1850, i ff. The book is mentioned 

4 Translated by A. Dillmann in under this title by Epiphanius aih: 

Chap. ii. 

The stages 
of the 

The cxclit- 
sirejicss of 
carried to its 
furthest de- 
velopment in 
(S) The Book 
of Jubilees. 



Chap. ii. 

which is one of the strangest relics of early Jewish litera- 
ture. This remarkable narrative may be called a ' haga- 
dical 1 ' commentary on Genesis, and it derives its name 
from the fact that its entire arrangement is based on the 
festal cycle of forty-nine years. The object of the writer 
is to methodize the chronology of primeval history, to 
explain its difficulties, to enforce its lessons. In relation 
to the Apostolic writings the chief importance of the 
book lies in the fierce severity with which it inculcates 
the ritual of the Law, and in the haughty pride with 
which it limits the special privileges to Israel. The sab- 
bath appears as no earthly institution, but as ordained 
first for Angels, and observed in heaven before the crea- 
tion of man 2 . The very object for which the people of 
Israel was chosen was that they might keep it. The 
eating of blood is an offence on the same level as the 
shedding of blood 3 . The cruel deed of Simeon and Levi 
is blessed 4 ; and precedence over all men is given to Levi 
and his seed, and they ' rank as the Angels of the pre- 
1 sence.' It is taught that the Mosaic ordinances were not 
only observed by the Patriarchs, but written in heavenly 
tables and binding for ever 5 . And nothing less than the 
successful claims of Christianity to have fulfilled and 

liter. XXXIX. 6, lv roTs 'Iw/3i?Xalo(S 
XT; Kal AfTTToyevevei. 
. It is also called 77 rou 
iroKaXv^is, [j.iKpoyti>e<ns, 
rd XeTrra IWeaews (Dillmann, pp. 
74, 76). Its date is some time in the 
first century A.D. (id. p. 88), later than 
the Book of Henoch (id. p. 90) and 
earlier than the Testaments of the 
twelve Patriarchs (id. p. 91). The 
yEthiopic version was made from a 
Greek text : whether this was the 
original text is uncertain from in- 
ternal evidence, and Jerome evi- 
dently alludes to a Hebrew original 

of the book. Ep. Ixxviii. 18, 24. Cf. 
Ed. Bened. /. c.; Dillm. pp. 88 ff. 

1 See p. 67, n. 2. 

2 c. ii. pp. 235, 6. Cf. cap. 1. 

3 Pp. 245, 248. 

4 Pp- 37 39- 

5 Pp. 245, 12 (the feast of Taber- 
nacles celebrated by Abraham), 6 
(Tithes), 9 (Circumcision), 49 (Pass- 
over). In the face of this stern ri- 
tualism it is strange that a tradition 
should exist which derives Gal. vi. 
15 from the aTro/cdAi/i^ts Mwi/'crews. 
Cf. Meyer, I.e. 



spiritualized the precepts of the Law can explain the 
stress which is laid upon its permanent obligation, and 
the hopeless penalties which are attached to the neglect 
of it. In the presence of ritualism such as this the vision 
of Messiah almost fades away. The personal character 
of the Redeemer is lost in the vague anticipation of a 
general return from the dispersion 1 . The transition from 
'this world' to 'the world to come' is found in a gradual 
progress of moral and physical evil ' till the children are 
greyheaded/ followed by a period of deepening repent- 
ance and increasing strength, which culminates in an age 
when men shall enjoy a thousand years of perpetual 
youth, and no Satan or destroyer disturb their happi- 
ness 2 . 

At the same time that the attempt was made to 
furnish a supplement to Scripture in the Apocalyptic 
writings, the books of Scripture themselves were sub- 

1 No mention is made of the pro- 
mise to Eve as might have been ex- 
pected in p. 238. 

2 cc. i.; cxxiii.; pp. 232, 23, 24. 
The Ascensio Esaice (Gfrorer, Pro- 

phetcz veteres Pseudepigraphi, pp. 
i ff.), though a Christian Apocalypse, 
contains some peculiar elements of 
Jewish tradition. The description 
of the successive descents of Mes- 
siah through the seven heavens 
preparatory to His incarnation is 
well worthy of notice, c. iii. 13 2r. 
Cf. Clem. Horn. in. 20. Nero is 
directly identified with Antichrist 
in c. iv. i. 

The fragment of the ASCEN- 
SION OF MOSES, first published 
in a Latin translation by Ceriani, 
Monumenta Sacra et fro/ana, i. i, 
1861, and reprinted, after a fresh 
examination by Volkmar Handb. 
2. d. Apokr. iii. 1867, contains very 
little that illustrates the details of the 
popular Messianic expectation. It 
was written in a time of deep de- 

pression by one full of the great 
destiny of his nation 'for whose 
sake the world was created' (c. i.), 
but the deliverance for which he 
looks is not connected, so far as 
appears, with any personal Messiah. 
A time of fierce persecution is fore- 
told and then, when it is at its 
height and the choice seems to be 
only between apostasy and death, 
'the Heavenly One rises from His 
throne and reveals Himself in 
wrath.' 'He comes forth to chas- 
tise the heathen and destroy their 
idols. Then Israel is happy and 
mounts up over the necks and 
wings of the eagle (Rome) .... and 
rests in the starry heaven, and looks 
down upon his foes' (cc. 14 f.). 

The date of the book is fixed 
variously from a time shortly after 
the death of Herod the Great to the 
reign of Hadrian. The data are 
too uncertain to allow a confident 
judgment to be formed. 



mitted to a formal interpretation. Egypt and Palestine 
shared alike in the work of translation, as they joined in 
completing the image of Messiah's triumph ; and the 
Septuagint and the Targums remain as the monuments 
of their labours. Regarding only the present form of 
the versions, the Septuagint is the most ancient ; and it 
is perhaps characteristic of the time and place at which 
it was made 1 that it contains scarcely any passages which 
bring forward the person of Messiah in a clearer light 
than the original text 2 . In some places the original 
ambiguity between a race and a person is decided by the 
selection of the race as the source of the divine bless- 
ings : in others the future hope appears to be lost in the 
present which served as the type of it : in others the 
fulness of the original prediction is lowered and com- 
pressed : but generally the mere words of the original 
are reproduced without any attempt to apply or elucidate 
them 3 . 

But the case is far different with the Targums ; and 
next to the writings of the New Testament the Targums 

1 Cf. P . 76, 77. 

2 Of those which do the most re- 
markable is Numb. xxiv. 7 (quoted 
by Philo, II. p. 423 M.). Isai. xxxviii. 
1 1 is very questionable ; and even in 
the first passage there is no distinct 
reference to Messiah. Compare also 
Amos ix. 12 (Acts xv. 17). 

3 Cf. Gen. iii. 15, avros <rov rt\- 
pijaet. Kf<f>. LXX. (cf. Philo I. p. 124), 
(rvvTpi\j/ei Rom. xvi. 20 ; but pro- 
bably ri]p. is an old mistake for 

Gen. xlix. 8 10; T& 

LXX. $ aTTo/cetrat Aquila, ou 
all. (Cf. Just. Mart. Dial. c. 
120; Credner, Beitr. n. 51 ff.) 

Numb. xxiv. 1719; LXX. in 
ver. 19 give tta.1 ^eyepdrjaeTai t 
'IaKw/3, for the Heb. And there shall 

rule \pne\from Jacob. Cf. Credner, 
a. a. O. 64. 

Isai. iv. 2; the sense is lost in 

Isai. ix. 6 ; KaXetrcu rb 6vojui.a av- 
TOV MeydXrjs ftovXrjs dyye\o$ LXX. 
omitting the rest of the verse, which 
however is interpolated in Cod. 

Isai. xlii. i 4; this is applied 
by LXX. to Jacob and Israel. The 
citation in Matt. xii. 18 21 differs 
greatly from LXX. 

Isai. xlix. i ff.; probably referred 
by LXX. to Israel. 

Ps. ii. 6; tyu 8t KaTeardd^v fiaffi- 
Xeus LXX. 

Ps. cix. (ex.) 5; <Tvv{6\affev LXX. 

Hagg. ii. 7 ; rci ^/cXe/crd 



of Onkelos 1 and Jonathan furnish the best contemporary 
evidence as to the nature of the popular view of the 
Messiah at the commencement of the Christian era. 
This testimony however is not only an authentic expres- 
sion of the current belief, but rather an embodiment of 
traditional teaching. The introduction of oral Chaldaic 
paraphrases in the public reading of the Scriptures dates 
from the time of Ezra ; and there is every reason to be- 
lieve that written translations existed as early as the 
first century before Christ, though for a long time inter- 
preters would naturally shrink from committing their 
versions to writing. Passing by the Scanty notices of 
these first versions, the paraphrase of the Law named 
from Onkelos and that of the Prophets named from 
Jonathan ben Uzziel are at once the oldest and the most 
important. It has been supposed that both belong to 
the first half of the first century, though the evidence by 
which their dates are determined is scanty and incom- 
plete 2 . The first, as was required by the nature of the 
subject, is strictly accurate and clear, rarely departing 
from the original text except to avoid the semblance of 
anthropomorphic doctrine. In the latter, wider scope 
was offered to the translator, as well through the greater 
freedom allowed in the treatment of the prophetic books, 
as by the necessity of giving distinctness to the sublime 
predictions which they contained. It is probable that 
both have been interpolated in some degree by later 
hands, but the attempts to shew that they have been 

1 I have not been able to make 
use of Luzzato's Rabbinical Essay 
on Onkelos : Philoxenus, &c. Vien- 
nae, 1830. 

2 The arguments of Gfrorer are on 
the whole sufficient to prove that 
they were made before the final 
overthrow of Jerusalem (Jahrh. d. 
Heils, I. 3638)- [Yet see M. 

Deutsch's article on Targums in the 
Dictionary of the Bible, in which the 
Targum falsely named after Onke- 
los, i.e. Akilas or Aquila, is placed 
between the end of the second and 
the end of the third century, and 
that on the Prophets at the middle 
of the fourth century.] 


modified with a polemical object against the Christians 
must be considered to have failed 1 . 

The Targum of Onkelos from its literal exactness 
could not contain many explicit references to the Messiah. 
Two passages only are quoted in which he introduces 
the title, but those are of the utmost importance, as they 
recognise generally the period of Messiah's coming, and 
the majesty of His kingdom. In translating the well- 
known words of Jacob's blessing till Shiloh corners, says 
//// Messiah comes whose is the kingdom and to whom is 
the gatliering of the nations, And he gives a correspond- 
ing rendering of the prophecy of Balaam : A king shall 
rise from Jacob, and a Messiah shall be anointed from 
Israel. The last words are perhaps in themselves 
ambiguous, but when taken in connexion with constant 
Jewish tradition their meaning cannot be doubtful. 

1 Zunz, Gottesd. Vortrage, pp. 
6 1 ff. The Messianic passages from 
the Targums are collected by Bux- 
torf, Lex. Talmud, p. 1268 ff., with 
some slight errors; and in a con- 
venient form, with the Hebrew text 
and double English translation, by 
R. Young, The Christolos,y of the 
Targums, Edinb. 1853. In addition 
to the Targum of Onkelos on the 
Pentateuch, there is a second, origi- 
nallyknownas \)c\c. Palestine Targum, 
which exists at present in a double 
recension as the Jerusalem Targum 
and the Targum of the Pseudo-Jo- 
nathan. In its present form this 
probably dates from the second half 
of the seventh century (Zunz, p. 77), 
though based on older materials. 
Its character is rather that of inter- 
pretation (Midrash) than translation. 
Fragments exist of a Jerusalem 
Targum on the Prophets (Zunz, p. 
77 ff. ). The Targums on the Hagio- 
grapha are perhaps later. That on 
the Psalms, Proverbs, and Job is as- 

signed by Zunz to the same country 
(Syria), and also date, but without 
determining what it is : the Targum 
on the Psalms speaks of Constanti- 
nople (Zunz, p. 64 n.). The author 
of the Targum on the five Megilloth 
(Ruth, Lamentations, Ecclesiastes, 
Esther, Canticles) lived probably 
' ziemlich lange nach der talmudi- 
schen Epoche ' (id. p. 65). No Tar- 
gum on Ezra, Nehemiah, or Daniel, 
exists. That on Chronicles is of 
very late date. The account of the 
Targums by Zunz (ch. 5) is most 
masterly and exact, and contains in 
a brief space and a scholarlike form 
all, I believe, that is yet known cer- 
tr.inly as to their history. 

[Zunz has since, as it appears, mo- 
dified his opinion, but it seemed best 
to leave this note as it was originally 
written. An elaborate and thorough- 
ly original account of the Targums 
is now accessible to the English 
reader in M. Deutsch's article in the 
Dictionary of the Bible. ,] 



The Messianic interpretations of Jonathan are nu- 
merous and interesting, agreeing in most cases with 
the current of later teaching. Thus he says, A king 
shall come forth from the sons of Jesse, and Messiah 
shall arise from his sons' sons. This is the branch of 
the Lord, the son given to the house of David, who shall 
endure for ever, in vvhose time shall be much peace ; yet 
He shall execute a terrible vengeance on the enemies 
of His people, like a fiery flying serpent. By Him shall 
the nations be broken in pieces: and they shall bring 
offerings to Him, because He shall be established in good- 
ness, and be seated on His throne in tmth ; and He shall 
be for a crown of joy. At the same time the Messiah 
appears not only as a conquering and triumphant king, 
but also as the servant of the Lord, the servant whom He 
had chosen, who should prosper. And though Jonathan 
sees in the description of Christ's sufferings only the 
chastisement of the Jewish nation, yet he connects this 
period of distress with Messiah's coming. Becaiise God 
hath cleansed their souls from sins, they shall see the 
kingdom of their Messiah, they shall have many sons 
and daughters, they shall prolong their days, and keeping 
the Lazv of the Lord they shall be happy according to His 
good pleasure. 

So also in the other Prophets Messiah is that second 
David the King of Israel whom the Lord should raise 
up ; who shozdd go forth from them, and be revealed from 
the midst of them, and teach them the worship of the Lord, 
as the mystical Shepherd to whom the flock should 
be restored, in whom all the just should trust, and all 
the humble dzvell under the shadow of His kingdom. 
And as He was to be the son of David, and Him- 
self the spiritual David, so was He to come forth 
from Bethlehem, David's city, being named from the 



beginning and destined to rule over all the kingdoms of 

The later Targums upon the Pentateuch exhibit a 
striking contrast to the rigid simplicity of Onkelos, 
and in their Messianic passages shew clearly the hopes 
and influence of a later age. In addition to the two 
passages which he applies to Messiah 2 they explain 
fifteen others as referring to His time. Moses came 
forth from tlte desert, Messiah, it is said, shall come out 
of Rome [? the Roman Empire] in the great Paschal 
night of the second deliverance of Israel. Then though 
the people be scattered to the uttermost parts of heaven 
the Word of the Lord shall gather them thence by the 
hand of Elias the great priest, and bring them thence 
by tJie hand of Messiah the King. The idea of the 
terrible conflict of good and evil in the last days had 
assumed a form and consistency not found in the earlier 
writings. Then shall the serpent strive to sting men in 
the heel, but the sons of the 'woman shall secure their 
deliverance in the heel of time, the days of MessiaJi. 
All tJie sons of the East in league with Amalek, whose 
sin shall never be forgotten, shall then join battle with 
t/ie house of Israel and fall for ever, for ttie cry of 
Messiah is among His people. Already a second Messiah 
^-thc son of Ephrajm appears in contrast with Messiah 
the King, and they are compared respectively to the 
laver in the court of the tabernacle and the vessels in 
the tabernacle itself. But still Eder, the watch-tower 
near Bethlehem, is spoken of as the place from which 
Messiah shall be revealed in tlie end of days*. 

1 The references to i Sam. ii. 10 
and i Sam. xxii. 3 are at least un- 
certain; that to Isai. xlv. i is obvi- 
ously incorrect. 

8 Both Targums extend the appli- 

cation of Gen. xlix. n, 12 expressly 
to Messiah. 

3 The same interpretation appears 
also in a passage contained in the 
Targum of Jonathan on Mic. iv. 8 



The Targums on the Hagiographa contain but few 
distinct Messianic allusions. The only Psalms which are 
directly applied to the Messiah are Ps. xxi. xlv. Ixi. Ixxii. 
The six measures of barley which Ruth received from 
Boaz are interpreted to symbolize the six righteous 
men who should spring from her .... David, Daniel 
with his companions, and King Messias. In the para- 
phrase of Lamentations it is said: Thou [O Lord] shalt 
proclaim freedom to thy people the house of Israel by the 
hand of Messiah, as thou didst by the hand of Moses 
and Aaron in the time of the Passover ; and thou, Zion, 
shalt be freed by the hand of Messiah and of Elias the 
High Priest. In Ecclesiastes it is expressly said that 
the day of the coming of King Messiah is a mystery 
as the day of death ; and who is he who shall discover 
it by wisdom ? Several passages in Canticles are re- 
ferred to the Messiah ; and special mention is made 
of the two deliverers who should arise, Messias the son 
of David and Messias the son of Ephraim. 

But while the Apocalyptic and Interpretative litera- 
ture of the Jews shews the form which the Messianic 
hope had assumed as a theological dogma at the be- 
ginning of the Christian era, it conveys little information 
as to the hold which the doctrine retained on the mass 
of the people. The teaching of the schools could scarcely 
touch the sympathies or influence the character of the 
multitude who knew not the law ; and the literature 
which survives in after generations is generally that 
which was in advance of the age in which it appeared. 

One important fragment however of what may be 
called the popular literature has been preserved. The 

(And thou, tower of Eder}, which 
however seems to be an interpola- 
tion : Et tu Messia Israelis qui occul- 

/arts propter pcccata Ecclesia: Zionis 
ad te regnum venturum est. 



Psalms of Solomon^ appear to belong to the times of 
the persecution of Antiochus 2 , and to express the deep 
penitence and the devout hope of a pious Jew at that 
crisis. They are distinguished from the Apocalyptic 
writings by a clearer recognition of the sins of the 
people, and from the books of the Apocrypha by a 
greater simplicity and a closer adherence to the language 
of the Old Testament. The view which they give of 
Messiah is proportionately distinct and full, especially 
in the exhibition of the spiritual character of His 
reign. After general prayers for mercy and restora- 
tion (vii., xi.), and beyond the anticipation of a divine 
coming for judgment (xv.), the recollection of the pro- 
mise to David and his seed for ever rises in marked 
pre-eminence (xvii.). Though his throne be cast down, 
yet shall it be raised up. A king, it is said 3 , a Son 
of David, shall be girded with strength to bruise unjust 
rulers, to cleanse Jerusalem, to remove sinners, to gather 
together the just from all the places in which they have 
been scattered. He shall shake the earth with His 
word, the writer adds, and bless His people, and the 
Gentiles shall serve Him. He shall be 'clean from 
sin' (/caOapbs airb a/ta/m'a?), ' an anointed Lord' (^pt<rro? 
Kvpw'), and ' shall not be weak ' through the strength 
of God. And 'happy are those who are born in His 
'days to see the blessings of Israel which God shall 
' bring to pass in the congregation of the tribes 5 .' 

1 The Greek translation, which 
is all that remains, is given by Fabri- 
cius, Cod. Pseudep. V. T. i. 914 ff., 
and recently by Fritzsche. The 
Psalms are translated, and assigned 
to a second Solomon of the time of 
the Return, by Whiston, Authentic 
Records, &c. I. pp. 117 ff. Cf. 
Ewald, iv. 343 f. 

2 Cf. Ewald, iv. 343 n. The lan- 
guage of Ps. viii. seems decisive on 
this point. 

Ps. xvii. 5, 8, 23 ff. 

4 Ps. xvii. 36. Ewald (iv. 344 n.) 
conjectures that this may be an 
error of translation for X/5. Kvpiov. 
Cf. Luke ii. n (varr. lectt.), 26. 

5 Ps. xvii. 50; xviii. 7. 


I2 9 

The language of these Psalms offers a near approx- 
imation to the tone of those who first welcomed the 
Messiah ; but the various details gathered from a scanty 
literature are first combined into a living picture in the 
records of the New Testament. Without the historical 
narrative the sum of the theological teaching is confused 
and often unintelligible. But in a few scattered phrases 
the Apostolic writers have preserved a striking outline 
of the different forms which the national hope of the 
Jews assumed at the time and on the scene of Christ's 
appearance. The variety and distinctness of the traits 
which they have marked, their simplicity and natural- 
ness, their vital connexion with existing circumstances ; 
and the confirmation which they receive from subse- 
quent history, are alike worthy of careful study ; and 
taken together they combine to give a vivid and lifelike 
image of the popular creed as it was apprehended by 
men who were ready to die for it. 

The early literature of the Jews recognised the exist- 
ence of very different ideas of the Messianic work. The 
difference which was thus admitted in theory was em- 
bodied in life. The faith and spirit of the believer in 
this case as in every other moulded the substance of 
his belief; and Holy Scripture seemed to promise to 
each in the coming deliverance exactly that freedom 
for which he longed most ardently. Atonement, inde- 
pendence, restoration, dominion, union such were the 
manifold ideas included in the glorious prospect of Mes- 
siah's kingdom. 

But while the form of the hope was indefinite, its 
presence was universal. In some form or other, general 
expectation was quickened in Judaea and in Samaria and 
among the Jews of the dispersion 1 ; Jerusalem and all 

1 John i. 42; iv. 25; Acts xxvi. 7. 
W. G. I 

Chap. ii. 

2. T lie Mes- 
sianic hope 
of the Jews 
as described 
in the his- 
toric records 
of the first 
i. TJte Ne^v 

The variety 




Chap. ii. 

Acts xxvi. 7. 



Luke ii. 25, 

Luke ii. 38. 
Tht Manner. 

Judea and all the region round about Jordan went out 
to John's Baptism without distinction of rank or sect, 
musing whether he were the Chris?. In the most different 
stations there were those who waited for the kingdom of 
God. To this the twelve tribes instantly serving day and 
nigJit hoped to come. And at a later time Simon the 
mystic and Barkokeba the zealot found multitudes ready 
to welcome in them either the Great Power of God or 
the Star which shoidd rise out of Israel. 

Even in the wide diversity of opinion which existed 
as to Messiah some points seem to have been settled by 
general tradition or consent It was held that the time 
of His advent, though fixed in the Divine counsels, was 
unknown to men, who meanwhile were looking anxi- 
ously in the distress of nations for those signs which they 
had been taught to expect as the first announcement of 
the fulness of the time. General belief pointed to an 
appearance startling and sudden, in the wilderness or 
in the secret chamber. Even the Pharisees asked Christ 
when the kingdom of God should come*. And here, too, 
special blessings were reserved for such as looked for 
them. In the capital of Herod there was one just and 
devout, waiting for the consolation of Israel, to ^vhom 
it was revealed that he should not see death till he had 
seen the Lord' s Anointed. And others shared the hope 
and assurance of Symeon, since Anna could speak freely 
of Jesus to those who were waiting for the redemption of 
Jerusalem 3 . 

The uncertainty which attached to the time, ex- 

1 Matt. iii. 5; Luke iii. 15; John 2 Luke xvii. 20. 

i. 19, 20; iii. 28. Yet here as else- 3 This is the reading of KB, some 

where it was the common people who ancient mss., and all the best Vv. 

seem to have heard him most gladly: The remaining MSS. give tv Mep., 

Matt. xxi. 23 27 and the parallel and so do the mss. except a few 

passages (Mark xi. 27 33; Luke which have roy 'l<r/>cn}\ or v r<$ 

XX. 6j. 'Iff p. 


tended also to the manner of Messiah's appearance. 
The question of the Magi when they inquired for Him 
who was born King of the Jews shewed a faith not 
general at the period. In recognising a child as King 
their spiritual insight may be compared with that of 
Symeon and Anna. By others, especially by His own 
countrymen, it was made an objection to the claims 
of our Lord that His family was known to them and 
dwelt among them. We knozv this man whence He is, 
said the people of Jerusalem, but when the Christ cometh 
no man knoweth whence He is. How can this man 
whose father and mother we know, asked the multitudes 
at Capernaum, say / came down from heaven f They 
expected to hear the cry Lo here is the Christ, or Lo 
there, and to see Him declared at once in the fulness 
of power and strength as the deliverer of His people. 
As the star in the East was to be the physical 
emblem of Christ's coming, so was it universally be- 
lieved that Elijah would prepare His way, at once by 
restoring the ancient faith of the people, and by con- 
secrating Him to His office. This belief was already 
part of the popular teaching, and even the disciples 
seemed to have looked for its literal accomplishment 
when they suggested the difficulty How say the scribes 
that Elias must first come? Nor was this all ; as Elijah 
represented the majesty of the Prophets, so Jeremiah 
symbolised their devotion ; and he who had prayed 
much for the people and the Holy City was specially 
named among those who should accompany Messiah 
at His appearance 1 . But apart from all other testimony 
'the works of the Christ*' were for the spiritual vision the 
decisive sign of His presence. 

1 Matt. xvi. 14. Cf. i. [4] Esdr. 
ii. 1 8, where Isaiah is included. 

2 Matt. xi. 2, TO. Zpya TCK) 

I 2 

Chap. ii. 

Matt. xiii. 


John vii. 27. 

The Signs. 

Matt. xvii. 

2 Mace. xv. 



Chap. ii. 

The Birth- 

Matt. ii. 5- 

John vii. 41, 

The Davidic 

Matt. xxii. 

Matt. xii. 23. 

Matt. ix. 27. 
Matt. xx. 30. 

Matt. xv. 22. 

Matt. xxi. 9. 
Matt. xxi. 

The Mosaic 
iJeut. XVIIL 

Such being among the acknowledged signs of the 
Messiah, it was determined with equal agreement that 
He should spring from Bethlehem the city of David. 
The answer of the priests to Herod is confirmed by 
the doubts of those who at a later time questioned 
the Messiahship of one whom they supposed to be a 
Galilasan, and asked Did not the Scripture say that 
Christ cometh of the seed of David, and from Bethlehem 
the village where David was? 

And not only was the Messiah to spring from David's 
city; He was emphatically David's Son 1 . Such was 
the answer which the Pharisees made to the question 
of our Lord ; and when the multitudes were amazed 
at the miracles of Jesus they said, Is not this the So?i 
of David? evidently understanding by the words the 
promised King. The blind on two occasions addressed 
Him by the same title, Have mercy on us, thon Son of 
David. And the name was spread abroad even among 
strangers : a woman of Canaan . . . cried unto Him 
saying, Have mercy on me, Lord, thon Son of David. 
So when the pilgrim multitude led Him in triumph 
the song was still Hosanna to the Son of David ; blessed 
is the coming kingdom of onr father David* ; and when 
the triumph was over, the children in the Temple once 
more caught up the words. 

The type of Royal Power was naturally that on 
which the mass of the Jews dwelt with the liveliest 
hope, but the image and promise of Moses moulded 
the expectations of some among them. These looked 
for a Prophet rather than for a King 3 , though they 

1 The title itself does not occur Epistles the Davidic descent of 

in the writings of St John, and yet Christ is only twice alluded to: 

in the passage just quoted he impli- Rom. i. 3; i Tim. ii. 8. 

citly recognises it. Cf. Apoc. v. 5, 2 Mark xi. 10. Cf. Lukei. 32,69. 

xxii. 16, 77 plfr Aaveid. In the 3 John vi. 14. Elsewhere ' the 



entertained no clear conception of the scope of his 
teaching ; and the ' likeness ' of which Moses spoke 
led them to anticipate an outward resemblance in life 
rather than in work between the lawgivers of the Old 
and New Covenants, which attained in later times a 
fabulous minuteness 1 . A trace of this tendency occurs 
in the Gospels : when the multitudes said This is of 
a truth the Prophet which cometh into the world, they 
soon called to mind the manna in the wilderness, and 
asked for a sign like this through which they might 
believe. But the Mosaic type of Messiah was not 
capable of a full realisation till the foundation of a 
Christian Church, and consequently it appears most 
prominently in the Acts of the Apostles 2 . Before 
that time the woman of Samaria, who might be sup- 
posed to feel most deeply the need of a second Moses, 
expressed most truly the belief in His advent 3 . In 
the later books of the New Testament the completeness 
of the mutual relation between Moses and Christ is 
perfected by the allusions to a spiritual Balaam ; and 
in the imagery of the Apocalypse a second song of 
Moses celebrates the final triumph of the new De- 
liverer 4 . 

At the same time the higher side of Messiah's 
nature was not denied or forgotten. The Temptation 
turned upon the assumption of the title of Son of God' ; 

Prophet ' and 'the Messiah ' are dis- 
tinguished : John i. 20, 21 ; vii. 40. 
Cf. John i. 46. Perhaps the expres- 
sive title ' He that cometh ' (Matt, 
xi. 3 ||) is to be referred to this 

1 Cf. Gfrorer, n. 335 ff. Inf. pp. 
137, 138. 

2 Acts iii. 19 ff.; vii. 37 ff. 

3 John iv. 25. The Messianic 
doctrine of the Essenes probably 

assumed this form. 

4 2 Pet. ii. 15; Jude u; Apoc. 
ii. 14 (xv. 3). There is no trace of 
this 'Antichrist' in early Jewish 
writings. Armillus (see Buxtorf 
Lex. s. v. D1?*O*1tt) belongs to a 
much later period, and is connected 
with Isai. xi. 4. Comp. 2 Thess. 
ii. 8. 

5 The following table gives I 
think a correct summary of the 

Chap. ii. 

John vi. 14, 
31 ff. 

The Divine 



Chap. ii. 

Matt. xxvi. 

The true 
Human cha- 
racter disre- 

Matt. xvii. 

Matt. xvi. 


Luke xxiv. 

Luke xxiv. 

and during our Lord's ministry the evil spirits sought 
to precipitate and so to mar His work by proclaiming 
His divine character. The mystery however which was 
hidden from the eyes of the multitude to whom it 
seemed blasphemy was proclaimed or acknowledged 
at solemn crises. Thus John the Baptist, Nathanael, 
Peter, and Martha, bore witness to Christ as the Son 
of God ; and the Sanhedrin recognised the title as 
belonging to Messiah, when the High Priest in the 
presence of the assembly solemnly adjured Jesus say- 
ing, Tell us whether thoti be the Christ the Son of God \ 

The fatal error of the Jewish people lay in the 
opposite direction, for in the fond anticipations of a 
second David to come as a divine champion they 
disregarded the true Humanity of the Messiah. Look- 
ing for a sign from heaven they could not read the 
signs on earth before them. The disciples were sorry 
when Christ spoke to them of His coming passion, 
St Peter even began to rebuke Him for admitting that 
such humiliation was possible. Till his death some 
had hoped that it had been He who should have redeemed 
Israel, but then their hope was lost till Christ Himself 
shewed them that the Prophets had foretold all these 
things ; and by the help of this divine teaching they 

usage of Messiah's title Son of 
God ([6] utos TOU 0eoO) in the Gos- 

i. By our Lord Himself: John 
iii. 17, 1 8 (?); v. 25; ix. 35; [v. 1. 
roO crrtoferovj; x. 36; xi. 4. 

ii. By believers : Matt. xvi. 16 
(St Peter not in ||, but cf. John vi. 
69); [Mark i. i ; ] John i. 34, 50; 
xi. 27; [xx. 31.] 

iii. By jews: Matt. xxvi. 63; 
xxvii. 40, 43 (0. vfa) ; cf. John xix. 
7, vL B. ; Luke xxii. 70. 

iv. By evil spirits: Matt. iv. 3, 

6 || ; viii. 29 |1 ; Mark iii. 1 1 ; Luke 
iv. 41. 

The sailors (Matt. xiv. 33) and the 
centurion (Matt, xxvii. 54; Mark xv. 
39 vl. 6.) see in Christ 0eov utos. 

1 The statements of Justin (Dial, 
c. 49) and Celsus (Orig. c. Cels. i. 
49) only shew that this opinion was 
not held in their time. The forms 
which the Messianic hope assumed 
among the Jews were various, and 
the prevalence of one form among 
a particular class or at a particular 
time cannot exclude the others. 



set forth from that time the sufferings of Messiah from 
the Scriptures. Such being the feelings of those who 
were nearest to Christ, it cannot be strange that the 
people were even more perplexed by His lowliness 1 . 
When He spoke of Himself as the Son of Man, the 
people answered . . . Who is this Son of Man 2 ? Even 
when they were most startled by His works or words 
of power they generally saw in Him no more than 
a Prophet, or waited for some more striking revelation 
of His majesty 3 . If thou be the Christ tell us plainly 
was the complaint at one time ; and at another, when 
they wondered at His gracious words, they said, Is not 
this Josephs son ? 

A partial conception of Messiah's work necessarily 
followed from a partial conception of His nature. To 
the Jews this appeared to be bounded by the estab- 
lishment of a glorious kingdom and the confirmation 
of their Law. A second and spiritual birth of God's 
people or God's servants seemed alike impossible and 
unnatural ; and Nicodemus, in accordance with the 
spirit of his countrymen, might well find it difficult 
to understand how it should be required of him to lay 
aside the opinions and prejudices which had grown 
about him from his infancy, before he could even see 
that kingdom for which he sought. The brethren of 
Jesus who saw His works still wished for an open 
manifestation of His power and office, for they could 
not believe in a Messiah who hid Himself from the great 
world 4 . Peter was eager to pay for his Master the 

1 Cf. pp. 104, 113. 

2 John xii. 34. Cf. John ix. 35, 
where XBD read 6 inos rov avdpuirov. 

3 Cf. Matt. xvi. 14; xxi. n, 46; 
Mark ii. 12; vii. 37; xi. 18 ; Luke 
* v - 3 2 > 37; v - 26; vii. 16 [ix. 9; 

viii. 53. 

4 It is evident that the brethren 
of the Lord sought only to preci- 
pitate the declaration of this Mes- 
siahship. They lacked that faith 
which could rest wholly in Him and 

xxiii. 8]. See also John vii. 26, 31; abide His time. Cf.Johnii. 23, 24. 



tribute to the Temple even after his inspired con- 
fession. The fiery zeal of the sons of Zebedee led 
them to seek places next to their Saviour's throne ; 
and the Apostles inquired of the risen Lord whether 
He would at that time restore the kingdom to Israel. 
Some indeed seemed to have looked further for ' a re- 
'stitution of the world ;' but it was reserved for Sama- 
ritans, conscious of doubt and sin, to feel that Messiah 1 
would announce all things even the true forms of wor- 
ship and be the Saviour of the world?. 

But while the poor and simple, guileless Israelites, 
rude Galilseans, fiery zealots, clung severally to some 
peculiar Messianic hope, those Jews who had been 
brought into closer connexion with Greek literature 
or Roman dominion seem to have looked on the popular 
belief as exaggerated or groundless fanaticism. The 
leaven of Herod had penetrated the nation of God. 
Many thoughts were working, though as yet unrevealed, 
at the time when Symeon foresaw that the Saviour 
was set as well for the fall as for the rising of many, 
and for a sign which should be spoken against. Hillel 
' the second restorer of the Law ' said that there would 
be no Messiah. According to him the promise and 
its fulfilment belonged to the time of Hezekiah ; and 
though in fact he may have rejected only the notion 

1 The title Mcssias occurs only in 
John i. 42 ; iv. 25. Can it be with- 
out meaning that the Hebrew word 
is preserved exactly in the two places 
where simple faith in the ancient 
promise seems liveliest ? 

2 From the circumstances of our 
Lord's examination before the San- 
icdrin it is evident that He had not 

openly proclaimed Himself as the 
Messiah, or the adjuration of the 
High Priest would have been un- 
necessary (Matt. xxvi. 63). In like 

manner it is clear that the abro- 
gation of the Mosaic Law had not 
formed part of His public teaching. 
The formation of an outward Church 
necessarily preceded the announce- 
ment of this truth. It is also impor- 
tant to notice that in early Jewish 
writings there is no trace of the 
belief in the substitution of a 
spiritual for a ritual law, which 
assumed a definite form after the 
tenth century. 



of a temporal kingdom, his opinion gained extensive 
currency in its literal sense 1 . Philo speaks only in 
one place of the coming of a deliverer, 'A man shall 
' come, says the Oracle, leading a host, and he shall 
' subdue nations great and populous by the aid of God, 
'who shall send the help that befits the holy. And 
' this is an undaunted bravery of soul, and a most 
' mighty strength of body 2 , two things of which even 
'one is formidable, but if both meet they are wholly 
' irresistible. But some of the foes [the Oracle says] 
'are unworthy to be defeated by men, against whom 
' [God] will array swarms of wasps for their most shame- 
' ful destruction, warring in defence of the holy ones. 
' [It says] moreover that this [hero] shall not only 
'enjoy surely without bloodshed victory in war, but 
' also an unassailable right of sovereignty, for the help 
' of those who may become his subjects through good- 
' will or fear or reverence.' It is only necessary to read 
the context to feel how little importance Philo laid on 
the presence or work of this victorious deliverer. The 
hope which he cherished rested on the promises made 
to the whole nation, and not on the predictions of a 
single deliverer ; and thus, while his expectation of 
a personal Messiah was apparently feeble, he paints 
in glowing colours the blessedness of a coming reign 
of virtue, when the enemies of God shall be confounded, 
and His people gathered from the utmost corners of 

1 Sanhedr. c.68. Cf. Just. M..Di<iL 
c.68, 71, 77. Thus at a later time the 
priests and zealots were ranged on 
opposite sides: Gfrorer, II. p. 439. 

a Philo de Pnem. 16, p. 423 M 
(Numb. xxiv. 7, LXX.). The refer- 
ence to ' an inspired prophet ' (de 
Monarch. I. 9) is too general to be 
applied certainly to Messiah, yet the 
passage claims attention : d\\d TIS 


KCU 7T/30077TeU<7et, X^- 

ovdtv, ov5 yap ti 
duvarat KaraXaBew o ye /tare- 

OJTOJS KO.I tvOoi'ffl&V, 8<TCt f)6 

SieXeiWrcu Ka.6a.irep viro- 
(3ci\\ovTo$ ertpov. No description 
perhaps could offer a more instruc- 
tive contrast to the prophetic office 
of Christ. 



the world to dwell in their own land. Then, he says, 
wars shall cease among men, and wild beasts shall 
forget their fierceness. And the scattered children of 
God shall return under the guidance ' of a form (thjreo)?) 
1 more divine than that of man, unseen by others, and 
' visible only to those who are being saved ; and they 
'shall find three advocates (Trapa/cA^rou?) of their re- 
' conciliation (Kara\\a^wv) with the Father : First, the 
'kindness and goodness of [God] who invites them... 
'secondly, the holiness of the patriarchs of their race,.. 
* and thirdly, that through which especially the favour 
' of those things which have been mentioned precedes, 
' the reformation of those who are being led to a [new] 
' truce and covenant, who have been able with difficulty 
' to come from a pathless wandering to that path whose 
'end is no other than to please God as sons [please] 
4 a father. Then shall the ruins of their cities be re- 
' paired : the prosperity of their fathers shall seem but 
' little in comparison with the perennial springs of God's 
' favour by which they will be cheered ; and their 
' enemies shall be filled with dismay and sorrow when 
'they see the sure and unchangeable prosperity of 
' God's people 1 .' 

While Philo cherished in this way a sure belief that 
his nation was destined to take the foremost place in 
the world, Josephus appears to abandon the trust in 
a national restoration, as well as that in a personal 
Saviour. Rome is acknowledged as the mistress of 

1 Philo < Execrat. 8, 9. Philo 
quotes in his Messianic descriptions 
Levit. xxvi. ; Deut. xxviii. ; Numb, 
xxiv. 7; and also Isai. liv. i; Ps. 
c<xi. 8. Cf. Gfrorer, Philo, i. 532: 
Oahne, I. 432 ff. Possibly the *' di- 
'vine vision' may be an idealised 

antitype of the 'pillar of fire' which 
attended the Jews on their first 
Exodus and in which the Word was 
present, but it by no means supports 
the identification of the Word and 
the Messiah, but rather distinguishes 


the world : Vespasian is proclaimed to be the king who 
should rise from the East. In his narrative of the 
early history and final struggle of the Jews, which 
become inexplicable without the recognition of the one 
central hope by which they were quickened, he never 
once betrays any personal interest, much less belief, 
in the doctrine of Messiah. Yet even thus he bears 
ample testimony to the powerful hold which it main- 
tained on the nation. 'When Fadus was procurator 
' of Judaea,' he relates, ' a certain sorcerer (70779) by 
' name Theudas persuaded the great mass of the people 
' (rov Tr\el<7Tov oyfiov) to take up their property and 
'follow him to the river Jordan; for he announced 
' that he was a prophet, and said that he would divide 
'the river by his command, and give them an easy 
'passage; and saying this he deceived many 1 ;' and 
faithfully did the nation cherish the recollection of 
their first deliverance as the image of that which should 
come. The same characteristic marks the history of 
' the Egyptian false prophet who came into the country, 
'being a sorcerer, and having persuaded men that he 
' was a prophet collected about thirty thousand of those 
'whom he had deceived. And these he led from the 
'wilderness to the Mount of Olives... 2 ,' 'for he said 
' that he wished to shew them how at his bidding the 
'walls of Jerusalem would fall, through which he pro- 
'mised that he would afford them an entrance into 
'the city 3 .' And these impostors were but specimens 
of a class of ' vagabond men and deceivers, who under 
' the pretence of divine inspiration (QeiacrfjLov) compassed 
' revolutions and changes, and persuaded the multitude 

1 Joseph. Antiq. XX. 4. i. the other passage there is no allu- 

2 Joseph. B. J. II. 13. 5. sion to this promised miracle. 

3 Joseph. Antiq. XX. 7. 6. In 



1 to indulge in mad hopes (Sai/jiovav), and led them forth 
* into the wilderness, as though God would shew 
' (Se/foz'To?) them there signs of freedom,' or, as it is 
expressed in the parallel passage, promising ' to shew 
' evident prodigies and signs wrought according to the 
' foreknowledge of God 1 .' The final insurrection is the 
clearest proof of the general spread of this Messianic 
enthusiasm, for Josephus allows that ' that which espe- 
' cially incited the Jews to the war was an ambiguous 
' Oracle found in their sacred writings, to the effect 
' That at that time one out of their own country should 
' rule the world (7-779 efoot^tew??)*.' And even in the last 
'extremity of the siege many prophets were sent by 
' the chiefs among the common people, charging them 
' to wait for the help of God;' and these found ready 
credence, so that six thousand fell in the porch of the 
Temple, whither they had fled 'expecting to receive 
' the signs of safety 3 .' 

The hope entertained by the Jews was indeed so 
notorious that it did not escape the notice of Roman 
historians ; and they attached so much importance to 
the predictions on which it was based, as to find their 
fulfilment in the elevation of Vespasian to the imperial 
throne. ' A few,' says Tacitus in speaking of the pro- 
digies which preceded the destruction of Jerusalem, 
' turned these events into a cause of alarm ; the greater 

1 Joseph. //. cc. Josephus con- 
trasts these fanatics with the zealots 
(XjjoraJ, sicarii) as being 'in hand 
'more pure, but in purpose more im- 
' pious/ B. J. ii. 13. 4 . 

J />'. 7- vi. 5. 4. The reference 
is probably to the prophecy of 
Daniel (ii. 44), and not to that of 
Balaam, as Bretschneider supposes : 
Thcolog. Fl. Josephi, 10. Cf. An- 
tiq. x. ii. 7. 

3 B. J. vi. 5. 2. 

The paraphrase which Josephus 
gives of the promise to Abraham is 
characteristic : Trpoe8t]\ov rb 7^05 
[r6] avTuiv ete Wvr\ TroXXi Kal TT\OV- 
rov ^TriSwcreii', Kal fj-vrjuyv aluviov 
CLVT&V ZffeffOcu ro?s 7ej>ctp%cus (Antiy. 
I. 14. 4). But it is to be remem- 
bered that neither Philo nor the 


' number were possessed with a belief that it was written 
' in the ancient writings of the priests that it would 
' come to pass at that very time that the East would 
'grow mighty, and that men proceeding from Judsea 
'would gain the empire of the world. An ambiguous 
'oracle, which had foretold [the fortunes of] Vespasian 
'and Titus... 1 .' Suetonius relates the same circum- 
stance almost in the same words, adding however that 
the belief was ancient, uniform, and universally current 
throughout the East. 

But however strong the hope was even after the 
destruction of Jerusalem, it was quenched at no distant 
time in the blood of the noblest Jews. The disastrous 
rising of Barkokeba was the last public profession of 
the earlier creed. Afterwards a gloom settled over 
the image of Messiah, and increasing sorrows were 
described as the sure signs of His approach. 

Eliezer surnamed the Great said 2 : C A little before 
'the advent of a Messiah 3 shamelessness shall be in- 
' creased; and there shall be great dearth of corn: the 
' vine shall bear fruit, but [from the excess of revellers] 
'wine shall be sold dear. The mightiest empire in 
' the world shall be overwhelmed with evil judgments, 
' and no chastisement shall have place. The synagogues 
' shall be converted into houses of shame, the borders 
' of Judaea shall be laid waste, and all the region shall 
'be made desolate. Noble men shall go round from 
' town to town and meet with no offices of mercy. The 

1 Tac. Hist. v. 13. Suet. Vesp. 4: 
Percrebuerat oriente toto vetus et 

of some fanatics. 

2 Sofa, 15 (in. pp. 308-9, ed. 
constans opinio esse in fatis ut eo Surenhus.). Cf. ~Edza.rd,AvodaSara, 
tempore Judsea profecti rerum poti- pp. 248 f. 

rentur. The well-known passage in 3 "b JTOpJD In calcaneis M. 
Suet. Claud. 25, Judaeos impulsore See p. 126. Cf. Buxt. Lex. Rabb. 
Chresto assidue tumultuantes urbe s. v.; Wagenseil, Sofa, I. c. 
expulit, may refer to the intrigues 



' wisdom of teachers shall seem of ill savour ; the inno- 
' cent shall be despised ; and the failing of truth shall 
1 be great. Young men shall confound the face of the 
'old; the old shall rise before the young. The son shall 
'provoke the father; the daughter shall rise against her 
'mother, and the daughter-in-law against her mother-in- 
'law; in fine every one shall have for his foes those of 
' his own household. In truth that age shall have the 
' face of a dog, and the son shall not reverence his 
' parent. On whom then must we trust ? On our 
'heavenly Father 1 .' 

This remarkable passage stands I believe alone in 
the Mishna 2 ; but in the Gemara many other strange 
and inconsistent traditions occur, which seem at times 
more like the expression of despair than of faith. The 
'birth pangs of Messias' passed into a proverb 3 ; and 
some Rabbis declared that they wished not to behold 
His coming 4 . Drought, famine, thunder, and wars, were 
among the signs which should precede Him, and it was 
said that the sight of men should fail for anguish and 
sorrow. Nor was the moral state of the world expected 
to be better than the material. The divine teaching 
was to fail, and all men were to become Sadducees : 
' when men grow fewer and fewer,' so the tradition runs, 
' expect Messias 5 ; when the world is overwhelmed with 
< evils as with a flood; when the last supply is consumed, 
' and the last hope gone.' 

1 Cf. Lactant. Instit. vn. 15 f. 

2 Various opinions as to the com- 
ing and work of Elias are given: 
Edaj. s.f. (iv. p. 362). 

3 ttSPTOn (wSTves, Matt. xxiv. 
8 ; Mark xiii. 8). 

4 Schottg. Hor. Hebr. n. 546-7, 
971. I have not verified Schottgen's 
references, which however seem to 

be accurate. The Messianic inter- 
pretations of the Old Test, common 
to the New Test, and Jewish writers 
are given in Note i. at the end of the 

5 Sanhcdr. c. 91. i (referring to 
2 Sam. xxii. 28): Schottg. II. 154, 



The prevailing tone of these traditions is due in all 
probability to the disappointment of earlier dreams. 
Various limits had been fixed for the coming of. Messiah, 
and all as Raf confessed were passed 1 . Some had 
likened the duration of the world to a week of heavenly 
days, six thousand years of trial and labour followed 
by a millennial sabbath 2 . Two thousand years it was 
thought elapsed before the Law, two thousand were to 
pass under the Law, and two thousand years were re- 
served for the victories of Messiah. Others thought 
that the world would last eighty-five years of Jubilee 
(4165 or 4250 years), and that Messiah would come 
in the last 3 . The Romans, it was said at one time, 
shall oppress Israel for nine months 4 . Others again 
measured four hundred years from the last desolation 
of the Holy City as the utmost limit of delay; but the 
time went by, and then men cried in despair : ' Let 
'his bones be broken who computes the limits of 
1 Messiah's coming 5 .' Different explanations were pro- 
posed for the delay. The strangest fancy perhaps was 
that it was occasioned by the necessity for all the souls 
in the receptacle of spirits (Guph) to be embodied first 6 ; 
but in some form or other it was generally referred to 
the sins of the people. ' If Israel keep but one sabbath 
'or one fast duly Messiah at length will come 7 .' He 
came, according to another wild legend, on the day 
of the destruction of the Temple, but was suddenly 
carried away to be revealed at His proper time 8 . And 
with strange and tragic irony others said : ' He is even 

1 Schottg. ii. 966. 4 Id. ii. 970 

2 Edzard, /. c. p. 66. This idea B Id. 965. 

was popular with the Christian Fa- 6 Edzard, p. 28. Cf. pp. 224 ff. 

thers: cf. Barn. Ep. XV.; Iren. c. 7 Id. p. 247. 

Har. x. 28. 3. Lactant. Instil. VII. 8 Midr. Echa, 59, and Jer. Be- 

14, and notes. rack. 5. i. Cf. Jost, Gesch. d. Ju- 

3 Schottg. II. 963. denth. 404 n. Cf. Targ. Mic. iv. 8. 

Chap. ii. 

The time of 




1 now sitting among the poor and wounded at the gates 
'of Rome, and men know Him not 1 .' 

The twofold description of Messiah's advent was 
explained by the different circumstances under which 
He might come. He would come, it was said, if the 
people were wholly good or wholly wicked ; if good, 
then He would appear according to the words of Daniel 
on the clouds of heaven ; if evil, then meek and lowly as 
foretold by Zechariah 2 . As to the nature of His king- 
dom the later tradition in one respect was uniform. 
There will be no difference, it was said, between these 
days and the days of Messias, except in the subjugation 
of the Gentiles 3 . But as to its duration opinions widely 
differed. Passages were quoted from the Prophets which 
appeared to fix forty or seventy years, or three genera- 
tions, or a thousand or seven thousand years for its 
continuance 4 . And 'in those days the Nazarites shall 
'drink wine,' and 'there shall be no more proselytes' 
but ' all the Gentiles of their own accord shall be brought 
'to Messiah/ and 'all shall be clean 5 .' Thus some said 
' In the days of Messiah there will be thirteen tribes, 
'and the thirteenth will be Messiah's;' but others again 
doubted whether the ten tribes would be restored 6 . 

The later Jewish books contribute some further de- 
tails as to the expectation of Messiah, though perhaps 

1 Schottg. II. 969. Edzard, p. 
254, or, as others said, in Eden (id. 
L r.j. 

a Id. II. 969. In this connexion 
(Zech. xii. 10 12) the idea of a 
Messiah ' the son of Joseph ' was 
first entertained: Succa Bab. 52. 
Cf. Gfrorer, II. 258 ff. The death 
of Messias is admitted in 2 [4] Esdr. 
vii. 29; supr. p. 115. Friedrich has 
refuted Bertholdt's argument in sup- 
port of the antc-christian doctrine 

of a suffering Messiah. Discuss, de 
Christol. Satnar. Lib. Lips. 1821, 
pp. 12 ff. 

3 Edzard, p. 208. Cf. Gfrorer, 
Jahr. d. Hells, I. 219. Bertholdt, 
p. 41. 

4 Schottg. ii. p. 973. 
6 Id. pp. 613 ff. 

6 Id. II. p. 207 (from Ezek. xlviii. 
19). Cf. Sanhcdr. c. II. 3. Targ. 
Zech. x. 4. 2 (4) Esdr. xi i. 39 ff. 
supr. p. 1 14. 



little stress can be laid upon their originality 1 . It is 
said that a new Elias, born like the first of barren 
parents, will herald His approach by a preaching of re- 
pentance, according to some only three days before 
Messiah 2 . Messiah Himself will appear in the North, 
and His advent will be marked by a star 3 . Moses and 
Elias will attend Him, and He 'will stand upon the 
' roof of the Temple ; ' also the Shekinah will continue 
with men for three years and a half 4 . The same Pass- 
over night which witnessed the chief crises in the fortunes 
of the human race will also witness Messiah's coming 5 . 
And some speak of a mediatorial death and exaltation, 
of a resurrection of the Patriarchs and of the just, of 
the removal of the Redeemer (Goel) to heaven 6 . Then 
all the feast-days will be abolished except the day of 
atonement, and sacrifices shall cease, and there will 
be no distinction of clean and unclean 7 . The kingdom 
of Messiah will be strong in spite of the banded heathen. 

1 The pre-existence of Messiah is 
taught in the later writings. It was 
'the Spirit of Messiah which brood- 
' ed over the waters at the creation.' 
Cf. Nork. p. ix. and notes. 

2 Schottg. n. p. 533. 

3 Id. pp. 538, 531. 

* Id. pp. 544. 188, 548. 

5 Jerome mentions this 'Jewish 
tradition' as the ground of the ' Apo- 
'stolic tradition' of the watchings 
of Easter-eve the nox vigiliarui 
(Comm. in Matt. xxv. 6). The pas- 
sages referring to this usage are 
given by Bingham, Antiq. XXI. I. 32. 
Schottg. II. pp. 531, 563. 

6 Schottg. II. pp. 566, 578 ff., 
595. The Jewish notion of a 'suf- 
fering Messiah ' belongs exclusively 
to a late period. He appears as 
the son of Joseph or Ephraim as 
opposed to "the son of David ; but 
the earliest evidence of this belief 

W. G. 

occurs in the BabyL Gemara. Cf. 
Targ. Cant. iv. 5; (Jerus.) Ex. xl. 
ii ; see p. 127. Pearson On the 
Creed, 164 note, ed. Camb. ; Strauss, 
Leben Jesu, n. 324 ; Gfrorer, n. 262, 
270, 271. Cf. infr. p. 150, on Zohar. 

[The whole question of the origin 
and development of the belief in a 
Messiah ' the son of Joseph ' or ' the 
' son of Ephraim ' requires to be 
examined afresh. .The book of 
WUnsche, Die Leiden d. Metsias, 
Leipzig, 1870, gives an intere ting 
collection of passages, but far more 
is needed. The language of St Paul 
in Acts xxvi. 23, d Tradirrbs o x/u- 
CTTOS seems to imply that the thought 
of a suffering Messiah was not 
wholly strange to Jewish thinkers 
in spite of ,olin xii. 34, though he 
may be expressing only his own 
faith. 1880]. 

7 Id. II. 612 ff. 


Chap. ii. 



Chap. ii. 

iy. The mys- 
tic litera- 
ture of the 

The origin of 
this litera- 

Ezek. i. 

The oppressors of Israel will be destroyed, and all 
others made to do service to God's chosen people. 
Then the blessings of Eden will be restored : all creation 
will be relieved from the consequence of man's sin ; and 
God will walk as in old times among His people, and 
man will not fly from the presence of His Maker 1 . 

There is still another form of Jewish literature which 
has exerted a powerful influence upon the later doctrine 
of Messiah, but it is uncertain whether the mystic 
teaching of the Kabbala was directed in any degree 
towards the subject at the beginning of the Christian 
era. Mysticism and Philosophy looked first within 
rather than without for the fulfilment of the aspirations 
which they cherished ; and they probably received from 
Christianity the impulse by which their later course 
was shaped 2 . 

Like other Eastern nations the Jews were naturally 
inclined to theosophic speculation, and though this 
tendency may have been repressed by the definite teach- 
ing of revelation as long as they were confined within 
the sacred boundaries of Palestine, it found a freer scope 
after the exile. The prophecies of Ezekiel suggested 
a congenial subject for mystical interpretation. In their 
general imagery they appeared to reproduce the symbols 
of a strange nation, and to invite to the study of Eastern 
wisdom. The Vision of the divine glory, the chariot- 
throne on which the Lord was seen by the river of 
Chebar, formed the text for the inquiry into the essence 

1 Gfrorer, Jahr. d. Heils, 1.413^ 
Buxtorfs essay De Messia venture 
\de Synag. Jud. c. 50, Ugolini, 7^hes. 
IV.) contains very little of import- 
ance, but gives a curious description 
of the ten expected signs of Messiah 
pp. 1154 ff.), of the ten consola- 
tions (pp. 1 1 60 ff.), and of the great 

feast which should mark His Advent 
(pp. 1162 ff.). 

1 have collected in Note i. at the 
end of the chapter the Messianic 
passages quoted in the New Testa- 
ment which are interpreted in the 
same manner in Jewish writings. 

2 Cf. Zunz, cc. ix. xxi. 



chap. ii. 


and majesty of God ; as the narrative of Genesis seemed 
to contain under a veil the secrets of creation. Round 
these two centres, the manifestation of God's glory in 
Himself and in Creation, Theology and Nature, fancies 
and thoughts clustered and at length gained consistency. 
Enthusiasts saw the shadows of their own dreams in the 
divine history of their nation, and fancied that the 
Patriarchs were their teachers. Whatever they felt to 
be true in foreign systems was found latent in some 
symbolic word or number. All inward and outward 
experience was held to be only a commentary on the 
fulness of the Law and the Prophets. 

The progress of mysticism is generally the same : j itsgrowth. 
a vague aspiration, a pregnant word, a tradition, gather- 
ing form and fulness in the lapse of time, an incongruous 
system, treasured in the secret discipline of schools, 
and at length committed to writing. And such was 
the history of the Kabbala 1 . Already in the Apo- 
cryphal books of the Old Testament there are traces 
of the recognition of esoteric wisdom in the 'Chariot' 
and the ' Creation ; ' and at Alexandria the new theory 
found a rapid and natural development 2 . In Palestine 
and Babylon the same teaching spread, but under close 
restrictions. It was forbidden for any one under thirty 
years of age to read the Vision of Ezekiel. The public 
exposition of the 'Works of Creation' or of the 'Chariot' 
was unlawful 3 , and single hearers were selected with 

1 The name belongs to a much 
later period. The root is kabal to 
receive \by tradition], and the word 
was originally applied to all the 
books of the Old Testament except 
the Pentateuch (Zunz, 44, n.); and 
even after the technical sense of the 
word was established, it was still 
commonly used for 'oral tradition' in 
the 1 3th and 1 4th centuries(Zunz, I.e.). 

2 Zunz, pp. 162, 163. Sirac 
xlix. 8. 

3 Mishna, Chagiga, c. 2. i. Non 
exponunt... Opera Creationis cum 
duobus neque Currum cum uno, nisi 
fuerit sapiens qui sensum intelligit. 
There are in the Talmud traces of 
the existence of secret interpreta- 
tions of the Mercaba and Bercskith. 
Zunz, 164. 




Chap. ii. 

Earlier spe- 
culations are 
at length 
committed to 

special care. The very form of instruction was enig- 
matic. The truth was expressed in short 'sentences 
'for thinking men;' principles only were given, and not 
the application of them. 

As long as the Kabbala remained in this form, it 
is evident that it must have continued subject to ex- 
ternal influences. Its teaching included the knowledge 
of all mysteries ; and as Christianity most truly purified 
the speculations of the Neo-Platonists and the poly- 
theism of Julian, so also it must have modified the 
secrets of Jewish tradition. The philosopher, the states- 
man, and the mystic, would have shrunk equally from 
the conscious appropriation of Christian doctrine ; but 
some principles when once enunciated approve them- 
selves so certainly to the heart and reason, that it 
becomes a question afterwards whether they spring 
from revelation or from intuition. Thus open on one 
side to the Persian doctrine of Emanation, and on the 
other to the Christian doctrine of the Incarnation, the 
Kabbala grew in silence, till at last in the seventh or 
eighth centuries the traditionary dogmas were embodied 
in written commentaries 1 . Of these two remain, widely- 
separated in the times of their redaction, but both 
probably based on traditions of equal antiquity. The 
Sephcr Yetsira or Book of Creation dates in its present 
form from about the eighth century 2 : the Sepher ha 
ZoJiar or Book of Splendour owes its existence in its 
present form to R. Moses of Leon in the thirteenth 

1 Zunz, 165. 

2 Zunz, 165, who gives numerous 
examples of later idioms and words. 
The Talmud contains a reference to 
a Sepher Yetsira^ which Zunz sup- 
poses to be an error for Holcoth 
Yetsira mentioned elsewhere (p. 464, 
n.). Popular tradition ascribes its 

authorship to R. Akiba, or even to 
Abraham. In the absence of an 
exact criticism of its composition it 
is impossible to fix the date of its 
first elements. Cf. Jellinek, Bei- 
trdge zur Gesch. d. Kabbala, i. Leip- 
sic, 1852. 



century, though it probably includes elements of great 
antiquity 1 . 

It follows from what has been already said that 
little stress can be laid on the passing coincidences 
between the Kabbalistic books and the New Testament. 
In their fundamental principles the two present a total 
contrast. The Yetsira develops a system of pantheism 
utterly at variance with Christianity ; and the same 
pantheism lies at the basis of Zohar. At the same 
time speculations on the Divine Nature are necessarily 
so vague, that recent theologians have found in Zohar 
the whole of Christianity. The two natures of Messiah 
and his threefold office are said to be symbolized in the 
tree of the ten Scphiroth and in the Chariot* ; and those 
more abstruse questions as to the Person of Christ 
which agitated and divided the Church are said to be 
anticipated and decided in the mystical dogmas of 
Simeon ben Jochai. 

The direct and unquestionable traditions as to Mes- 
siah which are embodied in Zohar are more interesting. 
He is to be revealed first in Galilee 3 , coming from the 

1 This has been satisfactorily es- 
tablished by Jellinek in his tract, 

Moses ben Schemtob de Leon itnd 
sein Verhiiltniss ziim Sohar, Leipsic, 
1851. The warm approval of Jost 
is sufficient to remove any lingering 
doubt as to the correctness of Jelli- 
nek's conclusion: A. Jellinek und 
die Kabbala, Leipsic, 1852. Cf. 
Zunz, pp. 404 f. Jellinek detects 
the presence of nine different au- 
thors in the present work (Jost, p. 
10) ; and it is impossible not to hope 
for some clear results from his later 

The other opinions as to the on- 

l T-1 7~\' 

366 ff. His arguments rest on the 
convertibility of the terms Shckinah, 
Met at ron, &c., with Messiah, which 
seems to be unwarranted. Messiah 
is comparatively rarely meniioned 
by name, and where the title occurs 
there is little to justify the identifi- 
cation. Cf. Schottg. ii. pp. 267, 
278, 289, 412, 413. The most re- 
markable passage (p. 341) seems to 
have but little of a Christian tone. 
The passages here referred to main- 
tain expressly the twofold Messias 
the Son of David and the Son of 
Ephraim: cf. p. 360. 

3 The reason alleged is given by 

gin of Zohar are given by Joel, Die Jerome (Comm. in Matt. v. 16), ut 

Religions- Philosopliiedes Sohar, 1 849, 
pp. 6 1 ff. 

2 Schottgen, ii.pp.294ff.; 350 ff.; 

ubi Israelis fuerat ab Assyriis prim a 
captivitas, ibi redemptoris prseco- 
nium nasceretur. 

Chap ii. 

Fahe inter- 
pretations of 

traditions it 



Chap. ii. 

The indirect 
influence of 
these specu- 

garden of Eden ; and a star in the East is to herald 
His approach: the land which was first laid waste by 
invaders is to receive first its consolation 1 . He is to 
spring from the race of Boaz and David 2 ; and the dove 
which brought to Noah the tidings that the flood had 
abated shall hover over Him and place a crown upon 
His head 3 . To Him the little ones shall be gathered, 
and He shall collect the captives from all the corners 
of the earth 4 . He shall enter Jerusalem, according to 
the Prophet, riding on an ass 5 ; and drink the cup of 
suffering as men do 6 ; and Messias the son of Joseph 
(or Ephraim) shall die and rise again ; and the dead 
shall be raised 7 . 

But while it is impossible to shew that the mysticism 
which gave this form to the doctrine of Messiah after 
the Christian era had led to any clear conception of 
a suffering Saviour before His Advent, it unconsciously 
prepared the way for a true recognition of His divine 
nature. Even in the Pentateuch there are traces of 
a revealed as well as of a hidden God, of one on whom 
man may look and still live, of an Angel (MaleacJi] 
who exercises the functions of Deity. This conception 
of the external manifestation of the Deity was followed 
in the later books by a corresponding representation 
of His invisible energy. In the book of Proverbs 
Wisdom (Khokma,) o-ofyia) appears in some degree to 
fill up the chasm between God and the world ; and 

1 Schottg. ii. 524 f.; i. n. 

2 Schottgen n. 525. 

3 M> P- 537- 

4 Id. pp. 541 f. 
6 Id. p. 543. 

6 Id. pp. 112, 550. 

7 Id. pp. 557, 565, 572. 
Schottgen in his Lectiones Rabbi- 

niece, II. 8 ff., endeavours to prove 
that R. Simeon ben Jochai the re- 

puted author of Zohar must have 
been a Christian from the summary 
of his teaching. An answer of 
Glsessneris appended, with a rejoin- 
der by Schottgen, but nevertheless 
Schottgen's arguments seem quite 

In Note n. at the end of this 
Chapter some account is given of the 
later Samaritan Christology. 


in the Apocryphal writings this mediative element is 
apprehended with greater distinctness, but at the same 
time only partially, and with a tendency to pantheistic 
error. Meanwhile the growing belief in an angel-world 
composed of beings of the most different natures and 
offices gave consistency to the idea of a Power standing 
closer to God than the mightiest among the created 
hosts. The doctrine thus grounded fell in exactly with 
the desire of the philosophic interpreters of Scripture 
to remove from the text the anthropomorphic repre- 
sentations of the Supreme Being; and with varied 
ingenuity and deep insight into the relations of the 
creature and the Creator, the finite and the Infinite, 
they constructed the doctrine of the Word (Memm, 

The belief in a divine Word, a mediating Power by 
which God makes Himself known to men in action 
and teaching, was not confined to any one school at 
the time of Christ's coming. It found acceptance alike 
at Jerusalem and Alexandria, and moulded the language 
of the Targums as well as the speculations of Philo. 
But there was a characteristic difference in the form 
which the belief assumed. In Palestine the Word ap- 
pears, like the Angel of the Pentateuch, as the medium 
of the outward communication of God with men : in 
Egypt as the inner power by which such communication 
is rendered possible. The one doctrine tends towards 
the recognition of a divine Person subordinate to God 1 : 
the other to the recognition of a twofold personality in 
the divine Essence. 

The earliest Palestinian view of the Word is given 
in the Targum of Onkelos 3 . In this it is said the Lord 

1 Yet the personal Metatron was 2 The usage is not uniform: e.g. 

created. Cf. Dorner, I. 60. Gen. xvii. i. 

Chap. ii. 

4. The doc- 
trine oft/if 

i. In Pales- 

TJu Tar- 
gum <7/"On- 


Chap. ii. 

Gen. vii. 16. 
Gen. xv. i ; 
xvii. 2. 

Gen. xxi. 20. 

Gen. xxvi. 3. 
Gen. xxviii. 


Ex. xix. 17. 

Deut. iii. 2 ; 
iv. 24. 


Th? later 

protected Noah by His Word when he entered the Ark : 
that He made a covenant between Abraham and His 
Word : that the Word of the Lord was with Ishmael 
in the wilderness ; with Abraham at Beersheba ; with 
Isaac when he went among the Philistines ; with Joseph 
in Egypt. At Bethel Jacob made a covenant that 
the Word cf the Lord should be His God. Moses at 
Sinai brought forth the people to meet the Word of God. 
In the book of Deuteronomy again the Word of the 
Lord appears as a consuming fire talking to His people 
from the midst of the mount and fighting for them against 
their enemies ; and the same image recurs in the Targum 
of Jonathan on the books of Joshua and Samuel. 

In the later Targums on the Pentateuch the works 
of the Word are brought out more plainly. He creates 
man and blesses him and detects his fall. By Him 
Enoch is translated, and Hagar comforted. He appears 
to Abraham in the plains of Mamre, and provides the 
ram for him on Moriah. He is present with Jacob at 
Bethel, in Haran, and in the going down to Egypt. 
At the Exodus He destroys the first-born of the 
Egyptians, and delivers His people with mighty signs 

and becomes their King' 

1 In clue connexion with the Memra 
is the Shekinah, the one regarding 
the active operation of God, the 
other His visible presence. The 
Shekinah however is rarely men- 
tioned in the Targums \e.g. Ex. xxv. 
8; Num. v. 3, 'the Shekinah of the 
'Lord'(Onkelos),and more frequently 
in the later Targums; cf. Buxt. Lex. 
Rabb. s. v. Gen. ix. 27, already 
quoted in p. 93, n. i, offers the most 
remarkable example of the introduc- 
tion of the Shekinah,] but frequently 
in Zohar ; while the title Memra is 
found only in the Targums, or im- 

mediately derived from them. In 
some parallel passages of the Targum 
both terms occur. Thus in Num. 
xxiii. 21 Onkelos paraphrases: 'The 
' Word of the Lord shall be their 
' help, and the Shekinah of their 
'King among them;' and Pseudo- 
Jonathan ; 'The Word of the Lord 
'shall be their help, and the tri- 
' umphal strain of King Messias shall 
'sound among them.' Again in 
Ex. xx. 24 the Shekinah in Onkelos 
replaces the word of the Lord in 
Pseudo-Jonathan. And conversely 
in Ex. xix. 17 and Deut. xxiii. 14 


The representation of the nature and functions of 
the Word in Philo is far removed from the simplicity 
of this recognition of an outward Mediator. Various 
influences combined to modify his doctrine, and the 
enunciation of it is perplexed and inconsistent The 
very title Logos with its twofold meaning, speech and 
reason, was a fruitful source of ambiguity 1 , and this 
first confusion was increased by the tempting analogies 
of Greek philosophy standing in conflict with Hebrew 
belief in the absolute unity of God. As a necessary 
consequence the Logos is described under the most 
varied forms. At one time it is the mind of God in 
which the archetypal world exists, as the design of an 
earthly fabric in the mind of the architect 2 . At another 
time it is the inspirer of holy men, the spring and 
of virtue. At another time it is the Son of God, the 
First-born, all-pervading, all-sustaining, and yet per- 
sonally distinct from God. At another time the con- 
ception of two distinct divine personalities yields to the 
ancient dogma, and the Logos though retaining its divine 
attributes is regarded only as a special conception of 
God, as reasoning, acting, creating. 

Shekinah in the Pseudo-Jonathan 
answers to the Word of the Lord in 

The first of the passages just 
quoted has been brought forward to 
establish the identity of the Word of 
the Lord with Messiah [Schottgen, 
in. 5, 6 ; Bertholdt, 24 : the pas- 
sage quoted by the latter (note 3) 
from Targ. Jon. Is. xlii. i, is differ- 
ently given by Schottgen, III. 431 : 
in quo Verlmm meitm (majestas mea) 
sibi complacei\ ; but even if it were 
less equivocal it could have but little 
weight against the whole tenor of 
early Jewish writings. Not only is 
the proposed interpretation doubtful, 
but elsewhere unparalleled. It is 

worthy of notice that the eight names 
of Messiah given in the Midrash 
Mishle (xiith cent.) on the authority 
of R. Huna (t^Qo A.D.) contain no- 
thing to identify Him with the Word 
or Shekinah. Compare the names 
given by Philo de Confns. Ling. 28. 
The union of the Shekinah with 
Messiah is taught in Zohar. Cf. 
Bertholdt, 24, n. 3. 

1 The distinction is recognised in 
the contrast of the \6yos irpofapiKos, 
and the \6yos ^vdidtferos, de Vila \ 
Mos. in. 12, II. p. 154. 

2 De Mund. Opif. 4 ff., i. pp. 4 
ff. The whole passage is most cha- 
racteristic and instructive. 

Chap. li. 

ii. In Egypt. 
The variety 
and inconsis- 
tency of P ki- 
lo's -views. 



The contrast between the wavering conceptions of 
Philo and the simple statement of the Targumists is 
seen clearly in the passages where they recognise in 
common the presence of the Logos in the narrative of 
the Pentateuch. Philo speaks of the Logos as that 
through which the world was created 1 , but at the same 
time as an 'instrument' (opyavov) 2 'which still in after 
' time the pilot of the universe handles as a rudder 
'and so steers the course of all things 3 .' The Angel 
which met Hagar was 'the divine Word,' but Hagar 
is said to be 'routine learning' (77 fiecry fcal JKVK\I,O<; 
TraLSela), which twice flying from the presence of sove- 
reign virtue (Sarah) is brought back by the divine Word 
to the house of her Lord 4 . Jacob met the Word of 
God at Bethel, even one of those ' Words which God 
'sends to bring help to the lovers of virtue 5 .' 'An 
' Angel, a servant of God, the Word, changed the name 
' of Jacob, but the unalterable God changed the name 
'of Abraham 6 ...' The Word was the cloud which 
separated the hosts of Israel and Egypt, to whom ' the 
1 Father who created (yevvijcras) the universe assigned 
' the special gift that standing on the confines He should 
' separate the created (TO yevo/juevov) from Him that made 
' it. The same is at once the suppliant of the mortal 
' ever pining (/crjpaivovTo^ for the incorruptible, and the 
' envoy of the prince to the subject. Moreover he rejoices 
' in the gift, and magnifying himself sets it forth saying : 

1 De Monarch. 5, I. p. 225. 

2 Leg. Alleg. i. 9, i. p. 47; in. 
31, i. p. 106. De Cherub. 35, 
r. p. 162. 

a De Migr. Abr. i, I. p. 437. 

4 De Cherub. I, I. p. 138. Cf. 
deProf.% 37, i. p. 576. 

5 De Somn. 12, I. p. 631. The 
plural form (\o7ot) is worthy of 

notice. It occurs in the simplest 
sense in Leg. Alleg. 62, i. p. 122, 
where oi ayyeXoi /ccti \6yoi are con- 
trasted with CLVTOS 6 uv. The trea- 
tise de Post. Cain. 9, 25, 26, i. 
pp. 229, 241, 242, contains a very 
interesting series of examples of its 

tf De Mut. Norn. 13, i. p. 591. 



1 And I stood between the Lord and you, being neithe 
' unbegotten as God nor begotten as you, but a mean be 
' tween the extremes, in contact (o^pevwv) with both 1 .' 

Even from these examples and they might be 
multiplied indefinitely it is evident that Philo hac 
no uniform and distinct doctrine of the Logos. The 
term in its manifold senses continually rules his thoughts 
and he deals with this more frequently than with the 
great idea to which it was properly applied. An ap- 
parent analogy, a striking incident, a passing phrase 
is sufficient to modify his statement and direct the 
course of his reasoning. With him speculation had 
arrived at the stage in which language domineers over 
thought. But though it is impossible to decide abso- 
lutely that Philo attributed to the Word a personal 
and divine essence, and still more to bring all his state- 
ments into harmony with one dogmatic scheme, there 
is nevertheless a general tendency towards one issue 
among the conflicting details which his writings contain, 
one great current of thought which can be traced 
throughout them in spite of the manifold eddies by 
which it is disturbed. When he writes most independ- 
ently he assigns to the Logos divine attributes 2 and 
personal action 3 ; and at the same time he affirms in 
the most decided manner the absolute indivisibility 
of the divine nature 4 . The Word is neither an emana- 
tion nor a created being, but rather God Himself under 

1 Quis Rer. Div. Hcer. 42, I. p. Cf. Quis Rer. Div. Hicr. 38, I. p. 
501. With the language here used 499; de Profugis, 20, I. p. 562. 
compare the title Seurepos 6eos quoted 3 As the apxitptvs, de Sown. 37, 
from Philo by Eusebius, Pra>p. Ev. -*----' 

vii. 13. This title is indeed implied 
in Leg. Alleg. 73, I. p. 128. 

2 As the creation (de Monarch. 5, 
I. 225) and preservation of the uni- 

t. 653; elKuv 0eou, de Mund. Opif. 
8, I. 6, &c. ; ?7/<iuw> run* a.T\wv #eos, 
Leg. Alleg. 73, 1. 128; uVapxos, 
de Somn. 41, I. 656; cf. I. 308. 

4 Quod Del. Potiori Insid. 24, 
verse, Frag. II. p. 655: d 0etbs \6yos I. 209. 

TO. iravra, Kcd 



a particular form, conceived as the source and centre 
of vital energy. Combined with his other teaching 
this view naturally leads to the conception of a twofold 
personality in the Godhead. Even while he shrinks 
from the recognition of such a doctrine 1 , his. arguments 
must have led men to reflect upon it; and in this way, 
without laying the actual foundation for the truth, he 
prepared the ground on which it might be laid. 

But the preparation which Philo made for the Gospel 
was purely theological and speculative. His idea of 
the Logos was wholly disconnected from all Messianic 
hopes 2 . It was in fact to a great degree a philosophical 
substitute for them. Philo may have conceived of the 
Word as acting through Messiah, but not as one with 
Him. The lines of thought which pointed to the action 
of a second Person in the Godhead, and the victories 
of some future human conqueror, were not even parallel, 
but divergent. 'It was reserved for St John to combine 
the antithetic truths in one short divine phrase. Then 
for the first time God, Man, Shekinah, Word, were 
placed together in the most simple and sublime union : 
The Word was God, and t/ie Word became flesh and 
tabernacled among tis z . 

Little still remains to be said as to the relation 
which the Messianic hope which has been now traced 
in its various forms and bearings bore to its fulfilment. 
One or two points however, which are often overlooked 
in a mass of detail, may deserve some notice. And 
the first thing which must strike any one who has 
observed the manifold sources from which the several 

1 De Somn. 39, T. '655. 

2 On this point the testimony of 
Origen is most important, c. Cels. n. 
31 : y<j} 5 KO.I TroXXcus 'loyScUots Kal 
(robots ye CTrc^eXojUej'ois eZj/cu <rv(j,~ 

\byov elvai TOV viov TOV Oeov, cos d 
KeXcros ei'/)T7/ce... 

3 Cf. Apoc. xxi. 3 (shakan, habi- 
), Jud. viii. u; &=*-.). 



traits of Messiah's person have been drawn is the frag- 
mentariness of the special conceptions formed of Him. 
Most of the separate elements of which the whole truth 
consisted were known, but they were kept distinct. 
One feature was taken for the complete image ; and 
the only temper which excluded all error was that of 
simple and devout expectation. 

Yet while the results of the long and anxious 
thought of the people were thus partial and uncombined, 
each succeeding generation added something to the 
heritage of the past and made a wider faith possible. 
Step by step the majesty of Messiah was traced in 
nobler lines in Henoch and Esdras; and if the subtle 
speculations of the Hellenists on the action and revela- 
tion of God had no direct Messianic application, they 
familiarized the minds of men with thoughts essential 
to the apprehension of the doctrine of an Incarnation. 

'Everything was ready' for the work, but the work 
of the Spirit was not yet done. The essentially divine 
nature of Messiah was not acknowledged. The import 
of His human nature was not felt. The full character 
of his work with regard to man, to the nation, to the 
world, was not apprehended. The consciousness of 
personal sin turning the mind of the believer to -the; 
thought of a new birth was hardly awakened. The i 
adoption of the nations to be joint-heirs with Israel 
to a spiritual kingdom must have seemed impossible 
till man's personal relation to God was fully recognised. 
And the wider effects of redemption could be regarded 
only as material blessings till the full bearing of redemp- 
tion on mankind was realized. Yet men were every- 
where feeling after the truth which lay near to them. 
And as it is impossible to conceive that any Jew could ; 
have pictured to himself Christ as He really came, so 

Chap. ii. 

Its progrest- 

Its defects. 

i 5 8 


it is equally impossible to imagine any other Saviour 
who could have satisfied all the wants which were felt 
at the time of His coming. 

Times of triumph and sorrow, the government of 
judges, kings, and priests, the open manifestation of 
divine power and the brilliant display of human courage, 
the teaching of Prophets and the teaching of experience, 
the concentration of Eastern meditation and the activity 
of Western thought, the scepticism of learning and the 
enthusiasm of hope, each form of discipline and each 
phase of speculation, had contributed to bring out into 
clear forms upon one narrow stage the spiritual capa- 
cities and aspirations of men. Everything was ready, 
and a brief space was sufficient for the Prophetic work 
of Messiah. Disciples were waiting to recognise Him : 
enemies had already rejected Him. His words found 
everywhere a direct and characteristic application. His 
presence was an instantaneous test of all that was par- 
tial or transitory. The simple announcement of His 
Advent was the Gospel: the record of His works and 
words, in various scenes and before various classes, con- 
tained the fulness of its special adaptations not for one 
time only but for all times. For the manifoldness of the 
elements which were combined in the Jewish people at 
hrist's coming provided not only for the rapidity of its 
comprehension, but also for the typical completeness of 
its history. And the narratives of this history, in their 
origin and growth, in their common harmony and special 
differences, in their fruitful combinations and distinct in- 
dividuality, will now claim our attention. The voice 
and power of the Saviour lives in them, and it is no false 
reverence which bids us ' fly to the Gospels as to the 
Flesh' (a-apKi) the very outward manifestation of the 
ong-expected ' Christ 1 / 

1 Ign. ad Philad. cap. v. 






Of the 94 passages from the Old Testament which are quoted in a 
Messianic sense by the Apostolic writers, I have not been able to trace 
more than 44 which are interpreted in the same manner in Jewish 
writings. Many of these however are important, and all are interesting 
as throwing a general light upon the system of Jewish interpretation. 

Isai. vii. 14; Matt. i. 23-24. Not applied to Messiah by the 

Jews: Schottg. n. 159; nor yet 
the name Immanuel. The words 
were referred at an early time 
to Hezekiah: cf. Just. M. Dial. 
cc. 68, 71, 77. Sanhedr.c.gS. 
Pearson On the Creed, pp. 323, 
324 (ed. Cambr.). Hengsten- 
berg, Christology, I. p. 63 (Eng. 

Mic. v. 2 ; ii. 6. Explained in the same way in 

Tar gum (ad loc.}. Pirke R. 
Eliezer. So also Kimchi and 
Abarbanel (Schottg. n. 213). 
Cf. Tertull. c. Jud. 13. Just. M. 
Apol. I. 34. It is doubtful whe- 
ther any other interpretation 
was ever current: Hengsten- 
berg, I. 187. 

Jer. xxxi. 15; - ii. 18. [Cf.Zo/iar, ad Gen. 100 (Schottg. 

n. 448); and ad Exod-3 (Schottg. 
I. 4).] 


Chap. ii. 

Isai. xl. 3 ; Matt. iii. 3 

[Cf. Pesikta So far/a, 58, ad 

Num. xxiv. 17 (Schottg. n. 97; 


ix. i, 2; iv. 15, 

1 6. Not before Jalkut Sim. n. 182 

(Schottg. n. 160). 

liii. 4; viii. 17 

Sanhedr. 98. Schottg. II. 183. 

For the history of the interpre- 

tation compare Hengstenberg, 

II. 311 ff. 

Mai. iii. i ; xi. 10. 

Tanchiima, 66 (Schottg. i. in). 

' God said, As there were spies 

' in the Old Testament, so shall 

' there be in the times of the 

' New Testament a messenger to 

' prepare my way before me as it 

' is written.' Ct.Sdumoth R. 131. 

Debar im R. 256, in connexion 

with Is. xl. 3 (Schottg. n. 224). 

Isai. xlii. 1-4; xii. 18 21. So Tar gum, Kimchi, Abarba- 

nel. Cf. Midrash Tehillim, 23 

(Schottg. ii. 113), Pesikta R. 

(Schottg. ii. 130). See Heng- 

stenberg, II. 197. 

Zech. ix. 9 ; xxi. 5 

Sanhcdr. 98. Bcrachoth, 56. 

Pirke R. Eliezer, 31 (Schottg. 

II. 220). In Midr. Scham. 66, 

there is a comparison of the 

first Goel (Mose^: Ex. iv. ?o) 

with the second (Schottg. /. c.). 

Cf. Bereshith R. 98 (Schottg. 

II. 1045); Schottg. I. 169; ii. 

136, 139. 

Ps. cxviii. 22; xxi. 42. No trace in old writers (Schottg. 

I. 173, 174), but so applied in 

Zohar and later commentators : 

Schottg. ii. 87, 88, 106, 107, 

140, 290, 334, 407, 609. 

ex. i ; xxii. 44. Midr. Tehil. ad loc. (Schottg. i. 

192; ii. 246). Bereshith R. 83, 

ad Gen. xxxviii. 18, applies ver. 

3 to Messiah (Schottg. i. 192). 

xxi. i, 18; xxvii. 35, 36. The Psalm generally was so 

applied in later writings; Pe- 

sikta R. Ml dr. Tehil. 

Isai. liv. 13; John vi. 45. Pesikta R. Bereshith R. Sche- 



moth R. Debarim R. (Schottg 

II. 185, 65, 67). 
Isai. liii, i ; John xii. 38. No trace ; but see Sanhedr. 98 

quoted above. 
Zech. xii. 10; xix. 37. Succa 52, of Messiah the son 4 

Joseph. So Kimchi. 
Joelii. 28-32; Acts ii. 17-21. Siphri (Schottg. II. 210). Bam 

midbar R. 231. Tanchuma, 14 
Gen. xxii. 18; iii. 25. Bammidbar R. 184 (Schottg 

II. 67) gives a different inter 

Ps. ii. i, 2; iv. 25, 26. Mechilta 3. Pirke R. Eliezer, 

28. Avoda Sara, 3 (Schottg. 

II. 227, 228). 
ii. 7; xiii. 33. Midr. Tehil. Bereshith R. 

(Schottg. II. 228, 104). 
Isai. xlix. 6; xiii. 47. Bereshith R. (Schottg. II. 102). 

Amos ix. n, 12; xv. 16, 17. Sanhedr. 96. The name ol 

Messiah is said to be filius ca- 

Isai. viii. 14; Rom. ix. 33. Sanhedr. 38 (Schottg. II. 160). 

Iii. 7; x. 15. Pesikta R. Vajikra R. Bere- 

shith R. (Schottg. ii. 179, 100). 
Ps. xix. 4; xi. 18. No trace in early writings. Zo- 

har (Schottg. ii. 230). 
Isai. lix. 21 ; xi. 27. Sanhedr. 98. Bereshith R. 37 

(Schottg. II. 187, 184). 

xi. 10; xv. 12. Targum. Sanhedr. 93. Rashe. 

Kimchi. Abarbanel (Schottg. 
II. 161). 

Ixiv. 4 ; i Cor. ii. 9. PesiktaR. SchemothR. (Schottg. 

II. 195). 

x. 4. Cf. Targ. Isai. xvi. i. 

Ps. ex. i ; xv. 25. Cf. supra. 

Levit. xxvi. ii, 12; 2 Cor. vi. 16. Pesikta Sotarta, 34. Tanchuma 

(Schottg. ii. 150). 

Deut. xxi. 23; Gal. iii. 13. Cf. Schottg. ad loc. 

Isai. liv. i; iv. 27. Gibborim, 49 (Schottg. i. 749). 

Bereshith R. 37 (Schottg. ii. 


Ivii. 19; Eph. ii. 17. Only in Zohar: Schottg. n. 115. 

Ps. xlv. 6, 7; Hebr. i. 8, 9. Targum. So Aben Ezra 

(Schottg. i. 924). 
Isai. viii. 18; Hebr. ii. 13. Cf. Schottg. i. 933? from Isai. 

xiii. i. 

W. G. L 

1 62 


Chap. ii. 

Ps. xcv. 7-11; 
ex. 4; 

Jerem. xxxi. 31-34; viii. 8-12. 
Hab. ii. 3, 4 ; -x. 37, 38. 

Hagg. ii. 6 ; xii. 26. 

Isai. xxviii. 16; 

liii. 9, 4 ; 
Dan. vii. 13; 
Zech. xii. 10; 
Ps. ii. 9 ; 

Hebr. iii. 7-11. Midr. Tehil. 36. Shir hashi- 

rim, 25 (Schottg. II. 243). 

v. 6. No Jewish writer regarded 

Melchizedek as a type of Christ 
(Schottg. I. 949). Cf. Schottg. 
n. 645 for a spurious passage 
from Bereshith R. 
Pesikta R. (Schottg. i. 970). 
Sanhedr. 97 (Schottg. II. 215). 
Debarim R. 250 (Schottg. II. 
217; cf. 75). 

i Pet. ii. 4. Targum? Cf. Schottg. n. 170. 

So Rashe. 

ii. 22, 24. Cf. supra. 

Apoc. i. 7, 13. Sanhedr. 98 (Schottg. I. 1151). 

i. 7. Cf. supra. 

ii. 27. Cf. supra. 

The above list is derived almost exclusively from Schottgen and not 
from the original authorities, nor have I verified the references, but it will 
be found I trust sufficiently accurate to serve as the basis of further inves- 
tigations. The history of the later Jewish doctrine of the Messiah is at 
present as confused and unsatisfactory as that of earlier date. 

The preceding chapter'was written before I had read Jost's later history 
(Geschichte des Jud'enthums, i. Leipsic, 1857). The account which he gives 
of the Jewish Messianic hope at the time of our Lord (pp. 394402) 
seems to me to omit several important features ; and while the Christian 
scholar will gratefully acknowledge his candour and largeness of view, yet 
his conception of the rise of Christianity is necessarily imperfect in its 
essence. His arguments have not induced me to change any of my 
conclusions; and in spite of his criticism I still think that Ewald has 
apprehended most fully the nature of the elements' in Judaism which con- 
tributed to form the foundation 1 of a Catholic Church. 




The narrative of St John (c. iv.), and the ready welcome which was 
afterwards given by the people of Samaria to the teaching of the Apostles 
(Acts viii. 4 ff.), combine to invest the Messianic expectations of the Sama 
ritans with great interest. And this interest is further increased by the fact 
that Simon Magus, the most influential false teacher of the first age, was 
himself a native of a village of Samaria (Just. M. Apol. I. 26; Clem. Horn. 
II. 22), and found the readiest acceptance of his prophetic claims among 
the Samaritans (Acts viii. 9, 10; Just. /. c.). Little remains however of 
the scanty Samaritan literature, and that only in an imperfect and altered 
form (Gesenius, Anna!. Oriental. I. 1824. Jost, Gesch. d. Judcnthums, I. 
83 ff.). But the same causes which confined the literary activity of an 
isolated people tended to preserve their traditions and usages unaltered; 
and at an early period an attempt was made to derive some clear know- 
ledge of the opinions of the Church from the testimony of its priests. The 
correspondence was opened by J. C. Scaliger in 1589, and was continued 
by some English scholars from 1672 to 1689, by Ludolf in 1685, and by 
Sylv. de Sacy in the present century. The whole correspondence has been 
collected and edited by Sylv. de Sacy in an essay in Notices et cxtraits des 
Manuscrits de la Biblioth. du Roi, xn. i ff. 1831, which still remains the 
classical authority upon the subject. (Cf. Sylv. de Sacy, Memoire sur Vetat 
actuel des Samaritains, Paris, 1812.) 

In the English correspondence the doctrine of Messiah Haskab or 
Hathab, i.e. the Converter, at present El Muhdy, i.e. the Guide (Robins, 
n. 278), in the Samaritan nomenclature forms a prominent subject. In a 
letter written to the English in 1672 the Samaritans ask, 'What is the 
'name of Hashab who shall appear? and when shall we have consolation, 
'and come from under the hands of the sons of Ishmael?' (Sylv. de Sacy, 
pp. 181, 191). In the reply reference is made to Gen. iii. 15; xlix. 10; 
Deut. xviii. \ 5 ; Numb. xxiv. 1 7. The Samaritans in answer express sur- 
prise that no mention is made of Gerizim (p. 209) ; but they recognise the 
application of the prophecies, with the exception of Gen. iii. 15 and xlix. 10, 
and speak of the expected Deliverer as ' a flaming furnace, and a lamp of 
'fire (Gen. xv. 17), to whom the nations shall be subjected.' Our doctors 
have taught us, they add, that ' this Prophet will arise, and that all people 
'will be subdued unto Him, and believe on Him, and on the holy Law, 




Chap. ii. 

'and on Mount Gerizim; and that the religion of Moses will appear with 
'glory; and that the first name of this Prophet who shall rise will be [M.], 
'that he will die and be buried near to Joseph the son of Phorath (i.e. 
TH3 p, Gen. xlix. 22); and that the tabernacle will be brought to sight 
'by his ministry and be established on Mount Gerizim' (it was supposed to 
be hidden there. Cf. Friedrich, de Christol. Samar. p. 76). In the later 
correspondence with Sylv. de Sacy (1808) it is said: 'The doctrine of Ha- 
'thab, who will come and manifest His spirit, is a great mystery. We shall 
'be happy when He comes. We have prodigies by which we shall recog- 
'nise Him, and we know His name [Messiah] according to the Rabbis. 
'That which you say of Shiloh is true : he hated the law of Moses' (p. 30). 
On this last point the Samaritan doctrine is especially worthy of notice. 
The allusion to Shiloh (Gen. xlix. 10) is not applied to the Messiah, but to 
an enemy of the Law, perhaps, it is said, to Solomon (p. -29). These par- 
ticulars derived from letters are confirmed in detail by a conversation which 
Dr Wilson held with De Sacy's correspondent on the Samaritan Christo- 
logy, but the conversation furnished no fresh information on the subject 
(Lands of the Bible, II. 51 ff.). 

It must be allowed however that beyond the mere general expectation 
of a deliverer to restore the glory of the Law upon Gerizim, based appa- 
rently on Deut. xviii. 15, little else is certainly established by this evidence. 
The form in which the inquiries were suggested may be supposed in several 
cases to have modified the answers. On the other hand nothing can be 
more arbitrary than the statement of Br. Bauer, who supposes that the 
Samaritans borrowed the notion of Messiah entirely from the later Jews. 
Cf. Friedrich, Discussionum de. Christologia Samar. liber, Lipsios, 1821 : 
Gesenius, de Samar. Theologia, Halle, 1824. 

At present the miserable remnant of the Samaritans who still occupy 
a few houses at Nablous appears to be fast hastening to extinction, perse- 
cuted and demoralized. See Barges, Les Samar. de Naplouse, Paris, 1855: 
Jost, Gesch. d. Judenth. pp. 79 ff.: Robinson, Biblical Researches, II. 275 ff. 
in. 129 ff. Ed. 2: Mills, Three Months' Residence at Nabhis, Lond. 1864. 


The Origin of the Gospels. 


TT\V Trapadotriv ruv 

\a\ovcra inrovpyy 

A DISTINCT conception of the spirit of the Apo- 
stolic age is necessary for a right understanding of 
the relation of the Gospel to the Gospels of the divine 
message to the lasting record at the rise of Christianity 1 . 
Experience has placed in so clear a light the fulness 
and comprehensiveness of the Christian Scriptures, that 
it is natural to suppose that they must have occupied 
from the first the position which the Church has assign- 
ed to them. But this idea is an anachronism both in 
fact and in thought. The men who were enabled to 

Chap. iii. 

The spiri- 
tual position 
of the Af>o- 
' sth's incotn- 
\ patible -with 
\ the design of 
forming a 
and yet 

1 The literature of the subject is 
so extensive that it would be impos- 
sible to give even a general summary 
of it. Many of the most important 
essays will be mentioned in the 
course of the chapter. Those of 
Gieseler (Historisch-kritischer Vcr~ 
suc/i uberdieEntstehimg. .derSchrift- 
HchenEvangelien, Leipzig, 1818) and 
Ewald (Jahrbiicher, 184 8,^) repre- 
sent with the greatest power the ex- 
treme form of the 'oral' and 'docu- 
mentary' hypotheses. Thierschhas 
some good general remarks in his 
Versuch zur Herstellung des Histori- 
schen Stand jninkts fur die Kritik d. 
Neiitcst. Schrift. (Erlangen, 1845), 
and the tract by which it was fol- 

lowed, Einige Worte ilberd. Aechth. 
d.Neutest. Schrift. (Erlangen, 1846), 
but they are joined with many ex- 
aggerations. The object of the pre- 
sent chapter is rather to excite and 
guide inquiry than to discuss fully 
the question of the origin of the 
Gospels in all its bearings a sub- 
ject far too vast for the space which 
can be given to it. [I cannot say 
that the arguments of Dr Roberts in 
his very interesting Discussions on 
the Gospels have led me to modify 
my conclusions in any respect. The 
article on Gospels in the last edition 
of the Encyclopedia Brittanica gives 
an account of the later literature.] 

1 66 


Chap. iii. 

to itsfonii' 

penetrate most deeply into the mysteries of the new 
revelation, and to apprehend with the most vigorous 
energy the change which it was destined to make in the 
world, seem to have placed little value upon a written 
witness to words and acts which still as it were lived 
among them. They felt as none else ever can feel the 
greatness of the crisis in which they were placed, and 
the calm progress of common life appeared to be for 
ever interrupted by the spiritual revolution in which 
they were called to take part. The 'coming age' to 
which they looked was not one of arduous conflict, but 
of completed triumph. The close of the old dispensa- 
tion and the consummation of the new were combined 
in one vision. The outward fashion of the world the 
transitory veil which alone remained was passing away. 
The long development of a vast future was concentrated 
in the glory of its certain issue. But while everything 
shews that the Apostles made no conscious provision for 
the requirements of after times in which the life of the 
Lord would be the subject of remote tradition, they 
were enabled to satisfy a want which they did not anti- 
cipate. The same circumstances which obscured their 
view of the immediate future gave to the time in which 
they lived its true significance. They pierced beneath 
the temporal and earthly to the spiritual and eternal. 
Men wrote history as it had never been written, to 
whom the present seemed to have no natural sequel, and 
unfolded doctrine with far-seeing wisdom, while they 
looked eagerly for that divine presence in which all par- 
tial knowledge should be done away. That which was 
in origin most casual became in effect most permanent 
by the presence of a divine energy ; and the most 
striking marvel in the scattered writings of the New 
Testament is the perfect fitness which they exhibit for 


I6 7 

fulfilling an office of which their authors appear 
themselves to have had no conception. 

The intensity of the hope cherished by the first 
Christian teachers was not more unfavourable to con- 
scious literary efforts on their part than their original 
national character. It was most unlikely that men who 
had been accustomed to a system of training generally 
if not exclusively oral should have formed any design 
of committing to writing a complete account of the his- 
tory or of the doctrines of the Gospel. The whole in- 
fluence of Palestinian habits was most adverse to such 
an undertaking. The rules of Scriptural interpretation, 
the varied extensions of the Law, -and the sayings of 
the elders, were preserved either by oral tradition, or 
perhaps in some degree in secret rolls, till the final dis- 
persion of the Jewish nation led to the compilation of 
the Mishnah. Nothing less than the threatened destruc- 
tion of the traditional faith occasioned the abandonment 
of the great rule of the schools. 'Commit nothing to 
'writing 1 ' was the characteristic principle of the earlier 
Rabbins, and even those who like Gamaliel were fami- 
liar with Greek learning faithfully observed it. Nor 
could it be otherwise. The Old Testament was held to 
be the single and sufficient source of truth and wisdom, 
the reflection of divine knowledge, and the embodiment 
of human feeling. The voice of the teacher might en- 
force or apply its precepts, but it admitted no definite 
additions. The various avenues to an independent lite- 
rature were closed by the engrossing study of the Law; 
and an elaborate ritualism occupied the place of a po- 
pular exposition of its precepts. The learned had no 
need for writing, and the people had no need of books 

1 Cf. Jost, Geschichtc dcs Jitdenthiims, I. 367. 

Chap. iii. 

The nation- 
al character 
of the later 
Jews gene- 


1 68 


Chap. iii. 

this -was 
more espe- 
cially the 
case in Gali 
lee among 
the peasant 

I. The Oral 

i. Thesege- 
neral obsta- 
cles to the 
formation of 
a Christian 
ivete in- 
cr-ased by 
th special 
ivvrk of the 
Apostles in 

The Scriptures contained infinite subjects for meditation 
in their secret depths; and the practice of Judaism fur- 
nished an orthodox commentary upon their general 
purport, open alike to all, clearly intelligible and abso- 
lutely authoritative. 

Tradition was dominant in the schools, and from the 
schools it passed to the nation ; for the same influence 
which affected the character of the teachers must have 
been felt still more powerfully by the great mass of the 
Jews. In their case the want of means was added to 
the want of inclination. In the remoter regions of the 
north the impediments to the simplest learning were 
still greater than those which prevailed at Jerusalem. 
The school of Tiberias grew up only after the fall of 
the Temple; and the faithful zeal of the Galilaeans 
may be rightly connected with their intellectual sim- 
plicity. To descend one step further : the art of writing 
itself was necessarily rare among the peasantry, and the 
instinct of composition proportionately rarer. From all 
these circumstances, from their nation, their province, 
their class, their education, the first Christians were pri- 
marily unfitted for forming any plan of a comprehensive 
religious literature. If they were writers, it could only 
have been by the providential influence of circumstances, 
while they were oral teachers by inclination and habit. 

But it may be rightly said that such obstacles as 
these are only important when they fall in with others 
which lie deeper; for men become great writers, even in 
common life, not so much by discipline as by instinct. 
.n the case of the Apostles however these further ob- 
stacles were not wanting; their external disinclination 
or literature was unremoved if not increased by their 
special work. Both from the nature of their charge and 



the character of their hearers they sought other means 
of fulfilling their great commission than such as books 
afforded. Their Master enjoined on them during His 
presence and at the moment of His departure to preach 
the Gospel. And while they fulfilled the office for which 
they were fitted no less by habit than by the effusion of 
the Holy Spirit, they could not have felt that more was 
needed for the permanent establishment of the Christian 
society. How shall men believe without a preacher 
(Krjpva-crayv)'! is the truest expression of the feeling and 
hope of the Apostles. They cherished the lively image 
of the Lord's life arid teaching without any written out- 
line from His hand ; and they might well hope that the 
Spirit which preserved the* likeness in their hearts might 
fix it in the hearts of others. Christianity was con- 
trasted with Judaism as a dispensation of the Spirit and 
not of the letter; the laws of which were written not on 
tables of stone but on the souls of believers. The sad 
experience of ages has alone shewn the necessity that an 
unchanging record should co-exist with a living body : 
in the first generation the witness of the spoken word 
and the embodiment of the word in practice belonged 
to the same men. 

It must not however be supposed that this tendency 
to preach rather than to write was any drawback to the 
final completeness of the Apostolic Gospel. It \vas in 
fact the very condition and pledge of its completeness. 
Naturally speaking, the experience of oral teaching was 
required in order to bring within the reach of writing 
the vast subject of the Life of Christ ; and it cannot be 
urged that any extraordinary provision was made for 
the fulfilment of a task which is now rightly felt to 
have been of the utmost importance. The Gospel was 
a growth, and not an instantaneous creation. The 

of the Go*~ 



ospels 1 were the results and not the foundation of the 
Apostolic preaching. Without presuming to decide how 
ar it would have been possible, in accordance with the 
aws of divine action, to produce in the Apostles an im- 
mediate sense of the relation which the history of the 
Life of Christ occupied towards the future Church, it is 
evident that the occasion and manner in which they 
wrote were the results of time and previous labour. 
The wide growth of the Church furnished them with an 
adequate motive for adding a written record to the tes- 
timony of their living words; and the very form of the 
Gospels was only determined by the experience of 
teaching. The work of an Evangelist was thus not the 
simple result of divine Inspiration or of human thought, 
but rather the complex issue of both when applied to 
such a selection of Christ's words, and works as the 
varied phases of the Apostolic preaching had shewn 
to be best suited to the wants of men. The primary 
Gospel was proved, so to speak, in life, before it was 
fixed in writing. Out of the ccuntless multitude of 
Christ's acts, those were selected and arranged during 
the ministry of twenty years which were seen to have 
the fullest representative significance for the exhibition 
of His divine Life. The oral collection thus formed 
became in every sense coincident with the ' Gospel ; ' 

1 By the Gospels in this con- 
nexion I understand the first three 
'Synoptic' Gospels. The Gospel of 
St John stands on a different footing 
in some respects, as exhibiting the 
result of the peculiar experience of 
one Apostle and not the first and 
common experience of all. The 
terms SyHOptut Synoptical, as ap- 
plied to the first three Evangel- 
ists appear to date from the time 
of Griesbach, though they were 
brought into general use by Neander. 

Originally the words described 
simply those Evangelic writers 
whose narratives were naturally 
arranged together in a Synopsis, as 
agreeing in the main both in sub- 
stance and in arrangement. Ac- 
cording to later usage the words 
serve to express also the common 
character of the first three Gospels, 
as giving a general view of the 
Lord's ministry unbroken by the 
festival visits to Jerusalem recorded 
by St John. 



and our Gospels are the permanent compendium of its 

This then was the first great stage in the Apostles' 
work the first step in the composition of the Gospels 
to adapt the lessons which they learned with Christ 
to the requirements of the growing Church. Every 
detail of their conduct tends to indicate the clearness 
with which they apprehended the requirements of their 
office, and fulfilled them by the guidance of the pro- 
mised Spirit. They remained together at Jerusalem in 
close communion for a period long enough to shape 
a common narrative, and to fix it with the requisite 
consistency. They recognised that their message was 
popular and historic. The place of instruction was the 
synagogue and the market-place, and not the student's 
chamber. The qualification for the Apostolate was per- 
sonal acquaintance with Christ ; and St Paul admitted 
the condition, and affirmed that he had fulfilled it. Of 
the great majority of the Apostles all that we know 
certainly is that they were engaged in this first charge 
of instructing orally the multitudes who were waiting to 
welcome their tidings. The common work of ' the 
' Twelve' was fray er and the ministry of the word, though 
the labours of all are summed up in the acts of two 
or three. The rest of the Apostles were engaged with 
St Peter on the day of Pentecost, and guided by their 
teaching (SiSaxij) the new converts. Signs were wrought 
by their hands to arrest the attention of their hearers 
(repara) and symbolize the purport of their message 
(crTj/ueta) the testimony of the Resurrection. The Apo- 
stles in a body were brought before the council and 
beaten and forbidden to speak in the name of Jesus. 
And when all others were scattered, they remained 
stedfastly at Jerusalem watching the progress of the 


Church, supplying its wants, and ( regulating its disci- 
pline. The twelve foundations of the wall of the city of 
God bore the names of the twelve Apostles 1 . 

The earliest fathers saw in this energy of teaching 
the right fulfilment of the mission of the Apostles. 
They were likened to the twelve gems upon the robes 
of the great High Priest, which should give light to the 
Church*. ' The Elders refrained from writing,' it is 
said, ' because they would not interrupt the care which 
' they bestowed on teaching orally by the care of com- 
' position, nor expend in writing the time required for 
' the preparation of their addresses.' ' Perhaps they 

* felt,' it is added, ' that the functions of the speaker and 

* writer were incompatible ; and saw in books only the 
' written confirmation for after time of the instruction 
' which they conveyed at present 3 .' 

Common language bears unequivocal witness to the 
general prevalence of the same view. Till the encj of 
the first century, and probably till the time of Justin 
Martyr, the ' Gospel ' uniformly signifies the substance 
and not the record of the Life of Christ. The Evan- 
gelist was not the compiler of a history, but the mis- 
sionary who carried the good-tidings to fresh countries ; 
the bearer and not the author of the message. Timothy 
was charged to fulfil the work of an Evangelist ; and 
Evangelists are enumerated by St Paul with Apostles 
and Prophets and Teachers among the ministers of the 
Church 4 . 

In the mean time, if any written evidence for the 
facts of the Gospel were needed, it was found already in 

1 Compare the habitual use of 
''hearing'' in connexion with the 
contents of the Gospel : Eph. iv. 21; 
j John ii. 7, 18, 24 c. 

2 Tertull. adv. Marc. iv. 13, p. 229. 

3 Clem. Alex. Eclog. Proph. 27, 
p. 996 P. 

4 Eph. iv. 1 1 ; comp. 2 Tim. iv. 5. 
Cf. Euseb. H. E. ill. 37. Neander, 
2]flanz. u. Lett. I. 205 n. 



the deep words of the Prophets. In passing over to 
Christianity the Jew did not lay aside his reverence for 
the Scriptures, but rather seemed to have gained the 
clue to their meaning which he before had wanted. All 
the Prop/iets spoke of Christ, and to this central sub- 
ject everything was referred. Nor was this conviction, 
however difficult it may be for us to apprehend its 
intensity, partial either in its acceptance or in its 
action. The same appeals are made to the fulness of 
the Scriptures in the teaching of St Paul and of the 
twelve, before the assemblies of the Jews and of the 
Gentiles. The written Gospel of the first period of the 
Apostolic age was the Old Testament interpreted by 
the vivid recollection of the Saviour's ministry. The 
preaching of the Apostles was the unfolding of the Law 
and the prophets 1 . 

Even in the sub-apostolic age the same general feel- 
ing survived, though it was modified by the growing 
organization of the Christian Church. The knowledge 
of the teaching of Christ and of the details of His life 
was generally derived from tradition and not from 
writings. The Gospels were not yet distinguished by 
this their prophetic title. The Old Testament was still 
the great storehouse from which the Christian teacher 
derived the sources of consolation and conviction. And 
at the close of the second century Irenaeus, after speak- 
ing of the Scriptures the sum of the Apostolic teach- 
ing as ' the foundation and pillar of our faith,' speaks 
of a ' tradition manifested in the whole world,' and ' kept 
' in the several churches through the succession of the 
' presbyters 2 .' 

1 Compare Acts ii. 16, S.34; xviii 

iii. 18, 21, 22, 24; iv. n; viu. 32 

c. Har. ill. i. i ; 2. i. The sub- 

ff.; ix. 22; xiii. 27, 33; xvii. 2, 3; stance of this paragraph is wrought 


In one respect the testimony of Irenaeus the con- 
necting link of the east and west is extremely im- 
portant, as distinctly recognising the historic element 
in the Apostolic tradition. The great outlines of the 
life of Christ were received, he says 1 , by barbarous 
nations without written documents (sine literis) by an- 
cient tradition : and this combination of facts and doc- 
trine existed from the first. ' The Gospel/ the sum, 
that is, of the oral teaching in the language of Ignatius 
represents 'the flesh (o-ap^) of Jesus 2 .' The Saviour's 
personal presence was perpetuated in the living voice 
of His Church. At a still earlier time the writings 
of the New Testament contain abundant proof that 
the ' Gospel' of the first age was not an abstract state- 
ment of dogmas, but a vivid representation of the truth 
as seen in the details of the Saviour's life. The Acts 
of the Apostles and the Apostolic letters the first 
preaching and the subsequent instruction of the 
Churches shew that the facts of the life of Christ 
were the rule by which the work of the Christian 
teacher was measured. 

The first common act of the Apostolic body affirms 
in the most striking manner the position which they 
claimed to fill with regard to the Saviour's ministry. 
Not only was it necessary that the Apostle should be 
a witness of the Resurrection, but the qualification for 
giving this testimony was to be derived from a con- 
tinuous intercourse with the constant companions of 
the Lord from the baptism of JoJin to the Ascension. 
The Resurrection was the victory which the preacher 
had to proclaim ; but the victory was the issue of a 

out in detail in the History of the 
Canon of the New Testament, pp. 
52 ff. 

1 Iren. c. Hcer. in. 4. 2. 

2 Ignat. ad Phil. cap. 5. 



long battle, and found its outward completion in a 
triumph. Each event in the life of Christ contributed 
to the final issue ; and as the busy prelude of word and 
work first introduced the closing scenes of suffering and 
glory, so was it in after times. The ministry of the 
Saviour was felt to be the necessary preparation for His 
Passion. The Apostles could not but speak the things 
which they had seen and heard 1 . The teaching and the 
acts of Christ were a necessary part of the message of 
men who were specially charged with the witness to His 
Resurrection 2 . 

The more exact records of the preaching of the 
Apostles confirm the impression which is produced by 
the general description of their office. The Gospel was 
felt to contain n-ot only a doctrine (SiSdgai) but an 
announcement (ava^yelXai,) ; and the simplest expression 
of its contents was the testimony of the resurrection 
of the Lord Jesus, or in two words only, Jesus is the 
Lord*. When Philip preached at Samaria he spoke 
concerning the kingdom of God and the name of Jesus 
Christ, of the outward establishment of the Church 
and of the personal work of the Saviour ; and the same 
twofold subject was the substance of St Paul's preaching 
at Rome, when he received for tiuo whole years all that 
came in itnto him. Nor are examples wanting to shew 
in what way the historic groundwork of the faith was 
laid. In; the two cases in the Acts where the message 
of Christianity is delivered in detail to those who were 
waiting for instruction, ' the great announcement ' is 
conveyed by the outline of the ministry of Christ. St 

Chap. iii. 

1 In this passage Peter and John 
are represented as speaking, and it 
is impossible not to recal i John i. 


a Acts ii. 32; iii. 15; iv. 33; and 

xiii. 31, in which passage St Paul 
specially notices the office of the 
Apostles to witness unto the people. 

* KU/HOS 'iTjo-oys. Comp. i Cor. 
xii. 3; Rom. x. 9. 


Peter before Cornelius, and St Paul in the Synagogue 
at Antioch, sketch shortly the significant traits of the 
Saviour's life within the very limits which were marked 
from the first, the Baptism of John and the Ascension. 
There is however a difference between the two addresses, 
which is of considerable moment towards the apprecia- 
tion of the form in which the Apostolic teaching was 
conveyed both publicly and also from house to Jiouse. 
The address of St Paul was public and, so to speak, 
ecclesiastical : that of St Peter was private and cate- 
chetical. The one appears to lead to further inquiry, 
the other is crowned directly by baptism. The words 
of St Peter convey in fact a short Gospel, and in this 
not only the substance but also the outline of the later 
Creed. He marks the date of Christ's appearance (after 
the Baptism which John preached), the place from which 
He came, and the inauguration of His work (how God 
anointed Jesus of Nazareth with the Holy Ghost and 
witJi power), the point from which His ministry com- 
menced, and the extent to which it spread (throughout 
all Judea... beginning from Galilee], the signs by which 
His presence was attended, and the different localities 
in which they were shewn (in the land of the Jews and 
in Jerusalem), His Crucifixion, His Resurrection on the 
third day, His manifestation to His chosen witnesses, 
His great charge, His coming to judgment. But while 
the personal instruction of individuals appears to have 
embraced the whole ministry of Christ, the public testi- 
mony of the Apostles was centred in the facts of the 
Passion and Resurrection. These form the prominent 
subjects of the message which they delivered to the 
general gathering of the Jews and to the council, in the 
synagogues and before the judgment-seat ; and the 
same cardinal events, which are described with the 



greatest fulness in the written Gospels are noticed 
with the most minute detail in the speeches of the 
Acts 1 . 

The letters of the Apostles are the sequel to their 
preaching, called out in most cases by special circum- 
stances, and dealing rather with the superstructure than 
with the basis of Christianity. The common ground- 
work of facts is assumed as lying at the bottom of all 
reasoning, but as a natural consequence it is not noticed 
except by implication or allusion. Christ was set before 
the eyes of the Galatians as crucified, with the clearness 
of an open proclamation (tear o(f)6a\^ov^ 7rpoeypd<j)rj). 
The Gospel which St Paul proclaimed to the Corinthians 
was the story of the death and Resurrection of Christ. 
In speaking to the Thessalonians it. is evident that he 
had dwelt upon the great issue of the Resurrection, the 
second coming of the Lord. And everything tends to 
shew that the traditions* which formed an important 

1 The betrayal (Acts ii. 23); the 
condemnation by the Sanhedrin (xiii. 
27); the failure of the charge (xiii. 
28); the conduct of Pilate (Hi. 13) 
and of Herod (iv. 27); the choice 
of Barabbas (iii. 14) ; the urgency of 
the people and rulers at Jerusalem 
(xiii. 27, 28); the Crucifixion (iv. 
10; v. 30; x. 39) by the hand of 
Gentiles (ii. 23); the Burial (xiik 
29); the Resurrection on the third 
day (x. 40); the manifestation to 
foreordained witnesses (x. 41) for 
many days (xiii. 31) who did eat and 
drink with Him after He rose (x. 
41); the charge to the Apostles 
(x. 42); the Ascension to the right 
hand of God (ii. 33; iii. 21). 

2 This follows from the usage of 
the correlative words irapadiddvat, 
7rapd5ocrts, Trapa\a/j.(3dvetv. Luke i. 
2 : Acaflws Traptdo<rav TJ/MV ol air' dpx^s 
avrd-rrrai Kal {nrrjptTcu... (the events 
of the ministry of Christ), i Cor. 

W. G. 

xi. 23 : tytj) yap irapfkafiov cnrb [not 
irapd] rod Kvpiov 6 Kal iraptduKa 
viuv... (the details of the Last Sup- 
per), i Cor. xv. 3: Trap{5uKa...6 
Kal trap\afiov (the details of the 
Passion and Resurrection). These 
unequivocal examples of a historical 
tradition illustrate the other pas- 
sages in which the words are used 
in a more general sense: Rom. vi. 
1 7 ; efs ov irape56di)Te TVTTOV StSax^s. 
i Cor. xi. 2 : /ca#ws iraptdwKa vp2v 
ras 7rapa56crets KaT^x (Tf ' Jude 3 : 
TTJ a7ra irapadodelffj} TO?S ayiois vl- 
ffTet. 2 Thess. ii. 15; (iii. 6); Gal. 
i. 9; i Thess. ii. 13. Compare also 
irapaKaTa6r)Krj t TrapaOriKT], i Tim. vi. 
20, 2 Tim i. 12, 14, with Clem. 
JEcl. Proph. 27 : 77 yap TUV irpe- 
o-^vrtpuv TrapaKOLTaQ-fiK-r) 6m rrjs ypa- 
<pfjs \a\ovffa virovpyij) xp^rai ry 
ypdfpovri irpbs rrjv irapddoffiv ruv 


Chap. Jii. 

(y) the con- 
tents of the 

Gal. iii. i. 

i Cor. xv. i- 



\ Chap. iii. 

: TiW iii. 16. 


ist Epistle. 

part of the Apostolic teaching included the details of the 
Lord's ministry, which were committed to the Evangelist 
as the rule of his work. But the Epistles themselves 
were not designed for elementary teaching, but for the 
further instruction of those who were familiar with the 
great outlines of the revelation of godliness which were 
embodied in the baptismal confession. This confession 
however was the standard of Christian thought; and 
in spite of the character which was necessitated by their 
destination, the Epistles contain in scattered notices a 
fairly complete sketch of the life of Christ, such as 
ni-^ght be gathered from the letters of a missionary of 
the present day thoroughly familiar with the substance 
of the ^Gospels. 

The Epistles of St James and St Jude are in this 
respect distinguished from the other Apostolic writings, 
for, with the exception of the allusions to the presence 
of the Lord Jesus Christ, they contain no reference to 
the details of His work 1 . But even thus they bear indi- 
rect testimony to the existence of a traditional Gospel. 
The language of St James offers the most striking coin- 
cidences with the language of our Lord's discourses 2 ; 
and St Jude speaks of the mcst holy faith, the basis 
of the Christian life, not as a simple principle, but as a 
sum of facts 3 . 

The first Epistle of St Peter bears in every chapter 
the vivid image of Christ's sufferings (i. 21; ii. 21 ff. ; 
iii. 18; iv. I, 13; v. i). It seems as if the Apostle 

1 James v. 8; Jude 24. 

2 James i. 5, 6 || Matt. vii. 7; 

xxi. 22. 
i. 22 || vii. 21. 

". 5 II v. 3 


13 II - 

iii. i II 

James iii. 12 || Matt. vii. 16. 
Cf. Credner, Einl. 321, p. 608. In 
James v. 12 || Matt. v. 36, 37, there 
is a coincidence with the Clementine 

III. 55; XIX. 2). 
3 Jude 20. 



delighted to turn back with penitent and faithful gaze 
to the scene of his own fall and his Master's love, as 
he pictures Him silent and uncomplaining before His 
accusers, and bears witness to others of what he had 
himself seen (v. i). But St Peter does not confine his 
allusions to the humiliation of Christ, to His rejection 
(ii. 4, 7, 8), His Crucifixion (ii. 24), His death (i. 2, 19): 
he speaks of His eternal election (i. 20), and records 
with confident hope His resurrection (i. 3, 21; iii. 21) 
and exaltation to the right hand of God (iii. 22 ; cf. 
i. 21). The scenes of suffering are connected with cor- 
responding scenes of glory (i. ii, ra? pera ravra Sofa?); 
and while the Apostle alludes with apparent distinctness 
to the last charge of Christ (v. 2, 3) and the descent 
of the Holy Spirit (i. 12), he looks forward to the 
glorious coming of the great Judge as the consum- 
mation of His work (i. 5, 7, 13; iv. 5). 

The second Epistle is chiefly remarkable for the 
detailed reference to the Transfiguration (i. 16 ff.), 
which, in the midst of marked peculiarities of language, 
offers a most interesting parallel to the Evangelic narra- 
tive. The words of the heavenly voice are to a great 
extent coincident with those recorded by St Matthew, 
with the natural omission of the last clause 1 ; but the 
comparative elaborateness of the description seems to 
offer an instructive contrast to the simplicity of the 
earlier Gospel 2 . 

St Paul says in writing to the Corinthians that 
his single determination was to proclaim to them Christ 
crucified ; and the cross of Christ is the centre and sign 

1 The reading ds ov cvdoicrjGa (i. 2o5os in a metaphorical sense is re- 

17) for <?i> $ e&5. (which some good markable in 2 Pet. i. 15 || Luke ix. 31. 

cursive Manuscripts and the Vulgate 2 E.g. (puvTJs ^ Ipex0cl<n?s^ vro TTJS 

read) is found also in Clem. Honi* fj.fyo.\oTrpirovs OQ^TJS. ,.GV T<^ opei Tip 

ill. 33. The recurrence of the word dyly [al. dy. op.]. 

M 2 

Chap, ii 

znd Epistle. 

i Cor. ii. 2. 

i So 


Chap. iii. 

of his Epistles. The phrase the cross (i Cor. i. 18; Gal. 
v. n), the cross of our Lord Jesus Christ (Gal. vi. 14), 
the cross of Christ (i Cor. i. 17; Gal. vi. 12 ; Phil, 
iii. 1 8), is peculiar to his writings, for the single ad- 
ditional passage in the Epistle to the Hebrews (Hebr. 
xii. 2, a cross of shame] is purely historic; and it cannot 
but appear to be characteristic of the view which he 
took of the Christian faith 1 . In various places he marks 
the supreme judge (i Tim. vi. 13, under Pontius Pilate*), 
the time (i Cor. v. 7, Christ our Passover was slain), and 
the instruments (i Thess. ii. 15, the Jews who killed the 
Lord Jesus) of the Lord's death. But the death of 
Christ was as it were only the way to the Resurrection ; 
and in the writings of St Paul the two events are put 
forward as forming the very substance of the Gospel 
(i Cor. xv. i ff.) 3 , and as such are constantly combined 
(Rom. iv. 24, 25 ; xiv. 9). Yet even thus the com- 
pleteness of the narrative is preserved. Christ died 
...and was buried... and rose again the third day (i Cor. 
xv. 4 ff.). Afterwards the reality of the Resurrection is 
attested by the subsequent appearances to Cephas, to 
the twelve, to above five hundred brethren, to James, 
to all the Apostles, to St Paul himself (i Cor. xv. 
5 8). In several places the Apostle assumes the fact 
of the Ascension (Rom. viii. 34; Eph. i. 20; Col. iii. i), 

1 In connexion with this it may 
be observed that the metaphorical 
sense of crTavpou (Gal. v. 24; vi. 14) 
is peculiar to St Paul. 

^ If we adopt the common trans- 
lation the mention of Pontius Pilate 
is remarkable, as the reference in 
that case must be rather to the 
words of John xviii. 36 ff. than of 
Matt, xxvii. n. It is better how- 
ever to take &rl (as in the Creed) 
simply as marking the date. 

a It is very important to notice 

that St Paul speaks of this Gospel 
as handed do^vn (xv. i, 3). He first 
received (7rapAa/3e) and in turn 
transmitted (?rape5w/ce) the Gospel. 
In the same way he speaks of re- 
ceiving mediately (and not directly) 
from the Lord (irape\. air 6 rou K. 
not IT a pa rov K.) the account of 
the institution of the Eucharist (i 
Cor. xi. 23). Cf. Neander, Gesch. 
d. Pflanz. u. s. w. I. 130 ff. Supr. 
p. 177, n. 2. 



and in one phrase he clearly alludes to it (i Tim. iii. 1 6, 
dve\r]fji^6r] ev Bogy" cf. Mark xvi. 19; Acts i. 2). 

In respect to the prominence thus given to the last 
scenes of our Lord's life the Epistles of St Paul are in 
harmony with the narrative of the Gospels. He felt that 
the whole life of Christ was outwardly summed up in its 
crowning issue, in the depth of shame and in the fulness 
of triumph; but yet he does not leave the preparation 
unnoticed. At the first Christ made Himself of no repu- 
tation, by taking upon Him the form of a servant; being 
rich for our sakes He became poor ; He was born of 
a woman; sprung from the Jews according to the flesh; 
the seed of Abraham; of the seed of David; brought in 
subjection to the Law (VTTO vo^ov}] circumcised; asso- 
ciated with others as His brethren. In His life He 
pleased not Himself, but left an image of meekness and 
gentleness in the midst of afflictions and sufferings (Col. 
i. 24; 2 Cor. i. 5; i Thess. i. 6); and the pattern of the 
life of Christ is that to which the Christian must aspire, 
and to which he will at last attain (Eph. iv. 13). One 
scene only, the institution of the Last Supper, is de- 
scribed in detail, and in that the language is almost 
coincident with the narrative in the Gospels (i Cor. x. 
16; xi. 23 26) 1 . 

The Epistle to the Hebrews touches on each of the 
great features in the Saviour's life; His incarnation (ii. 
9 ff.), His descent from Judah (vii. 14), His temptation 
(ii. 18; iv. 15), His consecration to His ministry (v. 5), 
His humiliation (ii. 9 ff.) and sufferings (v. 8), His agony 
(v. 7, with peculiar details), and Crucifixion (vi. 6) out- 

1 If the text of Luke xxii. 19, 20 
he correct, the coincidence is all 
but verbal; the confusion however 
which exists in these verses renders 

it more than probable that an inter- 
polation has been made from i Cor. 
xi. 23 ff. 

Chap. iii. 

Phil. ii. 7 ff. 
2 Cor. viii. 9. 

Gal. iv. 4. 
Rom. ix. 5. 
Gal. iii. 16. j 

Rom. i. 3; 
2 Tim. ii. 3. 
Gal. iv. 4- 
Col. ii. ii. 
Gal. i. 19. 

Rom. xv. 3. 
2 Cor. x. i. 

The Epistle 
to the He- 

1 82 


Chap. iii. 

The sub- 
stance of the 
Gospels re- 
generally in 
the Epistles. 

side the walls of Jerusalem (xiii. 12), and His exaltation 
to the right hand of God (viii. I ; ix. 24 ff.) 1 . 

The references which St John makes in his Epistles 
to the circumstances of the life of Christ are exactly 
accordant with the character of his Gospel. He dwells 
on the pre-existence of the Son of God (i John iv. 9), 
and at the same time affirms with the most complete 
distinctness His real Incarnation (iv. 2) and bodily pre- 
sence (i. I, al ^etpe? rjfjLutv e^jrr}\d(j)r)crav) 2 and death (i. 7; 
ii. 2). In the same way, without noticing the Resur- 
rection expressly, he speaks of the mediatorial work 
of Christ in the presence of the Father (ii. i), and 
His future coming in the flesh (2 John 7, ep^ofievov). 
The beginning and close of the Lord's ministry, His 
baptism and death, are shewn to be mysteriously united, 
inwardly in the completion of a divine testimony, and 
outwardly in one of the last incidents of the Passion 
(i John v. 6). In St John the spiritual significance is 
extended over the literal, but a foundation of historic 
detail lies at the foundation of the higher lesson. 

The connexion of the Evangelic narrative with the 
Apostolic Epistles is not however confined to mere 
allusions. The spirit and tone of the letters presup- 
pose some such record as that which is contained in the 
histories. The substance of the Gospels is an adequate 
explanation of the form of the first Christian teaching, 
and it is impossible to conceive of any other. Though 
it be true that scarcely any clear references to the re- 
corded discourses of the Lord are contained in the 
Epistles (for the reference of i Cor. vii. 10 to Matt. v. 
32 and of i Cor. ix. 14 to Luke x. 4, 7, cf. i Tim. v. 18, 

1 Cf. Stanley, on Corinthians, pp. 
586 ff. ed. 2. 

2 It is instructive to observe that 

the word \^ri\a.<f)av 5s not used in the 
narrative of St John (xx. 19 ff.), 
but in that of St Luke (xxiv. 39). 


is at best uncertain), it is no less true that the life and 
words of Christ are everywhere assumed as the basis 
of all doctrine. He is Himself wisdom (i Cor. i. 30), 
the centre of truth (Eph. iv. 21), the true (i John v. 20) ; 
His commandments are absolute (i Cor. xiv. 37); His 
words are the decisive rule .of sound doctrine (t Tim. 
vi. 3); His example the one perfect model (i Pet. ii. 21; 
Phil. ii. 5 ; i John ii. 6). It is everywhere assumed 
that the Christian is familiar with the portraiture of his 
Master, and each of the traits which are preserved in 
these passing notices is seen in its full expression in 
the Gospels. The New Testament as a whole is a key 
to the sub-apostolic history: the Gospels, not perhaps 
in their written but in their oral form, are the key to the 
Epistles 1 . 

Thus far then it has been shewn that the character- 
istic work of the Apostles was preaching and not writ- 
ing ; that they were inclined to this form of teaching by 
character and training no less than by their special 
commission ; that the first ' Gospel ' was consequently 
an oral message and not a written record ; that the 
books of the Old Testament were the sufficient 
Apostolic Scriptures. It has been further shewn 
that this oral Gospel of the Apostles was his- 
toric ; that the Apostles were expressly declared to be 
witnesses of the whole ministry of Christ ; that their 
preaching rested on the details of His life ; that their 
letters presuppose an acquaintance with the facts of 

1 It is remarkable that there is (as 
far as I know) no direct allusion to 
the Miracles of our Lord in the 
Epistles ; but it is possible (Stanley, 
Lc. ) that the word 8ai/j.6via in I Cor. 
x. 20, 21, which occurs elsewhere in 
St Paul only in i Tim. iv. i, may 
be chosen with a distinct reference 

to the antagonism so often brought 
out in the Lord's life in His casting 
out devils. It is a similar fact, that 
in the writings of the Apostolic 
Fathers there are (I believe) no spe- 
cific allusions to the miracles of the 
Apostles. The omission in both cases 
arises from the nature of the writings. 

Chap. iii. 


2 Tim. iii. 15. 

1 84 


Chap. tti. 

II. The 

written Cos- 

i. Distinctly 

ivit/i the 

on the evi- 
dence of Pa- 
pias and 

the Gospel, and preserve such an outline of its con- 
tents as is filled up in our Gospels. It remains still 
to inquire whether there is any direct evidence for con- 
necting our present Gospels with the oral cycle of 
Evangelic facts which is thus seen to have existed ; 
and whether the theory of a common oral origin is 
consistent with the peculiarities of form which they 

On the first point early testimony is explicit and 
uniform. Each of the first three Gospels is distinctly 
connected by adequate evidence with the previous 
preaching of Apostles, as being intended to supply a 
permanent record of that which was before only tradi- 
tional. The written Gospels are acknowledged in his- 
tory to be the last stage of the Apostolic preaching, the 
preparation for passing into a new age. 

The earliest account of the origin of a 'Gospel' is 
that which Papias has given on the authority of the 
Elder John 1 . Papias was himself a 'direct hearer' of 
this John, and John was a 'disciple of the Lord' (if 
the text of Papias be correct), or at any rate contem- 
porary with the later period of the Apostolic age. 'This 
'also the Elder used to say. Mark having become 
' Peter's interpreter wrote accurately all that he remem- 
' bered (or that he [Peter] mentioned : 

1 Euseb. H. E. in. 39. Routh, 
Rell. Sacr. I. pp. 13 ff. 

2 This word is ambiguous like 
dirffj.vr]/M>vevff below, and may mean 
either remembered or mentioned. It 
is used in both senses in the chapter 
of Eusebius in which the quotation 
occurs. The first sense is that in 
which it is commonly taken here, 
but it may be argued that the second 
rendering gives a meaning more 
consistent with the other forms in 
which the tradition is preserved. A 

passage of Eusebius {Dem. Ev. ill. 
5) however seems to favour the ren- 
dering related from memory in the 
second case : H^rpos ovdt Kad-rjKev tirl 
TTJV evayye\iov ypcKfirjv di evXafieias 
virepo-xrjV TOUTOV Map/cos yvwpiiuos 
Kal (poLTijTr/s yeyovus dTrofjLvr)fj.ovevffai 
X^yercu ras TOV Htrpov irepl T&V 
TTpa^e&v TOV 'ITJCTOV 5ia\t; 
ycip ret Trapci Ma'/>/ojj TOV Htrpov dia- 
X^ewi' ftvat X^yercu a.TrofJLi'rjiu.ovev- 
fj.a.ra. Compare also Clem. Alex, 
ap. Euseb. //. E. vi. 14... TOV Map/cov 


I8 5 

'though he did not [record] in order that which was 
' either said or done by Christ (ov fjuevroi ra^ei ra VTTO 
( TOV XpicrTov 7) \e\6evra rj Trpa^Oevra). For he neither 
* heard the Lord nor followed (nrap^KoKovOricrev) Him ; 
' but subsequently, as I said, [attached himself to] Peter, 
' who used to frame his teaching to meet the wants 
' [of his hearers], but not as making a connected nar- 
' rative of the Lord's discourses (wo-jrep avvra^uv TWV 
' Kvpia/cwv TToiov/Aevo? \6fyc0v' al. \t>yla)v). So Mark com- 
' mitted no error, as he wrote down some particulars 
' (evia 7/oai/ra?) just as he recalled them to mind (or as 
'he [Peter] narrated them: aTTfj,vijfJWVv<Tev). For he 
' took heed to one thing, to omit none of the facts that 
' he heard, and to make no false statement in [his ac- 
' count of] them.' 

This most important testimony notices the three 
points on which stress has been already laid, the historic 
character of the oral Gospel, the special purpose with 
which it was framed, and the fragmentariness of its 
contents; and it was on such an oral basis that our pre- 
sent Gospel of St Mark is said to have been founded, 
according to the evidence of one who must have known 
the Apostles 1 . 

Later writers, partly as it seems from an independent 
tradition, and partly from the account given by Papias, 
repeat the same general statement of the relation of 
St Mark to St Peter with various differences of detail. 
Irenaeus defines more exactly the time of the publica- 
tion of the Gospel, though the reading is uncertain. 
'Since the decease (efoSoi/, cf. 2 Pet. i. 15) of these 
'(Peter and Paul), Mark, the disciple and interpreter 

TUV \exdtvTuv waypd- J On this testimony of Papias, see 
a... ' Hist, of Canon, p. 74. 

1 86 


1 of Peter, himself also has handed down to us in writ- 
' ing the things which were preached by Peter 1 .' Cle- 
ment of Alexandria records as 'a tradition of the 
'elders of former time' (TrapaSoaw TWV dveicaOev Trpea^v- 
repwv) an account which though very similar to that 
of Papias appears to be distinct from it. '[It is said] 
'that when Peter had publicly preached (Kjjpv^avros) 
'the word in Rome, and declared the Gospel by Inspi- 
ration (Trvevjjicni TO evajy. e'^etTroz/ro?), those who were 
' present being many urged Mark, as one who had fol- 
' lowed him from a distant time and remembered what 
'he said, to record (avaypd^ai) what he stated (rd el- 
' p7)fjt,eva) ; and that he haying made his Gospel gave 
'it to those who made the request of him; and that 
' Peter, when he was aware of this, took pains neither to 
' hinder him nor to encourage him in the work ' (vrpo- 
rpeTTTi/cws /jLrjre Kwkva-ai /Jitjre TrpoTpetyacrOai,) 2 . Origen 
says still more expressly that ' Mark made his Gospel 
' as Peter guided him (ixfrrjyijcraTo) 3 .' Tertullian in like 
manner remarks that 'the Gospel of Mark is maintained 
'to be Peter's, whose interpreter he was... for it is allow- 
' able (capit) that that which scholars publish should be 
'regarded as their master's work 4 .' 

1 Iren. c. Har. ill. i. i. Cf. Eu- 
seb. H. E. v. 8. The reading 

TTJV TOVTOV (sc. Tov Kara 
eva-yye\iov) 2Ko<nv (Cramer, Cat. in 
Marc. p. 264) is worthy of notice, 
as the date is not consistent with the 
other accounts. Elsewhere Irenaeus 
calls Mark interpret ct scctator (i. e. 
dKO\ov8os) Petri (in. 10. 6). 

2 Clem. Alex. Fragm. Hypotyp. 
p. 1016 P. Euseb. //. E. vi. 14. 
So also Aduinbr. in Pet. Ep. I. p. 
1007: Marcus Petri sectator palam 
prsedicente Petro evangelium Romae 
coram quibusdam Csesareanis equi- 
tibus et multa Christ! testimonia 

proferente, penitus ut possent quce 
clicebantur memorice commendari, 
scripsit ex his quoe Petro dicta sunt 
Evangelium quod secundum Marcum 
vocitatur. The false references which 
Eusebius (H. E. n. 15) and Jerome 
(de Virr. lllustr. 8) make to this 
passage, as though St Peter did 
confirm the Gospel by special reve- 
lation, are evidently later embel- 
lishments of the tradition. 

3 Comm.inMatt.i. 
vi. 25. 

4 Contr. Marc. iv. 5. To these 
writers Justin M. may be added, 
who speaks of 'the Memoirs (diro- 


I8 7 

The tradition was repeated in after times, but gene- 
rally in the later form which Eusebius gave to it, ac- 
cording to which St Peter expressly 'sanctioned the 
' writing [of Mark] for the use of the Church ' in ac- 
cordance with a divine revelation ; a statement which is 
at direct variance with the authority which Eusebius 
quotes and is also internally improbable 1 . 

The history of the present Gospel of St Matthew is 
beset with peculiar difficulties, and the earliest writers 
are silent as to the circumstances which attended its 
composition. While using the Greek text as unques- 
tionably authentic they recognise unanimously the ex- 
istence of a Hebrew archetype, of which they seem to 
regard the Canonical book as an authoritative trans- 
lation or representative, but still without offering any 
explanation of the manner in which this substitution 
was made 2 . Papias, probably on the testimony of the 
Elder John, though this is not clear, states simply that 
' Matthew composed the oracles in the Hebrew lan- 
* guage ; and each reader interpreted them as he could 3 .' 
This evidence then carries us back to a time when no 
Greek Gospel bearing the name of St Matthew was 
generally current, though a Hebrew Gospel, for \6yt,a 

fj.vyiJ.oveviJ.aTa.) of Peter' with an ob- 
vious reference to St Mark : Dial. 
c. 1 06. Hist, of N. T. Canon, 
p. 104. 

1 The later writers are quoted by 
Credner, EinL p. 1 1 3 ff. 

In another place Eusebius (H. E. 
II. 1 6) represents St Mark as 'him- 
' self preaching in Egypt the Gospel 
'which he composed.' 

2 Tradition varied as to the rela- 
tive historical position of the Gospels. 
Clement of Alexandria recorded as 
an old tradition (Trapadoffts TUV ave- 
K a6ev irpe<rpvTtpui>) that the Gospels 
with the genealogies were written 

first (Euseb. H. E. vi. 14). Origen, 
on the other hand, also on the au- 
thority of tradition (ws ev irapadocei 
paduv placed St Matthew's first 

Mark's second, and St Luke's third 
(Euseb. H. E. vi. 25). 
3 Papias ap. Euseb. //. E. ill. 39. 

TO. \6yia <rvveypa\f/a.TO, T)pfj.r)Vv 
<re 5' aura us ridvitaro Macros. The 
form of the sentence is remarkable, 
and the aorist marks a change before 
Papias' (or John's) time. Cf. Hist. 
ofN. T. Canon, p. 65. 



Oracles can mean no less, of which he was the author 
was known and used. In the next generation the 
Greek Gospel was used more commonly by Justin than 
any other, though he is silent as to the authorship 1 ; 
and in the time of Clement of Alexandria 2 , Tertullian 3 , 
and Irenaeus 4 , the present Gospel was recognised by 
the Church as the authentic work of St Matthew. But 
the reception of the Greek text did not interfere with 
the earlier belief. The existence of a Hebrew original 
is confirmed by the statement of Irenaeus 5 , and also 
of Origen 6 made on the authority of 'tradition' (w? eV 
irapaSocret, paOwv), and by the general consent of later 
opinion, as well as by the story of Pantsenus, who is 
said to have found in India the Hebrew writing of 
Matthew, which was left there by the Apostle Bartho- 
lomew 7 . But none of these writers allude to the origin 
of the Gospel. This is first described by Eusebius in 
a passage which bears strong internal marks of proba- 
bility, though it is impossible to point out the autho- 
rities on which it rests. 'Matthew/ he says, 'having 
' formerly preached to Hebrews, when he was about to 
' go to others also, having committed to writing in his 
' native tongue the Gospel which bears his name (TO tear 
' av-rov 6^077.), supplied by his writing the want of his 
' presence (TO \el7rov rf) avrov nrapovcria, i.e. the loss they 
'felt as he was no longer with them) to those from 
'whom he set out 8 .' This may be a mere conjecture by 

1 He alludes to the Gospels by ..Mwxev fjfuv Terpa/aopcpov TO evay- 
the general name of the Memoirs of y&Lov hi d Trvev/uari 

the Apostles. Cf. Hist, of N. T. 
Canon, pp. 340 ff. 

2 Clem. Alex. Hypotyp. I. c. Cf. 
Euseb. H. E. vi. 14. 

8 Tert. c. Marc. IV. i ...fidem ex 
apostolis Joannes et Matthseus insi- 

4 Iren. c.H&r. ill. n. 8... 

5 Iren. c. Hter. in. i. i. Euseb. 
H. E. v. 8. 

6 Orig. Comm. in Matt. i. Cf. 
Euseb. H. E. vi. 25. 

i Euseb. H. E. v. 10. Cf. Hieron. 
de Virr. III. 36. Comp. Epiph. 
Har. xxx. 3. 

8 Euseb. H. E. ill. 24. 



which Eusebius explains the earlier tradition, but in the 
absence of all opposing evidence it must be allowed to 
have some weight. 

The early account of the origin of the Gospel of 
St Luke is strictly parallel to that of the origin of St 
Mark's Gospel, but less detailed. ' Luke the follower of 
'Paul,' says Irenaeus 1 , 'set down in a book the Gospel 
'which he (Paul) used to preach' (TO VTT e/celvov icrjpvcr- 
(To^evov eva<y<y.). Tertullian speaks of St Paul as 'the 
' illuminator of Luke/ and says that ' the summary 
' (digestum) of Luke was generally assigned to Paul 2 .' 
The allusions which St Paul makes to 'his Gospel' 
(Rom. ii. 16; xvi. 25; 2 Tim. ii, 8 ; cf. 2 Cor. viii. 18) 
and to St Luke soon gave rise to the supposition that 
he himself used the Gospel of St Luke. Even Origen 
speaks of 'the Gospel of Luke as that praised by Paul 3 ;' 
and the tradition assumed a more definite shape in the 
writings of Jerome 4 and the Pseudo-Athanasius. It is 
remarkable however that Eusebius refers to the con- 
jecture (tyao-i) without trace of approval 5 , though the 
corresponding tradition which confers the direct autho- 
rity of St Peter on the Gospel of St Mark rests on his 

But apart from tradition, the preface with which 
St Luke opens his Gospel throws a striking light upon 
its composition. The words have been made the subject 
of the most varied controversy, though the true sense 
seems to lie upon their surface. Both in the description 
which he gives of other ' Gospels,' and in the peculiar 

1 Iren. c. Hcer. ill. i. I. Euseb. 
H. E. v. 8. Elsewhere Ireneeus 
calls Luke inseparabilis a Paulo et 
cooperarius ejus in Evangelio (c. 
Hccr. ill. 14. i)...qui semper cum 
Paulo cum eo evan- 

gelizavit et creditus est referre nobis 
Evangelium (ib. 14. i). 

2 Tert. adv. Marc. IV. i ; iv. 5. 

3 Grig. ap. Euseb. H. E. vi. 25. 

4 Hieron. d& Virr. III. 7. 

5 Euseb. II. E. in. 4 . 



character which he claims for his own, St Luke appears 
to confirm the views already given of the prevalence 
and nature of the unwritten Gospel of the first age. 
The common basis of the Evangelic narratives is said 
to be the oral tradition of tJiose who from the beginning 
(cf. Acts i. 21, 22) were eye-zvitnesses and ministers of 
the ivord. The two elements in the Apostolic character 
which have been already pointed out, personal know- 
ledge (avTOTTTai) and practical experience (vTrrjperai), are 
recognised by St Luke as present in those who ori- 
ginally handed down (irapeSo&eai) the history which 
many attempted to draw up and arrange afresh (ava-rd- 
in a connected shape (avar. 

The work of these unknown first Evangelists was new 
only in form and not in substance. The^tradition which 
they incorporated in a narrative was not peculiar to 
themselves, but was common to all (/cad. Trap. 77 /u Iv) 1 ; 
for the common belief was independent of these written 
records. St Luke speaks of the 'attempts' as of some- 
thing which had no influence at the present 2 . The 
facts had been fully established ('jreTr'X.rjpocfioprjjjievcov not 
7r\rjpo<l)opr)0evTc0v, Rom. iv. 21) apart from the evidence of 
such documents. Theophilus was already instructed in 
the words 31 of the exact truth of which St Luke wished 
to assure him ; and his instruction was derived not from 
books, but from that oral teaching (/carr/xijOr/s) which 
is described by the same term from the first foundation 
of the Church (Acts xviii. 25 ; I Cor. xiv. 19 ; Gal. vi. 6). 
So far then the statements of St Luke corroborate in 

1 Bp Marsh justly insists on the 
importance of the phrase in his Ori- 
gin of the first three Gospels, p. 364. 

2 'E7re%e//)7j<raj' attempted, not 'have 
attempted. Possibly some feeling of 
this . difference influenced Origen's 

judgment, when he saw in the word 
attempt itself a reproof of unautho- 
rized temerity (Horn, in Luc. i). 

3 The words (oi \6yoi) being the 
constituent elements of the word (6 
\6yos). Cf. i Tim. iv. 6. 


the fullest manner the view which has been taken of 
the origin of written Gospels. The narrative was the 
embodiment of the oral accounts : the facts (Trpdyfiara) 
were co-ordinate with the word: the work of the Evan- 
gelist was arrangement rather than fresh composition : 
the subjects with which he dealt were at once matters 
of firm conviction and ordinary instruction. The grounds 
on which St Luke rests his own narrative involve the 
same principles. It is evident at first that he repre- 
sents his Gospel as a faithful embodiment of the ' Evan- 
' gelic tradition.' He finds no fault with the basis on 
which the earlier writers rested. His own determina- 
tion is placed on an equal footing with theirs (eSofe 
tcofjiol) ; but he claims for himself a knowledge of the 
Apostolic preaching continuous from the first, com- 
plete, exact ; and for his writing a due order (Luke i. 3, 
TraprjKoXovOrjKori avwOev Trdcriv a/cpj/3e8? Ka6e%rjS croi jpd- 
fyai). Each word in the sentence contributes an im- 
portant element to the completeness of the whole idea. 
St Luke appears to speak of a gradual unfolding of 
the whole Gospel in the course of the Apostolic work 
which he had watched from the first step throughout 
in every detail. The same term (grapaicoXotS&U') de- 
scribes the personal attendance on a teacher and the 
careful following of teaching 1 . The long companion- 
ship seems to be the criterion of the complete know- 
ledge. And this view of the notion implied in 'following' 
illustrates the meaning of the next words. St Luke's 
'continuous familiarity' with the subject gave him a 
knowledge of the whole cycle of the * tradition/ and 
not only of particular periods or particular parts of 
it. His knowledge started from the first and extended 

1 See Papias /. c. ap. Euseb. //. E. ill. 39, compared with i Tim. iv. 6; 
2 Tim. iii. 10. 


Chap. iii. 

2. The inter- 
nal charaC' 

to every point ; and the peculiar advantages of the 
Evangelist are enforced by the notice of his special 
care (dtcpificus) and plan. But the notion of order 
tfef/J?) does not necessarily involve that of time, 
t rather that of moral or logical sequence (cf. Acts 
xi. 4). The two may coincide, and in the exhibition 
of a perfect life in the main they will, but chronological 
order is not paramount in the Gospels, and the lan- 
guage of St Luke does not imply that he designed 
to follow it. Like the teaching on which it was first 
based, the record is subservient to special requirements. 
It is complete in regard to its object but not absolutely, 
a message of good tidings and not a biography, united 
in its several parts by a spiritual law and not by a table 
of dates 1 . 

Hitherto all the evidence which can be gathered 
from the circumstances of the early Church and the 
traditions of the origin of the Gospels has tended to 
establish the existence of an original oral Gospel, de- 
finite in general outline and even in language, which 
was committed to writing in the lapse of time in various 
special shapes, according to the typical forms which it 
assumed in the preaching of different Apostles. It is 
probable that this oral Gospel existed from the first 
both in Aramaic and in Greek, as would naturally be 
the case in a country where two languages were gene- 
rally current. The teaching of St Matthew ' among his 
'own countrymen' is expressly said to have been in 
* Hebrew/ and it is not less certain that Greek must 
have been the common medium of intercourse with the 
Hellenists. The step from these oral narratives to 
written records in Hebrew and Greek is simple and 

1 Comp. evayye\io'Tai, p. 172. 


natural ; but nothing has been said yet of the internal 
evidence to be derived from the Gospels themselves ; 
and still it is on this that the decision of the question 
of their origin mainly depends. General indicati 
and beliefs, probabilities and seeming coincidences, 
must be abandoned if they are clearly opposed \o the' 
internal character of the books to the peculiarities^ 
their mutual relations, to the extent and limit of their 
similarity and difference, to the general unity by which 
they are held together, and to the special character- 
istics by which they are distinguished. It may be 
asked whether there is any intimate external connexion 
between the Gospels ? Whether the resemblances which 
exist point to the existence of a common source or to 
mutual dependence ? Whether in the latter alternative 
it is possible to determine the order of precedence, or 
in the former the nature oral or written of the ori- 
ginal records ? Various answers have been given to 
these questions, but the first at least may be regarded 
as definitely settled 1 . No one at present would maintain 
with some of the older scholars of the Reformation 
that the coincidences between the Gospels are due 
simply to the direct and independent action of the 


Chap. iii. 

V &Sl 


1 For the study of the parallel- 
isms of the Gospels abundant helps 
are provided. Tischendorf s Synop- 
sis Evangelica is handy and critical. 
Greswell's Harmonia Evangelica 
(Ed. 4ta, Oxon. 1845) is perfect in 
respect of typography, but the text 
is bad and altogether unprovided 
with critical apparatus, so that it 
cannot be safely used alone. Stroud's 
New Greek Harmony (Lond. 1853) 
is second only to Greswell in the 
convenience of its typographical ar- 
rangement, and it has a fair appa- 
ratus critiais. Anger's Synopsis 

W. G. 

i. The na- 
ture of t lie 
which they 

Evangeliorum Matt. Marc. Luc.... 
(Lipsiae, 1851 Ed. i) contains a 
most complete and elaborate sum- 
mary of all the early Evangelic frag- 
ments and quotations in addition to 
the Canonical text and critical appa- 
ratus, but the arrangement is not so 
distinct as that in Greswell and 
Stroud. For practical purposes 
Anger combined with Stroud or 
Greswell will furnish all the student 
can require. [The Synopticon of 
Mr Rushbrooke (Cambridge, 1880) ' 
gives the textual facts as completely ' 
as they can be given. 1881.] 




Chap. iii. 

(a) Tlie con- 
them three- 

(a) In gene- 
ral plan. 

same Spirit upon the several writers. The explana- 
tion of the phenomena which they present is sought 
by universal consent in the presence of a common ele- 
ment, though opinions are still divided as to its nature. 
The original source of the resemblance may lie in the 
influence of an original tradition or of a popular nar- 
rative, or in the earliest written Gospel itself; but the 
existence of some such source is admitted on all sides. 
The merits of the different hypotheses must be decided 
by their fitness to satisfy the various conditions of the 
question ; and before attempting to decide their claims, 
it will be necessary to gain a distinct notion of the 
nature and extent of the concordances of which an ex- 
planation is required. 

The concordances of the Synoptic Gospels may be 
classed under three heads general agreement in the 
plan and arrangement of the materials ; constant iden- 
tity of narrative in form and substance ; and verbal 
coincidences. With these concordances are combined 
differences in detail and expression, large interpolations 
of peculiar matter, distinct revisions, so to speak, of the 
same record ; so that the points of meeting between the 
different writers are scarcely more numerous than the 
points of divergence, and the theory which explains the 
existence of the former must not leave the existence of 
the latter unnoticed or unaccounted for. 

The general plan of the first three Gospels exhibits 
a remarkable correspondence. The history of the In- 
fancy contained in St Matthew and St Luke finds no 
parallel in St Mark, but afterwards the main course 
of the three narratives is throughout coincident. The 
preparation for the Ministry, the mission of John the 
Baptist, the Baptism, the Temptation, the return to 
Galilee, the preaching in Galilee, the journey to Jeru- 


salem, the entrance into Jerusalem and the preaching 
there, the Passion, the Resurrection such is the com- 
mon outline which they all present, and the same rela- 
tive order of the subordinate incidents is always pre- 
served by St Mark and St Luke, and also by St 
Matthew with the exception of some of the earlier 
sections. The most remarkable differences lie in the 
presence of a long series of events connected with the 
Galilsean ministry which is peculiar to St Matthew 
and St Mark 1 , and of a second still longer connected 
with the journey to Jerusalem which is peculiar to 
St Luke 2 . 

Nor is the obvious similarity between the Synoptic 
Gospels confined to their broad outlines. The incidents 
with which their outlines are filled up are often iden- 
tical and always similar. The absolute extent of this co- 
incidence of substance admits of a simple representation 
by numbers ; and though the relations which are given 
are only approximately true, they convey a clearer 
notion of the nature of the phenomenon than any 
general description. The proportion may be exhibited 
in several modes, and each method places the truth 
in a new light. 

If the total contents of the several Gospels be repre- 
sented by 100, the following table is obtained 3 : 

Peculiarities. Coincidences. 

St Mark 7 93 

St Matthew . . . \i ... 58 

St Luke . . 59 4i 

[Stjohn ... 92 ... 8] 

From this it appears that the several Gospels bear 

1 Matt. xiv. 22 xvi. 12 = Mark vi. 45 viii. 26. 

2 Luke ix. 51 xviii. 14. 

3 Stroud, Harmony of the Gospels, p. 117. 


Chap, ii 

(b) In inci- 



almost exactly an inverse relation to one another, St 
Mark and St John occupying the extreme positions, 
the proportion of original passages in one balancing 
the coincident passages in the other. If again the 
extent of all the coincidences be represented by 100, 
their proportionate distribution will be 1 : 

St Matthew, St Mark, St Luke 
St Matthew, St Luke . 
St Matthew, St Mark . 
St Mark, St Luke 





Or if we follow another principle of comparison and 
take the whole number of distinct sections in the Syn- 
optic Evangelists as 150 approximately, the peculiari- 
ties and coincidences of these three Gospels may be 
thus exhibited: 

Peculiarities. Coincidences. 

St Luke 37 

St Matthew... 14 
StMark 2 

53 97 

The relations thus obtained harmonize on the whole 
with the former, but it appears that in regard to their 
mutual connexions the Gospels of St Matthew and St 
Mark have a much greater similarity of subject, and 
those of St Matthew and St Luke a somewhat greater 
similarity in the .mere extent of coincidence, than con- 
versely. Other interesting combinations might be ob- 
tained from an examination of the range of greatest 
coincidence and most distinctive peculiarities ; but look- 
ing only at the general result it may be said that of the 
contents of the Synoptic Gospels about two-fifths are 

1 Compare Norton's Genuineness of the Gospels^ i. 373 ff. 



common to the three, and that the parts peculiar to one 
or other of them are little more than one-third of the 
whole. In St Mark there are not more than twenty- 
four verses to which no parallel exists in St Matthew 
or St Luke, though St Mark exhibits everywhere traits 
of vivid detail which are peculiar to his narrative. 

It is not however enough to consider general coinci- 
dences of substance and subject. Such a view conveys 
a false and exaggerated impression of the likeness be- 
tween the Gospels. In spite of their general resem- 
blance they are severally distinct in style and effect. 
The identity of range is combined with difference of 
treatment: peculiarities of language with unity of scope. 
The verbal coincidences between the different Gospels, 
while in themselves sufficiently remarkable, are yet 
considerably less than might appear from the popular 
statement of the facts. The passages common to St 
Matthew with some other of the Synoptic Gospels 
form a little more than four-sevenths of the whole, 
but the corresponding verbal coincidences arc less than 
one-sixth. In the other Gospels the proportion of 
verbal coincidences is still less. Those in St Luke form 
about one-tenth, and in St Mark about one-sixth of 
the whole Gospels, while the general coincidences form 
respectively about two-fifths, and thirtecn-fourtecnths 1 . 
Thus the approximate relation of the verbal to the 
general coincidences of the Gospels may be represented 

St Matthew. St Luke. St Mark. 

7 : 24 1:4 7 : 39 

Nor is this all : in the distribution of the verbal 
coincidences a very simple law is observable. They 

1 For these proportions I am indebted to Mr Norton, /. c. 



occur most commonly in the recital of the words of 
our Lord or of others, and are comparatively rare in 
the simple narrative. Thus of the verbal coincidences 
in St Mark about four-fifths, of those in St Matthew 
about seven-eighths, and of those in St Luke about 
nineteen-twentieths, occur in the records of the words 
of others. 

If again these verbal coincidences are further ana- 
lysed, several interesting results are obtained. In the 
passages common to all three Evangelists about one- 
sixth consists of verbal coincidences, and of them one- 
fifth occur in the narrative, and four-fifths in the recita- 
tive parts. In the same sections the additions common 
to St Matthew and St Mark contain five-sixths of their 
verbal coincidences in the recitative portions ; and those 
common to St Mark and St Luke 1 , and St Matthew 
and St Luke, with two unimportant exceptions, present 
no verbal coincidence except in such portions 2 . In the 
sections common to two Evangelists a similar law pre- 
vails. The verbal coincidences between St Matthew 
and St Luke are very numerous in the recital of our 
Lord's words, but the coincidences in the narrative 
cannot be rated at more than one-hundredth part of the 
others. One instance alone of verbal coincidence oc- 
curs in the numerous sections common only to St Mark 
and St Luke, and in this the coincidences in the reci- 
tative to those in the narrative part are as five to one. 
In the sections common to St Matthew and St Mark 

1 The most remarkable similari- 
ties of fact and differences of lan- 
guage occur in Mark v. i ff. = Luke 
viii. 27 ff. 

2 One important observation was 
made by Marsh (Michaelis, In trod, 
to the New Testament, v. 317), that 

when St Matthew and St Luke 
verbally agree in the common sec- 
tions St Mark always agrees with 
them also. There is not a single 
instance of a verbal agreement in 
these sections between St Matthew 
and St Luke only. 



alone a different proportion obtains. In these the 
verbal coincidences in the narrative 'part are somewhat 
more than one-third of the whole number ; but it is 
remarkable that in one important section (Mark vi. 
1729; Matt. xiv. 3 12) the only trace of a verbal 
coincidence occurs in the words ascribed to John the 

But in order to give these proportions no more than 
their due force, account must be taken of the propor- 
tion which the narrative and recitative parts of the 
Gospels bear to one another. Roughly then it may 
be said that the narrative in St Matthew forms about 
one-fourth of the Gospel, in St Mark about one-half, 
in St Luke about one-third. If these proportions are 
combined with the aggregate of coincidences in the 
several Gospels, and the contents of each Gospel re- 
presented by 100, the following table is obtained : 

(a) Narrative. (|3) Recitative, (y) Coincidences (8) Coincidences 

in (a). in (/3). 

St Matthew 
St Mark . 
St Luke , 







Or in other words verbal coincidences are more fre- 
quent in the recitative than in the narrative portions of 
St Matthew in the proportion (nearly) of 12 : 5, of St 
Mark of 4 : I, and of St Luke of 9 : I. 

The general harmony and distinctness of the results 
which have been obtained by these various analyses 
shews that they must be taken into account in con- 
sidering the general problem of the coincidences of the 
Synoptists. There is a marked difference between the 
composition of the recitative and narrative parts of the 
Gospels. In the former there is a prevailing unity, in 
the latter an individual style. The transition from the 


Chap iii. 


(/3) The dif- 
ferences in 
tlie Gospels 
with their 

one to the other is often clear and decided, and the 
most remarkable coincidences are in several instances 
prefaced by the most characteristic differences. It is 
evident then that the problem involves two distinct 
conditions, and a satisfactory solution must account not 
only for the general similarity which the Gospels ex- 
hibit in their construction and contents, but also for 
the peculiar distribution of their verbal coincidences. 
Any theory which leaves one or other of these points 
unexplained must be considered inadequate and un- 

The difference in language between the narrative 
and recitative parts of the Gospels points the way to 
those characteristic peculiarities by which they are re- 
spectively marked^ which are, as has been already said, 
scarcely less striking than their general likeness. The 
three records are distinct as well as similar in plan 
and incident and style. Each presents the form of 
a complete whole whose several parts are subordinated 
to the production of one great effect. Each contains 
additions to the common matter which are not dis- 
tinguishable externally from the other parts ; and the 
Gospel of St Mark which contains the fewest substan- 
tive additions presents the greatest number of fresh 
details in the' account of incidents not peculiar to it. 
Each is marked by specialities of language, which, not- 
withstanding the limits within which they are confined, 
penetrate throughout its contents. In many cases, as 
ih the genealogies and in the narratives of the Passion 
and the Resurrection, these differences amount to serious 
difficulties from our ignorance of all the circumstances 
on which the accounts depend ; and even where it is 
not so, they are distinct and numerous, and offer as 
clear a proof of the actual independence of the Gos- 



pels, as the concordances offer of their original con- 
nexion 1 . 

Such, in brief summary, are the peculiarities which 
the Synoptic Gospels present, and which the true ac- 
count of their origin must explain. This explanation 
has been sought in the application of two distinct prin- 
ciples. One class of solutions rests upon the assumption 
that the later Evangelists made use of the writings of 
their predecessors ; another supposes that the similarity 
is to be traced to the use of common sources, either 
written or oral. To these distinct methods of solution 
a third class may be added, which consists of various 
combinations of modified forms of the two others. 

The first class of solutions contains every possible 
combination of the Gospels. Each in turn has been 
supposed to furnish the basis of the others ; each to 
occupy the mean position ; each to represent the final 
narrative 2 . This variety of opinion is in itself an objec- 
tion to the hypothesis, for it is a case where it might 
seem reasonable to expect a clear and unquestionable 
proof of dependence. But it is further evident that the 
assumption of a mutual dependence, while it may ex- 
plain the general coincidences between the Gospels, 
offers no explanation of the peculiar distribution of 
the coincidences, or of the differences between the several 
narratives. It appears to be inconsistent with the re- 

1 The peculiarities of plan, inci- 
dent, and language, which charac- 
terize the different Gospels will come 
under notice subsequently; at pre- 
sent it is enough to state the results 
which will be then established. The 
most minute and valuable contribu- 
tion to the criticism of the verbal 
characteristics of the Evangelists 
is that of Gersdorf, Beitrage zur 
Sprach-Characteristik der Schrift- 

stcller dcs N. T. Leipzig, 1816, which 
at the same time offers the most 
striking confirmation of the text of 
the oldest family of Manuscripts, 
but it treats the subject grammati- 
cally rather than linguistically. 

9 Compare Marsh s Dissertation, 
&c. pp. 172 flf. The exceptions 
which he notices have been re- 
moved. Cf. Reuss, Die Gcsch. d. 
N. T. 180. 



(/3) Common 

suits of a careful analysis of the language and of the 
contents of the Gospels. Every attempt to shew on 
this hypothesis why a later Evangelist has omitted 
details which are noted by an earlier one, why he 
adopted his language up to a certain point and then 
suddenly abandoned it, why he retained in some sen- 
tences nothing more than a remarkable word, and in 
others the fulness of an entire answer, has always failed. 
Nor is this an inconsiderable objection. If the coinci- 
dences of the Gospels are due to mutual use, the di- 
vergences cannot but be designed. Such a design 
however as would satisfy this hypothesis is not dis- 
coverable in the Gospels. The true purpose which 
may be traced in the writing of each Evangelist is 
naturally explicable on very different principles from 
those which are involved in the minute criticism and 
elaborate reconstruction of former works. The super- 
ficial incongruities and apparent contradictions which 
are found in the different Gospels are inconsistent with 
the close connexion which the hypothesis requires ; and 
the general notion is as foreign to the spirit of the 
Apostolic age as it is to the current of ecclesiastical 
tradition. In its simple form the ' supplemental ' or 
' dependent ' theory is at once inadequate for the solu- 
tion of the difficulties of the mutual relation of the 
Synoptic Gospels and inconsistent with many of its 
own details ; and as a natural consequence of the 
deeper study of the Gospels it is now generally aban- 
doned except it be taken in combination with the other 
principle of solution. 

This second principle consists in the recognition of 
one or more common sources from which our present 
Gospels are supposed to have been derived 1 . But the 

1 This principle is stated by Epiphanius in general terms in Har. 



principle admits of very varied application. The com- 
mon sources may have been written or oral, and thus 
two distinct theories arise which have in turn been 
subjected to various modifications. 

The simplest form in which the hypothesis was first 
distinctly brought forward consisted in the recognition 
of certain original Greek documents, which were sup- 
posed to have furnished the foundation of the Synoptic 
Gospels and then to have passed out of use 1 . A closer 
examination of the Synoptic Gospels shewed the in- 
adequacy of this supposition to explain the phenomena 
which they present, and the historical difficulties which 
it involved were even greater than those of the ' sup- 
plemental ' hypothesis. The changing limits of coin- 
cidence and variation combined with a general identity 
of plan remained still unexplained ; and the loss of a 
Greek Protevangelium necessarily appeared inconceiv- 
able. In a short time a new theory was proposed. 
An Aramaic document was substituted for the Greek 
one, and it was argued that the various Greek transla- 
tions of this original text might be expected to combine 
resemblances and differences like those which exist in 
the Gospels 2 . This opinion was not exposed to some 
of the most obvious objections which were urged against 
a Greek original, and it carried the explanation of the 
partial coincidences of the Evangelists one step farther; 

ter an oral than a written source. 

1 J. U. Michaelis (Introd. Ed. 4). 
The idea was first cursorily ex- 
pressed by Le Clerc (1716). Cf. 
Marsh, pp. 184 ff. Schleiermacher 
afterwards revived the opinion in 
his Essay on St Luke, 1817. 

2 Lessing (1778); Semler (1783); 
Niemeyer (1790), &c. Cf. Marsh, 
pp. iS6ff. 

LI. 6: of/xl Scurry eptpLaev 6 debs 
iva ol rta-aapes vayye\iffTal...Ta ptv 
Kol fous Kif/aKru; fra 
o'rt <? aur^s rijs Tnjyfjs 
T& S eK&GT(f irapa.\T)- 
QdtvTa (1 . 7rajOaAet00eVra) aXXos 8ii)- 
7?7<reTcu (1. -7?rat) 6s fXajSe irapa rov 
irvev/j<.a.Tos fttpos TTJS avaXoylas- But 
he does not further explain what he 
understands by 'the one source,' 
though his words evidently suit bet- 



but it was in detail scarcely more tenable. Though the 
loss of an Aramaic text is in. itself not unlikely, yet the 
absence of all mention of the existence of such a docu- 
ment is a serious objection to its reality 1 : and the trans- 
lation of a common original would not explain the 
peculiar distribution of the verbal coincidences of the 
Gospels which has been pointed out. In addition to 
this the existence of any single written source would 
leave the phenomena of the differences of the Gospels 
still unaccounted for. To explain these fresh and more 
complex hypotheses were devised 2 . It was at last 
argued that the original Aramaic Gospel which formed 
the basis of the common parts of the three Gospels, was 
used by the three Evangelists after it had been variously 
increased by new additions. It was further supposed 
that St Mark and St Luke used a Greek translation 
of the original Aramaic Gospel free from interpolation ; 
and that the Greek translator of the Hebrew St Matthew 
made use in the first instance of St Mark where he had 
matter in common with St Matthew, and in other places 
where St Mark failed him of St Luke 3 . This hypothesis 
is certainly capable of being so adapted as to explain 
all the coincidences and differences of the Gospels, as 
in fact it is little more than the complement of an 
analysis of them ; but the extreme artificiality by which 
it is characterized renders it wholly improbable as a 
true solution of the problem. Such a combination of 

1 Some endeavoured to obviate 
this objection by identifying the 
Aramaic Gospel with the Gospel 
according to the Hebrews or with the 
Hebrew St Matthew. Cf. De Wette, 
Einl. 84 A. 

2 Eichhorn's first hypothesis na- 
turally intervenes, but it is needless 
to criticise this or his later and still 
more elaborate one. The first is 

examined by Marsh (I.e. infr.\ and 
the latter described by De Wette, 
Einl. 84 D. The same remark will 
apply to the theory of Gratz. Cf. 
Meyer, Comm. u. d. N. T. 1. 1, p. 22. 
3 Marsh, Essay on the Origin of 
the first three Gospels, appended to 
his translation of Michaelis' Intro- 
duction, Ed. 2, Vol. in. Part 2, 
Lond. 180-2. 



research and mechanical skill in composition as it in- 
volves is wholly alien from the circumstances of the 
Apostolic age, and at variance with the prevailing 
power of a wide-spread tradition. In dealing with this 
elaborate scheme the instinct of criticism at once anti- 
cipated the result of closer inquiry. In spite of the 
acuteness and ingenuity by which it was supported it 
found little favour, and served to bring into discredit 
the belief in written sources common to the Gospels, 
by shewing that any combination less subtle and varied 
was unable to satisfy all the conditions of the case. 

In the meantime a clearer light had been thrown 
upon the existence and character of the traditional 
Gospel 1 , and the recognition of its general influence 
was combined with former hypotheses. It was sup- 
posed that the Aramaic record of St Matthew and the 
Memoirs which St Mark framed from the preaching of 
St Peter were the written basis on which the present 
Gospels were formed by the help of the current tradi- 
tion 2 . But the same arguments which established the 
independence of the written Gospels when their similarity 
was deduced from their mutual dependence equally esta- 
blish it when they are referred to a current tradition 
as their original source. And on the other hand, while 
it is certain from the testimony of St Luke that various 
narratives of the whole or of parts of the Apostolic 
tradition were current, yet these unauthoritative or 
partial documents, as has been already shewn, are in- 
capable of giving an explanation of the complicated 
phenomena of the Gospels, to whatever source they are 

1 Especially by Gieseler, His- 
torisch-Kritischer Versuch, u. s. w. 
Leipzig, 1818. 

2 This view is supported by Cred- 

ner (EinL 86 flf.), and with some- 
what different details by Reuss 
(Gesch. d. N. T. 185 ff.). 

Chap, ill 



themselves referred. At the same time they may have 
exercised a considerable influence upon the mass of 
Christians, preserving among them the general form 
and substance of the tradition ; and while they satisfied 
the want of the Church at large, they may have con- 
tributed to confine our knowledge of the Lord's life 
within the present narrow limits by discouraging the 
search for further information. But the existence and 
use of these isolated narratives, like the corresponding 
records of the Jewish tradition, were signs and not 
causes of the presence of an oral history, and as long 
as the Apostles survived the pure tradition must have 
been still preserved among them independent of such 
helps. To seek for such fragments in our existing 
Gospels is simply to open the way to mere conjecture. 
In default of all external evidence it is impossible to 
separate the present Gospels on internal grounds into 
any distinct constituent parts. Each is a separate 
organic whole, simple and uniform, even where it has 
the closest resemblance to the parallel record. 

A fresh attempt however has been made lately 1 to 
dissect the Gospels into their original components, which 
claims notice from its boldness, and serves at the same 
time as an example of the arbitrary results of subjective 
criticism. An original Greek Gospel, containing the re- 
cords of the Baptism, the Temptation in its simplest 
form, and the Passion, is taken as the substructure; and 
it is further conjectured that this was used by St Paul, 
and perhaps composed by the Evangelist St Philip. 
This document was followed by the Hebrew ' collection 
' of Oracles ' (\6yi,a) of St Matthew, which included the 
greater part of the Lord's discourses with introductory 
narratives. Then followed the history of St Mark, 

1 By Ewald, Jahrbiicher, 1848, 1849. 


which, though an independent work, was yet written j chap, u 
by one who was acquainted with the two former re- 
cords. These three elements together, with new addi- 
tions and passages from ' a book of higher history/ were 
wrought up into the present Gospel of St Matthew. 
Afterwards three anonymous Evangelists are supposed 
to have revised the narrative, which received its last 
form at the hands of St Luke. Such a hypothesis 
can scarcely claim much attention as an explanation 
of the actual origin of the Gospels, though it may 
throw some light on the growth of the tradition of 
which they are the records. It is as a whole incon- 
sistent with the unity of plan and the unity of lan- 
guage by which the Gospels are marked. If they were 
really the mere mosaic which would result from such 
a combination, it would be impossible that they should 
be so distinctly individualized by the peculiarities of 
form and construction which penetrate through every 
part of them. Above all, and this remark applies to 
all the explanations which depend on the use of com- 
mon documents, such a hypothesis is inconsistent with 
the language of St Luke's Preface, which points clearly 
to an oral tradition as the source of his own Gospel, 
and by implication of the corresponding parts in the 
other Gospels ; and this last alternative of a common 
oral source of the Synoptic Gospels is perhaps alone 
able to satisfy simply and completely the different con- 
ditions of the problem which the Gospels present. 

It has been shewn already that the hypothesis of an 
oral Gospel is most consistent with the general habit 
of the Jews 1 and the peculiar position of the Apostles: 

1 At a later period Eusebius says characterizing at once the man and 
of Hegesippus a\Xa ws a? ^ 'lovda'i- the nation (//. E. IV. 33). 
KT/S aypdcfrov 7ra/>a5o'crews 



ch;. P . iii. : that it is supported by the earliest direct testimony and 
in some degree implied in the Apostolic writings. The 
result of the examination of the internal character of 
the Gospels is not less favourable to its adoption than 
in relation the weight of external evidence 1 . The general form 

to the form \ r , ^ , . , A 

of the Gospels points to an oral source. A minute 
* *' biography or a series of annals, which are the simplest 
and most natural forms of writing, are the least natural 
forms of tradition and the farthest removed from the 
Evangelic narratives, which consist of striking scenes 
and discourses, such as must have lived long in the 
memories of those who witnessed them. Nor are the 
Gospels fashioned only on an oral type ; they are 
fashioned also upon that type which is preserved in 
the other Apostolic writings. The oral Gospel, as far 
as it can be traced in the Acts and the Epistles, 
centred in the crowning facts of the Passion and the 
Resurrection, while the earlier ministry of the Lord 
was regarded chiefly in relation to its final issue. In 
a narrative composed on such a plan it is evident that 
the record of the last stage of Christ's work would be 
conspicuous for detail and fulness, and that the events 
chosen to represent the salient features of its earlier 
course would be combined together without special re- 
ference to date or even to sequence. Viewed in the 
light of its end the whole period was one in essence, 
undivided by years or festivals, and the record would 
be marked not so much by divisions of time as by 
groups of events 2 . In all these respects the Synoptic 

1 The hypothesis was first pro- 
posed in detail by Gieseler in the 
work already quoted. In later times 
it has been supported by Guericke, 
Einl. 19; Thiersch, Versuch zur 
Herstdlung, u. s. w. 119 ff.; and 

Norton, Genuineness of the Gospels, 
I. note D. Dr Davidson (Introd. I. 
404 ff.) allows considerable weight 
to tradition, while he admits the use 
of written documents. 

2 Such groups of events occur in 



Gospels exactly represent the probable form of the 
first oral Gospel. They seem to have been shaped by 
the pressure of recurring needs, and not by the deli- 
berate forethought of their authors. In their common 
features they seem to be that which the earliest history 
declares they are, the summary of the Apostolic preach- 
ing, the historic groundwork of the Church. 

The transition from the earliest oral Gospel to the 
specific forms which it afterwards assumed is capable 
of being easily realised. The great steps in the process 
are still marked in the Gospels themselves. The Gospel 
of St Mark, conspicuous for its vivid simplicity, seems 
to be the most direct representation of the first Evan- 
gelic tradition, the common foundation on which the 
others were reared. In essence, if not in composition, 
it is the oldest ; and the absence of the history of the 
Infancy brings its contents within the limits laid down 
by St Peter for the extent of the Apostolic testimony. 
The great outline thus drawn admitted of the intro- 
duction of large groups of facts or discourses combined 
to illustrate or enforce some special lesson. In this 
way the common tradition gained its special characters, 
but still remained a tradition gaining fixity and dis- 
tinctness till it was at last embodied in writing. For 
the Gospels of St Matthew and St Luke represent the 
two great types of recension to which it may be sup- 
posed that the simple narrative was subjected. St Luke 
presents the Hellenic, and St Matthew (Greek) the 
later Hebraic form of the tradition, and in its pre- 
sent shape the latter seems to give the last authentic 

the constant connexion of the heal- withered hand; of the alarm -of 

ing of the Paralytic and the call of Herod, the feeding of the 5000, and 

Matthew ; of the plucking the ears the confession of Peter, 
of corn and the healing of the 

W. G. 



Chap. iii. 

In relation 
tc tJu'ir Ian- 

record of the primitive Gospel 1 . Yet in both these a. 
common tradition furnished the centre and basis on 
which the after works were built up. The original prin- 
ciples of combination regulated the later additions, and 
a clear resemblance of shape remained in the fuller nar- 

In this way the successive remoulding of the oral 
Gospel according to the peculiar requirements of dif- 
ferent classes of hearers furnishes a natural explanation 
of the general similarity in form and substance between 
the several Gospels, combined with peculiarities and 
differences in arrangement and contents. The assump- 
tion of a common oral source is equally capable of 
explaining the phenomena of the language of the Go- 
spels. The words 1 of the Lord and the questions pro- 
prose'd to Him would necessarily first be fixed, while 
the narrative by which they were introduced remained 
more free. Single phrases would be impressed with 
peculiar force ; and the recurrence of strange words 
in the same connexion in the different Evangelists, 
even when the construction of the sentence is changed, 
seems scarcely to admit of a simple explanation except 
on the admission of a traditional record 2 . And while 

1 The order thus given, St Mark, 
St Luke, St Matthew (Greek), re- 
presents the probable order of pre- 
cedence of the forms of the narra- 
tive Which they give. It may or may 
not coincide with the order of writ- 
ing ; for it is of coufse possible that 
an earlier form of the Apostolic 
tradition may have been committed 
to writing at a later period. This 
is an important fact which seems to 
have been wholly overlooked by 

2 E.g. airapdrj, Matt. ix. 15 |;j|. 
OTTICTU; JJ.QV (\6eiv, Matt. xvi. 24 || ., Matt. xvi. 28 |j|L 
Matt. xix. 23 ||||. Matt, 
iv. 5 = Luke iv. C),irTcptiyioi>. Matt, 
vii. 5 = Luke vi. 42, SiafiXfyeis. 
Matt. xi. n=Luke vii. 28, h yev- 
VTJTOIS yvitatKuv. Matt. xxi. 44 = 
Luke xx> 18, ffw6\ao-yr/o-eTci...\iK- 
fjirjaei. Mark vi. 4i=Luke ix. 16, 
KaT^K\aae. Mark xiv. 15 = Luke 
xxii. 12, avdyaiov. Matt. xxiv. 22 = 
Mark xiii. 20, Ko\ofiovv. Matt. xxvi. 
55 = Mark xiv. 48, ffvXXafielv. Com- 
pareal so Matt. iii. 3 |jj|, rets rpi^ovs 
aurov- and Matt. iv. jo Luke iv. 8, 
where the Evangelists 



the free development of common materials gave full 
scope for variations in detail, as well as for interpo- 
lations of fresh matter, it includes the preservation 
of language hallowed by long use in its well-known 
shape. Nor is it an unimportant fact that in this re- 
spect also St Mark occupies the mean position between 
the other Evangelists, as would naturally be the case 
if he represents most closely the original from which 
they started. 

But while it is allowed that the prevalence of an oral 
tradition, varied by the influence of circumstances, might 
furnish an adequate explanation of the coincidences and 
differences of the Gospels, the very plasticity of tra- 
dition is turned into an argument against the hypo- 
thesis. It has been argued that tradition is the parent 
of fable, and that to admit a traditional source for the 
Gospels is to sacrifice their historic value. The ob- 
jection appears to rest upon two misconceptions. It 
disregards, so to speak, the traditional education of 
the age, and arbitrarily extends the period during which 
the tradition was paramount. It has been shewn al- 
. ready that the Jews preserved with strict accuracy the 
interpretations of the Law and the sayings of the 
great teachers ; and even if it had not been so, it 
would have been sufficient to point to the difference 
between an age of hearing and an age of reading to 
remove the suspicion raised against the tradition of the 
first age from the uncertainty of tradition now. But 
more than this, the Evangelic tradition existed simply 
as such only during the lifetime of those who were 
the authors of it. No period was left for any mythic 
embellishment. As long as the first witnesses survived, 

agree in differing from the LXX. 
These coincidences are all noted by 

Bp. Marsh in his Comment, pp. 1 1 1 ff. 




Chap. iii. 

so long the tradition was confined within the bounds of 
their testimony; when they passed away it was already 
fixed in writing. 

Other objections may perhaps be urged against the 
hypothesis of a definite oral Gospel 1 , chiefly from a 
misunderstanding of the spirit and work of the Apo- 
stolic times ; but, without affecting to say that it re- 
moves every difficulty in the mutual relations of the 
written Gospels, it explains so much with perfect sim- 
plicity and naturalness that it would be unreasonable 
not- to acquiesce readily in the existence of some doubts. 
Parts of the tradition may have been committed to 
writing from time to time; many, as St Luke says, may 
have attempted to arrange the whole in a continuous 
narrative, but still it remained essentially a tradition in 
the first age, and as such found its authoritative ex- 
pression in our Gospels. The characteristic forms and 
various shades of feeling under which the common 
materials were moulded remain subjects for future 

1 Hug. Einl. 95 ff. j Weisse, Die 

Evangelienfrage, 141 ff. Compare criticism of the different schemes 
also Baur, Die Kanon. Evangelien, of the origin of the Gospels. 

pp. 32, f. whogives a good outline and 
criticism of the diffe 


The Characteristics of the Gospels. 

Willst du ins Unendliche schreiten, 

Geh nur im Endlichen nach alien Seiten. 


Bible, like the Church, gains fresh force and 
JL strength in times of trial. As long as it is un- 
assailed, it is also in a great measure unstudied. It 
is received as a whole with unquestioning reverence, 
but the characteristics of its component elements are 
undistinguished. A vague sense of the general unity 
of the books of which it is composed takes the place 
of a clear view of their organic union. Their indepen- 
dence and variety, their vital connexion with periods 
widely separated in time and thought, their individual 
traits and original objects, are neglected in that tradi- 
tional view which sees in all one uniform and changeless 
revelation, neither special in its destination nor progress- 
ive in its course. 

These remarks, which apply with more or less force 
to all the books of Scripture, are specially applicable 
to the Gospels. The assaults which have been made 
in late times upon their historic truth have brought 
out with the most striking clearness their separate 
characteristics, and it has even been argued that they 
were composed designedly to further particular views. 

Chap. iv. 

Times of 
calm belief 
ble to the 
study of the 

"he charac- 
eristics of 
he Gosfiels 

ought out 
y modern 

2I 4 


Chap iv. | This exaggeration of the truth, though wholly incon- 
sistent with their perfect simplicity, is yet a valuable 
protest against that theory which represents them to 
be casual collections of Evangelic fragments, and opens 
the way to a true appreciation of their claims. Taken 
together they bear the same relation to the whole 
Apostolic tradition that they bear severally to one 
another 1 . The common record and the separate records 
have each a representative value. The three Synoptic 
Gospels are not mere repetitions of one narrative, but 
distinct views of a complex whole. They are the same, 
and yet they are fresh. The great landmarks of the 
history are unchanged : the same salient points reappear 
in all, but they are found in new combinations and with 
new details, as the features of a landscape or the out- 
lines of a figure when viewed from various points. 

Outwardly the Gospels are the reflex of individual 
impressions. We never find even in the case of the 
Prophets that the personal character of the divine 
messenger is neutralised ; and much more may we ex- 
pect to find a distinct personality, so to speak, in the 
writing of the Evangelists, whose Inspiration was no 
ecstatic impulse, but the consecration of a whole life, 
the conversion of an entire being into a divine agency. 
For the Gospels, like the Gospel, are most divine 
because they are most human. As the clear expression 
of that which individual men seized and treasured up 

1 A curious trace of the recogni- 
tion of the representative character 
of the written Gospels is found in 
the inscriptions of the Gospels in 
Cod. 69 (Cod. Leicestr.} K TOV Kara 
"M.] evayytXiov. In the case of 
St John the inscription is evayytXiov 
K TOV Kara 'Iwavvrjv. A similar 
nscription is found in some other 
Manuscripts. Matthaei (ad Luc. i. i) 

supposes that it is a mere blunder. 

It may be observed that the force 
of the preposition in the phrase TO 
Kara [M.] evayytXiov points prima- 
rily to the authority and source (e.g. 
Kara QovKvdidTjv) 'the Gospel [of 
'Christ] according to [the arrange- 
' ment and teaching of] M.', though 
it may in a secondary sense include 


as the image of their Saviour's life, they convey to other 
men the same living picture in the freshness of its local 
colouring. And this colouring is of the essence of the 
picture. The only conception which we can form of 
the Inspiration of a historic record lies in the divine 
fitness of the outward dress in which the facts are at 
once embodied and veiled. No record of any fact can 
be complete. The relations of the most trivial oc- 
currence transcend all power of observation ; and the 
truthfulness of special details is no pledge of the truth- 
fulness of the general impression. The connexion and 
relation and subordination of the various parts, the 
description and suppression of particular incidents, the 
choice of language and style, combine to make a history 
true or false in its higher significance, and belong to 
that ' poetic ' power which is the highest and rarest gift 
of the historian. This power the Evangelists possessed 
in the fact that they were penetrated with the truths 
of which they spoke. The Spirit which was in them 
searched the deep things of God, and led them to realise 
the mysteries of the faith, not indeed in their infinite 
essence, but as finite conceptions. And would not such 
writers above all others compose in an unconscious order? 
would not the great facts of the Gospel assume in group- 
ing and detail the subjective impress of their minds, 
as they selected and arranged them with all truthfulness 
and divine enlightenment? Popular history is universally 
the truest reflex of popular opinion ; and where distor- 
tion and embellishment are excluded by the multiplicity 
of the record, the human interest of the narrative is one 
of the most powerful means for the propagation of the 
divine message. The Gospel emphatically speaks to 
men by men, and recognises their intellectual differences, 
which it converts in different ways to God's glory. In 



Chap. iv. 

The differ- 

bet-ween the 
Gospels not 
only natural 
but even ne- 
cessary ow- 
ing to 

like manner the Evangelists wrote the story of man's 
salvation, each as the type of one mighty section of 
mankind, as they personally felt the need of a Saviour, 
and acknowledged His power. The truth on which 
this statement rests lies at the very foundation of the 
Christian faith, for as the Son of God was made man 
for our redemption, so the Spirit of God spoke through 
men for our instruction. 

The contrast between the Gospel of St John and 
the Synoptic Gospels both in substance and in indi- 
vidual character is obvious at first sight ; but the cha- 
racteristic differences of the Synoptic Gospels, which 
are formed on the same foundation and with common 
materials, are less observed. Yet these differences are 
not less important than the former, and belong equally 
to the complete portraiture of the Saviour, which com- 
prised the fulness of an outward presence as well as 
the depth of a secret life. In this respect the records 
correspond to the subjects. The first record is manifold ; 
the second is one : the first is based on the experience 
of a society, the second on the intuition of a loved 
disciple. Even in date they arise out of distinct periods. 
The spiritual Gospel belonged to a late stage in the 
growth of the Church when Christianity was seen clearly 
to rise above the ruins of an f old world :' the ' fleshly ' 
Gospels were contemporaneous in essence with the 
origin of the Church itself, and were shaped by the 
providential course of its early history. But this natural 
and social growth, so to speak, invested the Synoptic 
Gospels with a permanent and special power which 
must continue to work its effects as long as human 
character remains the same. Each narrative in which 
the common facts were moulded was in this way the 
pontaneous expression of a distinct form of thought, 


springing out of peculiar circumstances, governed by 
special laws of combination, destined at first to meet 
the wants of a marked class, and adapted to satisfy 
in after times the requirements of those who embody 
from time to time in changing shapes the feelings by 
which it was first inspired. In whatever view we regard 
the origin of the Gospels, this multiformity appears to 
be as necessary as it was natural. On the one side the 
different aspects of the subject and the various elements 
combined in the early Church, on the other the recurrent 
phases of the human mind which are found in every 
age, seem to call for some distinct recognition, and to 
suggest the belief that each Gospel may fulfil a repre- 
sentative function in the exhibition of the Divine Life. 
Nor can such a belief be dismissed at once as resting 
on mere fanciful analogies, though it is as difficult to 
express in their full force the arguments by which it 
is supported as it is to resolve a general impression 
into the various elements by which it is produced. 
The proper proof of the fact that each Gospel has its 
distinctive worth springs from personal investigation; 
such at least was the conviction in which the great 
students of former times applied themselves to the 
examination of the Gospels; and the fuller materials 
and surer criticism which are now the inheritance of 
the scholar promise proportionately larger results to 
that labour which is most truthful because it is also 
most patient and most reverent. 

The subject of the Gospel the history of the new 
creation the manifestation of perfect humanity 'the 
'prophetic image of the glorified life 1 ' transcends, ac- 
cording to the analogy of the earlier Messianic types, 

1 [EvayytXiov] rov f avaffrd- nant definition of Basil (Dc Sp. S. 
crews plov wpo5taTVTru<ns is the preg- XV. ap. Suic. Thes. s. v. evayy.). 

Chap. iv. 

tun- of the 
subject, both 
Divine, and 



the scope of one narrator. The first creation was the 
creation of a harmonious world, the second was the 
reunion of the elements which sin had divided. Step 
by step in the progress of Jewish history successive 
features of the coming- Saviour were embodied in the 
Law, the Kingdom, the Prophets, the Seers; and the 
record of the fulfilment of that to which these all pointed 
could scarcely have been less varied. The twofold 
nature and complete manhood of Christ seem to require 
representations at least as distinct as the prophetic teach- 
ing of the Law is from the visions of Daniel. In earlier 
times Patriarchs and Kings and Prophets foreshadowed 
in their lives fragments of the work of Messiah ; and 
so when He came His work contained implicitly the 
fulness of that which they prefigured. The archetypal 
life which summed up the fragmentary teaching of the 
past embraced the various separate developments of 
the future. On the one side we see the many forms 
of the humanity of Christ ; on the other the unchanging 
immanence of His Godhead. The bearings of each act, 
and the teaching of each discourse, are necessarily in- 
finite, for He spoke and acted as the representative 
of men 1 . Variety in the record is necessary to the 
completeness of the portraiture: the manifoldness even 
of the outward life of the Lord exceeds the limits of 
one historic type a . The written memorial is necessarily 
partial, and to borrow the language of geometry super- 
ficial ; while the living fact is entire and solid. To the 
simple believer the whole becomes intelligible by the 

1 Compare Neander's Life of the full truth (Horn. I. in Matt. ap 
Christ, 71 (E. Tr.); Church His- Suicer, /. f.) OVK -fjpKei e?s euayye\L<r- 
tory, ii. pp. i 5 (E. Tr.); Ols- 7-175 irdvTO. elireiv; -fjpKei pv ctXXa... 
hausen's Comment. Einl. i. [etc Tctrffaptw] jj.eyi<TTr) rrjs 

2 The judgment of Chrysostom in dirodei^s yiyvercu. 
this respect appears to fall short of 



separate contemplation of the parts. And if Christ be 
our Pattern as well as our Redeemer : if we must realise 
the fulness of His manhood for the direction of our 
energies, as well as the truthfulness of His Godhead 
for the assurance of our faith: it must be done by 
comparing the distinct outlines of His life as taken 
from the different centres of human thought and feeling; 
for it is with the spiritual as with the natural vision, the 
truest picture is presented to the mind, not by the 
absolute coincidence of several images, but by the har- 
monious combination of their diversities. 

The varied fulness of Christian truth is seen from the 
first in the constitution of the Church. The first circle 
of its human teachers represents in characteristic dis- 
tinctness the different aspects under which it may be 
viewed, developing in harmonious completeness the out- 
lines which the Prophets had previously drawn 1 . It 
seems indeed at first sight, when we picture the Apo- 
stolic age as a living scene, as if all unity of doctrine 
were lost in the diversities of the Apostles, as they 
appropriated and embodied each in a finite form the 
infinite principles of their common Master. By some 
the mysterious glories of the ancient creed were mingled 
with the purer light of Christianity; and they trans- 
ferred to the new and spiritual faith the majesty of the 
Mosaic Law which they had observed with reverent 
or even ascetic devotion 2 . St James 3 sets before us 

Chap. iv. 
Eph. iv. 13. 

1 Neander (Gesch. d. Pflanz. d. 
Christ!. Kirche, 564796) has fol- 
lowed out the various forms of early 
Christian teaching with equal judg- 
ment and sagacity. In times of in- 
ward discord no truth can be more 
precious than 'the manifoldness of 
'Christianity in its oneness;' and 
nowhere is it more distinctly seen 
than in the Scriptures. 

2 Cf.Hegesippus,ap.Euseb.^.^. 
II. 23. 

3 Cf. Gal. ii. 12; Acts xv. 13. 
Though St Peter was the Apostle of 
the circumcision, he does not per- 
sonify the Jewish party, but rather, 
as the representative of the Catholic 
Church, mediates between them and 
St Paul. Cf. Neander, Gesch. d. 
Pflanz. 507. 

ii. The va- 
rious ele- 
ments coex- 
istent in the 




this form of Christianity. He contemplates it from the 
side of Judaism as the final end and aim of the earlier 
training. Standing, as we may believe, in a close natu- 
ral relation to the Saviour, he puts aside all remem- 
brance of that connexion and even of the personal 
presence of the Lord 1 , that he may dwell with the free- 
dom and vigour of a Prophet on the principles which 
He had established. His view of Christianity, to use 
a popular word, is objective. In this aspect faith is an 
intellectual belief in a fact, while works are the only 
outward proof of spiritual vitality. The Gospel is con- 
templated as a Law, though it is a royal Law and a 
Law of freedom. The essence of external religion 
(6p7j(7KLa), to which the ancient ritual had regard, is 
laid open in the practice of Christian virtue. Christi- 
anity is thus like a flower, which is fuller indeed and 
more perfect than the bud from which it opens, while it 
still rests upon the same support and is confined within 
the same circle. 

The antithesis to this view is found in that of one 
who was called to believe in a glorified Lord and not 
to follow a suffering Teacher. St Paul was separated 
from the other Apostles by the widest differences of 
habit and training, and the change which attended his 
acceptance of the Gospel was as violent as it was 
sudden. With him Christianity was not so much a 
prepared result as a new creation; and when the Church 
chose his Conversion for special commemoration, it can 
hardly have been without the instinctive feeling that 
this was to him what death was to the other saints, 

1 The name Jesus Christ only though it presents some of the 

occurs twice : i. i ; ii. i ; and the closest parallels to the language 

epistle contains no allusion to the of the Gospels. Cf. p. 178, n. 2. 
Passion and Resurrection of Christ, 


the entrance into a higher life. Old things had passed 
away (2 Cor. v. 17, rd dp^ala); and faith only the 
willing surrender of the whole being to a supreme 
power was felt to furnish the entrance into the hea- 
venly kingdom 1 . In such a connexion works, which 
might proceed from the spirit of servile obedience, sunk 
into the rank of a mere symptom, instead of being the 
central fact. Yet these antithetical views of faith and 
works the outer and the inner are not contradictory, 
but supplementary. They can be no more set in oppo- 
sition than the convexity and concavity of a curve. 
The common terms must be interpreted in accordance 
with the position of the writers before they are com- 
pared. And at last the teaching of the Apostles must 
be combined and not identified, for we lose the fulness 
of the truth if we attempt to make out their literal 
accordance. They wrought differently for the establish- 
ment of the Christian society, and they wrote differently 
to direct its future development. 

But there was yet another side of Christianity which 
was exhibited in the Apostolic teaching 2 . It was not 
only a system of practical religion and a form of spi- 
ritual growth, but it was also a fresh element in the 
social world. St Peter exhibited this organising power 
of the new faith. According to the significant promise 
which was expressed in his name 3 he laid the founda- 

1 Cf. Acts xiv. 27, Ovpav 7r/<rrews, 
which stands in close relation with 
the words of our Lord (John x. 7), 
and the remarkable phrase which 
occurs in the history of St James 
(Heges. ap. Euseb. /.<:.), atrdyyet-^ 
\ov rjfuv ris 17 6vpa TOV 'Irjeov TOV 

2 The teaching of St John, as has 
been remarked already, belonged to 
a later period. See Chap. v. 

3 Cf. Pearson On the Creed, p. 
627 note (ed. Cambr.). Yet it is of 
importance to bear in mind the 
distinction between ir^rpos and irt- 
rpa (Matt. xvi. 18), between the 
isolated mass and the living rock. 
The one is the representation of and 
suggests the existence of the other 
(cf. Donaldson, New Cratylus, 15). 
Cypr. de Unit. Eccles. 4 : Hoc erant 
utique et casteri Apostoli quod fuit 

Chnp. iv. 




chap. iv. 
Acts ii. 37 

i Pet. i. 3. 

iii. The 

forms of 
thought cur- 
rent in the 


Luke ii. 25, 

Phil. iv. 22. 

tions of the Jewish and the heathen churches, while the 
| task of fixing or completing their future structure was 
left to others. His activity was not directed by a review 
of the conditions of man's outward piety or the require- 
ments of his spiritual instincts, but sprung from his 
living Jiope in a sovereign Lord. 

Each of the great aspects of human life, outward 
and inward, in society and in the individual, are thus 
represented in the forms of Apostolic teaching. The 
external service of God by works of charity, the internal 
sanctification of man's powers by faith, and the per- 
petual maintenance of the rights and blessings of a 
Church, combine to complete the idea of Christianity 
as exhibited by the first circle of the Apostles ; and we 
are naturally inclined to look for some analogous variety 
in the form of the- inspired records of His life from 
Whom the Apostolic wisdom came. 

If we extend our view beyond the limits of the 
Jewish people, these different tendencies which existed 
among the Apostles will be found exhibited on a much 
larger scale and in more distinct clearness. The uni- 
versality of the Gospel was attested from the first by 
the fact that it was welcomed by representatives of every 
class ; and without leaving the records of the New Tes- 
tament we read that it found reception with the earnest 
Jew, who was ^uait^ng for the consolation of Israel, and 
served God in the Temple with fastings and prayers 
night and day : with the retainer of Ccesars household 
(Cf. Tac. Ann. XV. 44 ; xili. 32), removed alike from 

Petrus, pari consortio prsediti et 
honoris et potestatis, sed exordium 
ab imitate proficiscitur [et primatus 
Petro datur, ut una Christi Ecclesia 
et cathedra una monstretur. Et pas- 
tores sunt omnes, et grex unus os- 
tenditur, qui ab Apostolis unanimi 

consensione pascatur] ut ecclesia 
Christi una monstretur. The inter- 
polated clause shews what Cyprian 
would probably have written if 
he had acknowledged any such 
claims as the Bishop of Rome makes 



the influence of tradition, feeling, or philosophy : with 
the outcast publican, who stood afar off as unworthy 
to approach his God : with the Areopagite, awakened 
to a sense of a future judgment ; and finally with the 
cultivated disciple of the Alexandrine Schools, fervent 
in spirit and mighty in the Scriptures 1 . And these are 
not merely individuals, but true types of the various 
classes into which the Roman world was divided in its 
religious aspect. The characteristic feelings which they 
embodied express the cardinal tendencies of men, and 
mark the great divisions of the Apostolic work. The 
Apostles had to unfold and declare the significance of 
the Past. They had to point out the substance of 
Christianity as shadowed forth in the earlier dispensa- 
tion. They had to make known the mighty Lawgiver 
of a new covenant, the divine King of a spiritual Israel, 
the Prophet of a universal Church. They had to connect 
Christianity with Judaism. 

Yet more : they had to vindicate the claims of the 
Present. They had to set forth the activity and energy 
of the Lord's life, apart from the traditions of Moriah 
and Sinai ; to exhibit the Gospel as a simple revelation 
from heaven ; to follow the details of its announce- 
ment as they were apprehended in their living power 
by those who followed most closely on the steps of 
Christ. They had to connect Christianity with History. 

From another point of view they had to proclaim the 
hopefulness of the Future. They had to shew that the 
Gospel fully satisfies the inmost wants of man's nature ; 
that it not only removes ' the leprosy of castes and the 
'blindness- of pagan sensuality,' but gives help and 
strength to the hopeless sufferer who has no one to 

1 The phrase 0*17/0 \6yios (Acts us back to earlier notices of Egypt, 
xviii. 24) a learned man carries Herod, n. 3. 

Chap. iv. 

Matt. ix. q. 
[Lu. xviii. 


Acts xvii. 34. 
Acts xviii. 
24, 25. 
As looking 
to the 



Future, and 


Chap. iv. 

John v. 7. 
Luke xv. 20; 
xxiii. 43. 

Eternal rela- 
tions of 


put him in the healing waters, while it confers pardon 
on the returning prodigal and happiness on the be- 
lieving robber. They had to connect Christianity with 

Nor was this all : many there were whom their deep 
searching of the human heart had taught to feel the 
want of a present God. These longed to see their 
ardent aspirations realised in the life of the Saviour 
whom they had embraced, and to find their hopes 
confirmed and directed by His own words. For such 
a spiritual history was needed ; and the Christian 
teachers had to exhibit our Lord in His eternal re* 
lations to the Father, alike manifested in the past, 
the present, and the future, as the Creator, the Re r 
deemer, and the Judge. They had to connect Chris- 
tianity with God. 

This variety in the forms of the Apostolic preaching 
which was directed to meet the hope of the Jew and 
the energy of the Roman, to satisfy the cravings of 
our moral nature and the wants of our speculative 
reason, could not fail to influence the form in which 
the facts of the life of Christ were apprehended and 
grouped. These facts were the groundwork of all Chris- 
tian teaching, and in virtue of their infinite bearings 
admitted of being variously combined. In this way 
the common Evangelic narrative was modified in the 
special labours of the different Apostles, and that 
which was designed to meet the requirements of one 
period was fitted to meet the requirements of all. For 
it is not enough to acknowledge the marvellous adapta- 
tion of the Gospel to the Apostolic age. It was 
equally destined for all times ; and in this sense our 
present Gospels, the recoVds of the Apostolic preach- 
ing, combine to form a holy TerpaKTis, l a fountain of 


'eternal truth' in a deeper sense than any mystic har- 
mony of the ancient sage. 

There are many whose thoughts still linger in the 
past, and who delight to trace with a vain regret ' the 
'glories which have passed away from the earth.' To 
them St Matthew speaks, as he did to the Jew of old, 
while he teaches that all that was great and good in 
former days was contained in the spirit and not in the 
outward shape, and exhibits the working of providence 
in the course of national history. There are many again 
whose sympathies are entirely with the present, who 
delight in the activity and warmth of daily life, who 
are occupied with things around them, without looking 
far beyond their own age and circle. To them St 
Mark addresses a brief and pregnant narrative of the 
ministry of Christ, unconnected with any special recital 
of His birth and preparation for His work, and un- 
connected, at least in its present shape, with the myste- 
rious history of the Ascension. Many also there must 
be in every age who dwell with peculiar affection on 
the Gospel of St Luke, who delight to recognise the 
universality of our faith, whose thoughts anticipate the 
time when all shall hear the message of Christianity, 
who know no difference of class and acknowledge no 
claims of self-righteousness, but admit the bonds of a 
common humanity, and feel the necessity of a com- 
mon Saviour. And lastly are there not those, even 
in an era of restless excitement, who love to retire 
from the busy scenes of action to dwell on the eter- 
nal mysteries which St John opens for silent contem- 
plation : men of divine eloquence and mighty in the 
understanding of the word, who water the churches 
which others have planted ? No period of life, no 
variety of temperament, is left without its Gospel. 
W. G. P 

Chap. iv. 

i Cor. ili. 6. 



Chap. iv. 

2. The Evan- 
gelists in re- 
lation to 
tJtese origi- 
nal types of 

\. Tfc Evan- 
though not 
in history or 

The zealous and the pensive, the active and the thought- 
ful, may draw their peculiar support from the differ- 
ent Evangelists, and find in them their proper end 
and road. 

These reflections however anticipate in some degree 
the answer to the question which arises more directly 
from the previous remarks. The varieties of opinion 
and feeling which distinguished the Apostolic age and 
the body of the Apostles themselves, which were indeed 
only special forms of unchanging instincts of man's 
nature, suggest with more or less probability the ante- 
cedent likelihood of a manifold even of a fourfold 
Gospel. How far then, it may be asked, are our pre- 
sent Gospels fitted to represent the influence of these 
typical differences ? How far are these differences im- 
plied in the character and position of our Evangelists ? 
How far have they been historically recognised either in 
the arbitrary conclusions of heretics or in the catholic 
teaching of the Church ? 

On applying these questions to the Gospels the first 
feeling probably will be one of disappointment. It 
must appear strange that only one bears the name of 
an Apostle who is distinctly individualized in the events 
of the narrative itself. Nor is the obscurity of the early 
history of the Gospels relieved by the clearness of later 
records. With the exception of St John, no one of the 
Evangelists rises into any prominence in the memorials 
of the first age, and tradition adds little to the few 
casual notices in which their names are found. But if 
we look deeper, this circumstance is itself a testimony 
to the simple truthfulness of the Ecclesiastical belief, 
when the names of the Gospels are contrasted with the 
more conspicuous titles of the falsely named Gospels 
of St James and Nicodemus, and the Preachings of 



St Peter and St Paul ; and on the other hand all that 
can be gathered from external sources as to the posi- 
tion occupied by the authors of the books points to 
their representative character. In the broadest features 
of time and position there can be no doubt that the 
Evangelists were widely separated from one another. 
Whatever may have been the exact dates of the several 
books, they wer"e certainly composed at long intervals, 
longer still if measured by the course of events and 
not by the lapse of years. The first probably was com- 
posed in its original form while the disciples still ivent 
daily to the Temple at the hours of prayer ; the last when 
Jerusalem was trodden under by Gentiles and her house 
left to her desolate. The fundamental difference which 
is involved in this change of national position was 
further increased by the personal characteristics of the 
Evangelists. The publican of the Galilean lake, the 
companion of St Paul, and the son and interpreter of St 
Peter, are severally distinguished from one another no 
less than from the prophet of the Apocalypse; and the 
differences which thus lie upon the surface gain addi- 
tional clearness in proportion as they are traced in de- 
tail as far as the meagre memorials of the first age 
enable us to follow them. 

Tradition is constant in affirming that St Matthew 
wrote his Gospel in Judea 'while Peter and Paul were 
'founding the Church at Rome/ as Irenaeus adds 1 for 
the use of Jewish converts and in their national lan- 
guage 2 . ' Having formerly preached to the Hebrews, 

1 Iren. c. Har. in. i. i (ap. Eu- 
seb. H. E. v. 8). 

2 The original language of the 
Gospel of St Matthew and the claims 
of the present Gospel to Apostolic 
authority have been made the sub- 
ject of considerable discussion; yet 

an impartial view of the evidence 
which bears upon the question seems 
to point to a clear result. All early 
writers agree in affirming that St 
Matthew wrote in Hebrew (Ara- 
maic), and owing to them this belief 
gained universal currency till the 


Chap, iv 

yet qualified 
as being 
"widely sepa- 
rated in da te 
a <id charac- 

Lukexxi. 24. 
Matt, xxiii. 

i Pet. v. 13. 

St MAT- 



1 when he was about to go to others also, he corn- 

era of the Reformation (Erasmus). 
At the same time all equally agree 
in accepting the Greek Gospel as 
the Gospel of St Matthew, without 
noticing the existence of any doubt 
as to its authenticity. The earliest 
witness is Papias. 'Matthew,' he 
says, on the authority as it appears 
of the elder John, 'composed the 
'oracles (ret \oyia) in the Hebrew 
'dialect; but each interpreted them 
'as he could' (cf. p. 187, n. 3). One 
point in this testimony which seems 
to have been overlooked is of im- 
portance. The tenses mark two 
periods of the circulation of the 
Hebrew Gospel: one during which 
the Hebrew alone was current, and 
another in which the original au- 
thority quoted by Papias lived, when 
individual translation was no longer 
needed (r)pfj.rivev(Te not ^p/j.-rjveiiet). In 
other words an authorized Greek 
representative of the Hebrew St 
Matthew must have existed in the 
generation after the Apostles. The 
next witness is Irenseus who says 
that 'Matthew published a written 
'Gospel in the Hebrew dialect' (ap. 
Euseb. H. E. v. 8), while he every- 
where accepts the present text as 
the authentic work of the Apostle. 
The evidence of Origen is to the 
same effect (ap. Euseb. H. E. vi. 25), 
and it is unnecessary to extend the 
inquiry lower down, for all external 
evidence is absolutely uniform in 
attesting both the existence of a 
Hebrew archetype, and the autho- 
rity of the present Gospel as the 
work of St Matthew. But on the 
other side it is argued from internal 
evidence that the present Gospel 
bears no marks of being a transla- 
tion, that several details in it point 
to a late and not to an early date, 
and that there is no evidence to 
shew that any one who mentions 
the Hebrew original had seen it. 
The last objection is evidently un- 
reasonable. Till it can be shewn 

that the writers quoted are untrust- 
worthy generally, it is purely arbi- 
trary to reject their statement be- 
cause it is not sufficiently explicit. 
The two other facts are perfectly 
consistent with a belief in the He- 
brew original and in the Greek St 
Matthew. It has been shewn that 
the oral Gospel probably existed 
from the first, both in Aramaic and 
in Greek, and in this way a prepara- 
tion for a Greek representative of 
the Hebrew Gospel was at once 
found. The parts of the Aramaic 
oral Gospel which were adopted by 
St Matthew already existed in the 
Greek counterpart. The change was 
not so much a version as a substitu- 
tion; and frequent coincidence with 
common parts of St Mark and St 
Luke, which were derived from the 
same oral Greek Gospel, was a ne- 
cessary consequence. Yet it may 
have happened that as long as the 
Hebrew and Greek Churches were 
in close connexion, perhaps till the 
destruction of Jerusalem, no autho- 
ritative Greek Gospel of St Matthew, 
i.e. such a revision of the Greek 
oral Gospel as would exactly answer 
to St Matthew's revision of the Ara- 
maic, was committed to writing. 
When however the separation be- 
tween the two sections grew more 
marked, the Greek Gospel was writ- 
ten, not indeed as a translation, but 
as a representation of the original, 
as a Greek oral counterpart was 
already current; and at the same 
time those few additional notes were 
added which imply a later date 
than the substance of the book 
(Matt, xxviii. 15). By whose hand 
the Greek Gospel was drawn up is 
wholly unknown. The traditions 
which assign it to St John or St 
James are without any foundation 
in early writers. [Nothing which I 
have seen since this note was writ- 
ten leads me to modify the opinion 
expressed in it. 1866; 1871.] 



' mitted to writing in his native tongue the Gospel as 
' he taught it (TO /car avrov 6va<yye\iov), and so sup- 
' plied by his writing that which was lacking in his 
'presence 1 .' This testimony, it is true, refers to the 
Aramaic archetype and not to our present Greek Gos- 
pel, but that Aramaic record furnished at once the 
substance and the characteristics of the Greek revision. 
The existing narrative is so complete and uniform in 
plan and style that it cannot have suffered any con- 
siderable change in the transition from one language 
to the other; and there is no sufficient reason to depart 
from the unhesitating habit of the earliest writers 
who notice the subject in practically identifying the 
revised version with the original text, though indeed 
it was not so much an independent version as an adap- 
tation of the oral Greek Gospel to the 'preaching' of 
St Matthew 2 . 

1 Euseb. H. E. in. 24. 

2 The view which has been given 
of the relation of the present Gospel 
of St Matthew to the original Ara- 
maic text and the oral Greek Gospel 
which was the common basis of the 
two other Synoptists receives a re- 
markable confirmation from the pe- 
culiarities of the Old Testament ci- 
tations which it contains. These 
may be divided into two distinct 
classes : the first consisting of such 
passages as are quoted by the E- 
vangelist himself as fulfilled in the 
events of the life of Christ; the 
second of such as are inwoven into 
the discourse of the different cha- 
racters, and form an integral part 
of the narrative itself. Of these the 
lirst class belongs to the distinctive 
peculiarities of the Gospel; the se- 
cond to its general foundation. The 
one may be supposed to have had 
no representative in the current 
Greek tradition; the other to have 
existed in a Greek form from the 

first. Exactly in accordance with this 
supposition it is found that the first 
class is made up of original render- 
ings of the Hebrew text, while the 
second is in the main in close ac- 
cordance with the LXX even where 
it deviates from the Hebrew. This 
will appear from an examination of 
the passages in question : 

(i) Peculiar quotations : i. 23 
(KaXtaovaiv) ; ii. 15, 18; iv. 15, 16; 
viii. 17; xii. 18 ff. ; xiii. 35 ; xxi. 5; 
xxvii. 9, 10. Cf. ii. 6. 

(ii) Cyclic quotations : iii. 3 ; iv. 
4, 6, 7, 10 (7jy>o<rKW7?<7s, so Alex.); 
xv. 4, 8, 9; xix. 5 (18 f.); xxi. 4?,; 
(xxii. 32); xxii. 39, 44 (uTro/cara;) ; 
xxiii. 39; xxiv. 15; xxvii. 46. 

In all the cases of Cyclic quota- 
tions parallels occur in the other 
Synoptic Gospels agreeing (as St 
Matthew) with the LXX. Some- 
times however quotations in St Mat- 
thew coincide with Synoptic par- 
allels, where both differ from the 
LXX : xxi. 13 ; xxvi. 31. In other 



The details of St Matthew's life which have been 
preserved are very scanty. There can however be little 
doubt that the Matthew of the first Gospel is the same 
as the Levi of the second and third, though the per- 
sons were distinguished even in very early times 1 . The 
change of name, which seems to have coincided with 
the crisis in the life of the Apostle, and probably bore 
some reference to it 2 , finds, a complete parallel in the 
corresponding changes in the cases of St Peter and 
St Paul, even if it appear strange that no passing notice 
of the identification occurs in the catalogues of the 
Apostles. According to the present text of St Mark, 
Levi (Matthew) is called the son of AlpJiceus* ; and in 
the absence of any further mark of distinction, it has 
been usual to identify this Alphaeus with the father of 
James; in which case St Matthew would have been 
nearly related by birth to our Lord. His occupation 
was that of a collector of dues (6 reXcM^s) on the sea of 
Galilee ; and this alone shews that he cannot have ob- 
served the traditions of the Pharisaic school 4 . At a 
later time he is described as a rigorous ascetic, living 
'on seeds and fruits and herbs without flesh 5 ,' as if by 

cases a coincidence with the LXX 
is found where the same quotation 
is not preserved in the context of 
the Synoptists, though there is evi- 
dence that it formed part of the oral 
narrative: xi. 10 (cf. Mark i. 2); 
xiii. 14. Cf. ix. I3 = xii. 7 (KO.I ov) ; 
xxi. 16. Matt. xxii. 24, 37, are 
quotations of the substance rather 
than of the words, and differ equally 
from LXX and parallels. 

Bleek (quoted by De Wette, Einl. 
976) called attention to this differ- 
ence in the text of St Matthew's 
quotations, but did not rightly ap- 
prehend its bearing. 

1 lleracleon, ap. Clem. Alex. 

Strom. IV. 9. 

2 Matthew, i.e. 

3 Mark ii. 14. In this place D 
and some cursive manuscripts read 
'laKwfiov TOV rov 'A\(paiov. The po- 
sition which St Matthew occupies 
in the catalogues of the Apostles 
throws no light upon this relation- 
ship (Matt. x. 3; Mark iii. 18; Luke 
vi. 15; Acts i. 13). In the first 
three passages he appears rather to 
be connected with St Thomas. 

4 Cf. Lange, Lcben Jesu, I. 238. 

5 Clem. Alex. Red. n. i. This 
trait again brings him into con- 
nexion with James the Just. Eu- 



a natural reaction he had exchanged the licence of 
his former life for the sternest self-denial ; but this 
austerity, which was rather that of an Essene than of 
a Pharisee, appears as part of his practice and not of 
his teaching ; nor can it have been without influence 
on the progress of the Christian faith that the Hebrew 
Evangelist was one who, if it was only on the narrow 
stage of a Galilaean town, had yet ventured beyond 
the strict limits of national hope. St Paul, who was 
trained in the most straitest sect of his religion, when 
once convinced, hastened to the opposite pole of truth : 
St Matthew, passing to the new faith by a less violent 
transition, naturally retained a firmer hold on his earlier 
belief. His Apostolic commission tended to strengthen 
this feeling ; for, according to a very early tradition, he 
remained at Jerusalem with the other Apostles for 
twelve years after the death of the Lord, busy among 
his own countrymen 1 . When this work was ended he 
preached the Gospel to ethers; but no trustworthy 
authority mentions the scene of his missionary labours, 
which in liter times were popularly placed in Ethi- 
opia*. The mention of his martyrdom is found only 
in legendary narratives, and is opposed to the best 
evidence, which represents him to have died a natural 
death 3 . 

seb. //. E. ii. C3- The same tradi- 
tion throws sone light upon a singu- 
lar passage quoted from the ' Gospel 
of the EbioniEs : ' r)\6ov KaraXvaat. 
rds evaias, KCL fav^w yauenjorfle TOU 
Qveiv ou TraucT'Tcu a^' \)[uav r) 0/3777 
(Epiph. ^fer.XXX. 16). 

1 Prtcdic. fetri ap. Clem. Alex. 
Strom. VI. 5.53: ATd, SciSe/ca ITTJ 
<?A0ere els -tiv riff/Jiov fjrf ns ftirrj 
Ou/c TjKowra/ie'. This belief was al- 
ready a tralition in the time of 
Apollonins (:. 180 A.D.I: ri 5 u?s 

rots avrov aTrocrroXots tiri 

T? XWpt(T^^I/a T7}S 'Ie- 

povffaXrjfji. (Euseb. H. E. v. 18). Cf. 
Routh, Rell. Sacr. I. p. 484. 

2 Eusebius says simply (in. 24) 
when he went <p ertpovs. The later 
tradition is given by Socrates, H.E. 
I. 19. Cf. Credner, Einl. 35. 

3 Heracleon, ap. Clem. Alex. 
Strom. IV. 9. 73. The Apocryphal 
Acts and Martyrdom of Mati/ica.', 
which relates in extravagant terms 



These notices, however slight, yet contribute in some 
measure to mark the fitness of St Matthew for fulfilling 
a special part in the representation of the Gospel. The 
time and place at which he wrote further impress upon 
his work its distinctive character. The Hebrew Chris- 
tians, during a succession of fifteen bishops, outwardly 
observed the customs of their fathers, and for them he 
was inspired to exhibit in the teaching of Christ the 
antitypes of the Mosaic Law, to portray the. earthly 
form and theocratic glory of the new dispensation, and 
to unfold the glorious consummation of the \kingdom of 
heaven, faintly typified in the history of his Countrymen. 

The history of St Mark is somewhat m 

known than that of St Matthew; but a couble name, 

as in the case of St Matthew, has given 

conjecture that two persons John Marl: 1 the com- 

panion of St Paul and Mark the Evangeli 
St Peter are to be distinguished 2 . The ger 
tradition is against this distinction 3 ; and t 

re distinctly 

rise to the 

t the son of 
eral voice of 
e close con- 

nexion in which St Peter stood to the former Mark 

his miracles and death in the coun- 
try of the Anthropophagi, contains 
no fragment of any genuine tradi- 
tion, unless it be in the mention of 
his Hebrew prayer (Act. Matt. 22, 
p. 182, ed. Tischdf.). The names 
Mar dcuos and Marias are constantly 
confounded : e.g. [HippoL] Philos. 
vii. 20, where Miller has wrongly 
introduced ~M.aT6a.iov into the text. 

1 Acts xii. 12, 'Iwdvvov rov e7rta- 
\ovjidvov Map/cov* xii. 25, 'I. rov 
&TiK\if64yra M.: xv. 37, 'I. rov KO.- 
\o\>iJLtvov M. Sometimes simply John: 
Acts xiii. 5, 13. 

2 The late list of the Seventy Dis- 
ciples contained in the works of 
Hippolytus distinguishes three, the 
Evangelist, the cousin of Barnabas, 
and John Mark (pp. 953 f. ed. 


The title vios (i tet. v. 13) cer- 
tainly seems to mart a natural and 
not a spiritual relationship. 

3 It must however be admitted 
that the tradition fiffit appears at a 
later time. It is ndt, so far as I 
know, mentioned tv Eusebius or 
any earlier writer; lut occurs first 
in the preface to tri Commentary 
on St Mark which is generally 
attributed to Victo of Antioch 

(Cramer, Cat. I. p. 2 
exaXeiro d(- 6 'Idjawrjs 
of Ammonius (cf. Cr 

3): Map/cos... 
and in a note 
ner, Cat. n. 

p. iv. ) on Acts xii. 15] though with 
some doubt (ra\o. ovrdt <TTL M dp/cos 
6 6ua.yy\iffTr)S.. l 7ridavK 8 6 \6yos 
/c.r.X.). Yet cf. Hieroji. Comm. in 
Phil cm. 24. 



offers a sufficient explanation of the origin of the latter 
designation as applied to him. When the Apostle was 
delivered from prison after the martyrdom of St James, 
he went to the house of Mary the mother of John sur- 
named Mark, where many were gathered together. By 
birth St Mark was a Jew and a cousin (dvetyios) of 
Barnabas, himself a Levite of Cyprus, from which some 
concluded that St Mark was of priestly descent 1 . He 
appears at an early time in connexion with Paul and 
Barnabas before their special commission to the Gen- 
tiles ; and when this was given, he accompanied them 
on their first missionary journey as their minister (vTrrjp- 
erijs). But after visiting Cyprus, with which he may 
be supposed to have been previously acquainted, he left 
them and returned to Jerusalem, being unprepared, as 
it would seem, for the more arduous work of the mis- 
sion 2 . It is perhaps a mark of the same hasty tem- 
perament that he was ready, not long afterwards, to 
take part in the second journey of St Paul ; and when 
St Paul refused to allow this, in consequence of his 
former desertion, he went again with Barnabas to Cy- 
prus. The next notice of St Mark, which occurs after 
an interval of some years, speaks of steady work and 
endurance. St Paul mentions him among those few 
fellowworkers zvho had proved a comfort to him ; and 
in a contemporary Epistle he again names him with 
St Luke. At a still later period St Paul desires 
his help at Rome; and it was at Rome, according to 
the popular belief, that he specially attached himself 

St Mark in the Philosophumena (vn. 
30) may refer to this as marking 
him as a deserter (pollice tmncus, 
poltroon), the physical idea being 
substituted in the course of time for 
the moral one (Tregelles, Journ. of 
Philology, 1855, pp. 224 ff.). 

1 Prol. in Marc. (Vulg.). Bede, 
Prol. in Marc. ap. Credner, 48. 

a Chrysost. ap. Cram. Cat. inloc.: 
are eiri /LiaKporepav \otirov oreXXo- 
V-tvuv l)doi>. It has been conjectured 
that the singular epithet stump- 
fingered (Ko\opo5aKTv\os) applied to 



to St Peter; but this belief may have arisen from the 
opinion, which was common in early times, that St 
Peter spoke of Rome under the mystical name of Baby- 
lon, though it is more natural to suppose that St Mark 
accompanied him on some unrecorded Eastern journey. 
However this may be, his close connexion with St Peter 
as his interpreter (kp^rjvevTr^, i. e. secretary) is well es- 
tablished 1 ; and it was in this relation that he com- 
posed his Gospel from the oral teaching of his master 2 . 
After the death of St Peter he is said to have visited 
Alexandria, where such was the strange tradition of 
later times he gained the admiration of Philo, and died 
by martyrdom according to the common legend 3 . 

It is perhaps a mere fancy, but it seems natural to 
find in St Mark a characteristic fitness for his special 
work. One whose course appears to have been marked 
throughout by a restless and impetuous energy 4 was 
not unsuited for tracing the life of the Lord in the 
fresh vigour of its outward power. The friend a) ike of 
St Paul and St Peter, working in turn in each of the 

1 Papias (Johannes Presb.) ap. 
Euseb. //. E. in. 39 (Map/cos epw 
vevrrjs Utrpov yevoftevos), Irenseus, 
c. Hter. III. I. I (M. 6 /j.ad7]Trjs /cat 
epimrii>evTr]s Il^rpon), Tertullian, adv. 
Marc. iv. 5 (Marcus quod edidit 
Evangelium Petri affirmatur, cujus 
interpres Marcus). The sense of 
ep/j.r)i>vrrjs is fixed by Jerome ad 
Hedib. 1 1 : Divinorum sensuum 
majestatem digno non poterat [B. 
Paulus] Grseci eloquii explicare ser- 
mone ; habebat ergo Titum inter- 
pretem, sicut et B. Petrus Marcum, 
cujus evangelium Petro narrante et 
illo scribente compositum est. 

2 Cf. pp. 185 If. 

3 Hieron. de Virr. Illustr. 8 : 
mortuus est octavo Neronis anno. 
The detailed traditions of his mar- 
tyrdom are worthless : [Hippol.] I.e. ; 

Chronic. Alex. ap. Credner, p. 100. 

4 This same trait appears even in 
an early incident of his life, if Town- 
son (followed by Olshausen, Ores- 
well, and Lange) is right in identi- 
fying him with the young man who 
followed Jesus at His betrayal with 
hasty zeal (irepi.jBepXiifj.&os aivdova) 
and afterwards fled with equal pre- 
cipitancy (Mark xiv. 51, 52). 

Can there also be any basis for 
the singular tradition which repre- 
sents him as one of the Seventy Dis- 
ciples who was offended by the hard 
saying of the Lord at Capernaum 
(John vi. 60) and left Him till 
brought back by St Peter? (Epiph. 
Hccr. LI. 6). The same story occurs 
in [Hippolytus] I.e., but there St 
Luke also is joined with him. 



great centres of the Jewish world, at first timidly sen- 
sitive of danger, and afterwards a comforter of an im- 
prisoned Apostle, of the circumcision and yet writing 
to Gentiles 1 , St Mark stands out as one whom the 
facts of the Gospel had moved by their simple force 
to look over and beyond varieties of doctrine in the 
vivid realization of the actions of the Son of God. For 
him teaching was subordinate to action-; and every 
trait which St Peter preserved in his narrative would 
find a faithful recorder in one equally suited to appre- 
hend and to treasure it. The want of personal know- 
ledge was made up for by the liveliness of attention 
with which the Evangelist recorded 'without omission 
' or misrepresentation ' the words of his master 2 . The 
requirements of a Roman audience (09 i.e. Peter TT/JO? 
ra? xpeias eVotetro ra? StSaovcaX/a? 8 ) fixed the outlines 
of the narrative; and the keen memory of a devoted 
Apostle filled up the picture with details which might 
well remain in all their freshness on such a mind as 
his. For St Peter himself was of a kindred nature 
with St Mark. He too could recall scenes of incon- 
siderate zeal and failing faith ; while in his later years 
he still dwelt on each look and word 4 of his heavenly 

1 This follows from the explana- 
tion of Jewish customs (ii. 18; vii. 
i 4; xiv. 12; xv. 6), opinions (xii. 
1 8), localities (xiii. 3), no less than 
from the general character of the 

The idea that the Gospel was ori- 
ginally written in Latin (subscrip- 
tions to the Peshito and Harda- 
an (P/iiloxenian) Syriac, and some 
Manuscripts, cf. Tischdf. N. T. I. p. 
325) was a mere conjecture from the 
belief that it w& preached *.l Rome. 
The story of the autograph at Venice 
and Prague is well known. Credner, 

2 Papias, ap. Euseb. H. E. m. 


3 Papias, /. c. 

4 A remarkable instance of this 
occurs in his Epistle (i Pet. v. 2), 
rotfifcaTt TO v VJMV wolfUHOV rov 
0oO, which points significantly to 
John xxi. 16. The metaphor does 
not occur in the Pauline Epistles 
[cf. Eph. iv. 1 1 ; Heb. xiii. 20 ; Acts 
xx. 28 9], In v. 3, TU;I> K\r)p<j)v 
should not be translated (as E. V.) 
God's heritage ; but the sense is 
rather, Be not lords over (Psal. ix. 31 
[x. 10] LXX) those assigned to your 
authority, but ensamples to the flock 

2 3 6 


Lord, whom he had early loved with more than a dis- 
ciple's affection 1 . Thus it was that the master and the 
disciple were bound together by the closest sympathy. 
The spirit of the Apostle animates the work of the 
Evangelist: the spirit of his completed life. For St 
Peter's work was already done when he had vanquished 
at Rome, as before in Palestine, the great Antichrist 
of the first age 2 ; and it remained only that he should 
be united in martyrdom with St Paul, with whom he 
had been before united by the ministry of common dis- 
ciples, through whom the Apostles of the Jew and Gen- 
tile yet speak to all ages. 

The doubts which attach to the details of the history 
of St Matthew and St Mark recur also in the history of 
St Luke 3 . It has been argued from the language of 
St Paul that he was of Gentile descent 4 ; and in later 
times he was commonly supposed to have been a 

committed to yottr love. There is 
one flock, but many lots; and thus 
again we are recalled to John x. 16 
in which we are told of one flock 
(n-otfjivr}) and many folds (ctuX??). 

1 John xxi. 15 (aya7rw, 0tAu)). 

2 Simon Magus (Euseb. H. E. II. 
14). The true historical relation of 
this Sorcerer to the Apostolic work 
is too often neglected, though indeed 
it has not yet been sufficiently ex- 
plained. Cf. History of N. T. Canon, 
pp. 274 ff. 

3 The original form of the name 
Lucanus (Aou/cas) is preserved in 
some Latin Manuscripts (a i ff 2 for. 
Cf.Tischdf. N. T. i. pp. 326, 546). 
Similar contractions occur in the 
case of Epaphras and Silas. 

The identification of Silas with St 
Luke, which was proposed by Evan- 
son (Dissonance, &c. pp. 106 ff.) and 
has been lately revived, seems to be 
inconsistent with the narrative of 

Acts xvi., and to rest on no sound 
arguments. The same may be said 
of the identification of Luke with 
Lucius, cf. p. 237, n. 5. Such conjec- 
tures spring from simple impatience 
of acquiescing in the fragmentariness 
of Scripture. 

4 Col. iv. 14, ii. The phrase ol 
ovres K Tre/uro/xTys might be used 
fitly in contrast with a Gentile pro- 
selyte ; and it was the general 
opinion in Jerome's time that St 
Luke was a proselyte : Licet plerique 
tradant Lucam Evangel istam ut pros- 
elytum Hebrceas litteras ignorasse 
(Hieron. Quccst. in Gen, c. XLVI.). 
The name seems to have been re- 
ferred to the Evangelist by all the 
early commentators : [ Ambr.] ; Pela- 
gius; Chrys. in loc.\ Adamant. Dial, 
c. Marc. i, p. 260, ed. Lomm. Cf. 
Can. Murat. init. : Lucafc iste medi- 

.S7 1 LUKE. 


native of Antioch 1 , the centre of the Gentile Church, 
and the birth-place of the Christian name. But this 
belief, though natural in itself, rests on no conclusive 
evidence; and the further details which are given as 
to the mode and place of the Evangelist's conversion 2 , 
and as to his original social 3 and religious position, 
can be regarded only as conjectures. So much how- 
ever at least can be set down with certainty, that he 
was the friend and companion of St Paul ; and, from 
a comparison of Col. iv. 14 with Philem. 24 and 2 Tim. 
iv. 10, n, there remains no reasonable doubt that the 
Evangelist is the same as the beloved pliysician who con- 
tinued alone in faithful attendance on the Apostle 
during his last imprisonment 4 . Nor can the recent 
theories as to the composition of the Acts be con- 
sidered to have set aside the natural interpretation of 
the change of person which marks St Luke as the 
companion of St Paul's second journey. From the nar- 
rative it appears that he joined St Paul at Troas on 
the eve of his entrance into Macedonia 6 ; and when Paul 

1 This is stated first by Eusebius 
(H. E. III. 4 : r6 ptv 7^05 c5f rwv 
aTr' 'Airto%ias), and copied from 
him by Jerome (de Virr. Ilhtstr. 
7 : Antiochensis, Comm. in Matt. 
Praef. : natione Syrus Antiochensis) 
and later writers (Theophylact, Eu- 
thymius). It is instructive to no- 
tice how the tradition grows more 
definite in time. Chrysostoin on 
the other hand, while dwelling con- 
stantly on the associations of An- 
tioch, takes no notice of _such a 
connexion (Lardner, Credibility^ v. 

- In addition to the tradition of 
St Luke's Gentile descent and con- 
version by St Paul (cf. p. 236, notes), 
we have another that he was one of 
the Seventy Disciples (cf. p. 234,^4). 
The first appears in the Dialogue 

against the Mardonites appended to 
Origen's works, and seems from the 
context to have been suggested by 
doctrinal reasons (Dial, c. Marc. i, 
p. 259, ed. Lomm.). It is repeated 
by Epiphanius (ff<zr. LI. n, p. 433), 
with the addition that he preached 
in Gaul; but Eusebius was unac- 
quainted with the legend. Euseb. 
H. E. 1. 12. The identification of St 
Luke with one of the two disciples 
at Emmaus is equally unsupported. 

3 The legend that he was an 
artist, which became very popular 
in later times, is not found before 
Nicephorus Callistus (t 1450). Lard- 
ner, Credibility , VI. 112. 

4 Cf. p. 236, n. 4 . 

5 If the reading of D and Au- 
gustine (de Serm.Dom. II. 57 [xvii.]) 
in Acts xi. 28 


and Silas left Philippi after their imprisonment, he 
seems to have remained there, and not to have ac- 
companied St Paul on his later journeys till after the 
uproar at Ephesus, when St Paul met him again at 
Philippi before his return to Palestine. From this time 
St Luke remained in constant attendance (e-wepyo?) on 
the Apostle during his journey to Jerusalem and on 
his voyage to Rome, where he appears to have re- 
mained till the latest period of St Paul's life. Of the 
later history of St Luke nothing is known 1 , but he is 
generally supposed to have written his Gospel and the 
Acts in Greece, though even on this point tradition is 
not uniform 2 . 

The distinctive characteristic of St Luke's life lies in 
the one certain fact of his long companionship with 
St Paul. The earliest writers insist on this with uni- 
form and emphatic clearness 3 . It became a custom to 
speak of St Luke as the brother whose praise in the 

posed that he died a natural death. 
Cf. Lardner, Credibility, vi. 129. 

ijfj. uv) rests on any early tradition, 
St Luke would appear to have been 
connected with St Paul at a much 
earlier period. This reading may 
perhaps hang together with the iden- 
tification of St Luke with Lucius 
of Cyrene (Acts xiii. i), a notion 
which was current in Origen's time, 
unless it is assumed that the Lucius 
of Rom. xvi. 21 was a different 
person (Orig. ad Rom, xvi. 39). 
This identification has found favour 
among many modern scholars (Lard- 
ner, Credibility, VI. 124 f.), though 
it has very little in its favour. On 
this supposition St Luke would be a 
kinsman (avyyevris) of St Paul ; a 
fact which could hardly have failed 
to be preserved by tradition. Irenceus 
(c. Hear. in. 14. i) points out accu- 
rately the companionship of St Luke 
with St Paul, as it is shewn in the 

1 In the absence of all early evi- 
dence to the contrary, it may be sup- 

2 In Achaioe Bceotiseque (al. Bi- 
thyniosque) partibus : Hieron. Comm. 
in Matt. Prsef. Compare the various 
subscriptions given by Tischendorf, 
N. T. I. p. 546. Some of the copies 
of the Peshito (Jones, p. 159) place 
its writing at Alexandria, an opinion 
which recurs in Ebed Jesu's Cata- 
logue, Assem. Bibl. Orient, ill. p. 3, 
probably from a confusion with St 

The history of the Acts is gene- 
rally taken to fix the date of the 
writing of the Gospel, which is sup- 
posed to fall shortly before the close 
of the period of t^vo years (Acts 
xxviii. 30), i.e. before A. D. 63. All 
that can be certainly affirmed is that 
it preceded the Acts (Acts i. i ) ; for 
it seems rash to conclude that the 
Acts necessarily contains the history 
up to the point of its publication. 

3 Cf. pp. iSjf. 


Gospel is throughout all tJic churches*; and as early as 
the time of Origen it was supposed that St Paul spoke 
in his Epistles of the written Gospel of St Luke, when 
he referred to that oral teaching which probably itself 
furnished its substance and character 2 . Such compa- 
nionship at once bespeaks natural sympathy and in- 
creases it ; and whether the allusion to the beloved 
physician points to any special service which St Luke 
had rendered to the Apostle or not, the epithet at 
once arrests attention in the connexion in which it 
occurs. Nor can it be without influence upon 'our 
estimate of St Luke's character that he wrote the Acts. 
The very design of such a history, when considered 
in relation to the Apostolic age, was remarkable ; and 
the form in which it is cast, portraying the deveL -pment 
of the Church 'from Jerusalem to Rome' through each 
stage of its growth, bears witness to a mind in which 
the future of Christianity was more distinctly imaged 
even than in the visions of St John. The book seems 
in its prophetic fulness to be a true 'philosophy of 
'the history' of the Church. It closes only when the 
Gospel had encountered and conquered a typical cycle 
of dangers. The universal promulgation and gradual 
acceptance of the Christian faith is there already pre- 
figured in its critical moments; and the Evangelist 
who dwelt on such a picture must have been naturally 
fitted to trace the life of Christ in its wide compre- 
hensiveness, as the Gospel of the nations, full of mercy 
and hope, assured to a whole world by the love of a 
suffering Saviour 3 . 

1 E.g. Hieron. Comm. in Matt. On the possible use of some written 

I.e. : Lucas meclicus, natione Syrus records of the life of Christ by St 

Antiochensis, cujus laus in Evan- Paul, compare Neander, Gesch. d. 

gelio, qui et ipse discipulus apostoli Pflanz. 131 f. 

i'auli... 3 The special inscription to Theo- 

a Euseb. H.E. vi. 25. Cf. p. 189. philus (Luke i. 3) may appear to be 



St John survived to see the outward establishment 
of that Catholic Church which St Luke foreshadowed. 
In him two eras met, so that the mysterious promise of 
his Master was fulfilled 1 , as he tarried till the Lord 
came in power and judgment to sweep away the ensigns 
of the old theocracy and appear in the Christian Body. 
The world might well seem to be passing away, as the 
shifting scene in some great tragedy, or rather as the 
veil which is cast over the Eternal *, to one who had 
passed through the crisis of the first age. He who had 
anxiously followed Jesus into the judgment-hall lived 
to know that His name was preached from India to 
Spain ; he who had frequented the Temple, even after 
he was filled with the might of Christ, survived its ruin, 
and died in a city consecrated to the service of a 
heathen deity ; he who would have called fire on the 
heads of the Samaritans at last speaks in our ears only 
the words of love in a Christian assembly 3 . Indeed the 
differences between St John and the Synoptists may 
we not even say between the Son of Thunder and the 

an objection to this universality of 
character assigned to St Luke's Gos- 
pel, but really it seems to support 
it. Theophilus is evidently repre- 
sented as a man of rank (KpaTicrros) 
and intelligence : and the true scho- 
lar (if I may so speak) is essentially 
the man of the widest sympathies. 
It may be added that if, as many 
have thought from the time of Origen 
(Horn. I. in Luc. s. f. adapted by 
Ambrose, Comm. in Luc. 1.3), Theo- 
philus is simply a symbolic title of 
the true disciple, then the inscrip- 
tion itself sets forth the character of 
the narrative. 

1 John xxi. 22, 'Edv af/rbv 0Aw 
ntveiv e'ws Zpxo/ncu, ri irpbs <r\ The 
stress lies on the idea of an extended 
interval (Zus fyxV-" [i Tim. iv. 13, 
Vulg. dum vcnio\ donee venio, as 

Cod. Fuld. in ver. 23, and Aug. 
once, Tract, in Joh. cxxiv. 2), and 
not an indefinite and single limit 
(&os av \6r)' Vulg. quoad usque 
veniat, i Cor. iv. 5). The famous 
legend of St John's grave at E- 
phesus is well told by Augustine, 
/. c. 

2 I John ii. 17, 6 KOCT/J-OS irapd- 
yerai compared with i Cor. vii, 31, 
Trapdyei TO o^T^aa rov ic6<r(j.ov rotirov. 
The double change appears to be 
significant. For the image of irapd- 
ye<rGai compare i John ii. 8, and 
perhaps App. Mithr. 117, &c. 

3 Jerome (Comm. in Ep. ad Galat. 
Lib. in. vi. 10, p. 528) gives the 
noble story, which cannot be too 
often quoted. It is remarkable that 
it is not found in any earlier writer. 



Christian bishop ? are so striking that they must be 
reserved for further examination ; yet who does not feel 
that the Apostle who leaned upon the breast of Jesus^ 
was naturally most qualified to record the deepest 
mysteries of His doctrines ? that he to whom the mother 
of the Lord was entrusted was most fitted to guard 
'the inheritance of the universe'? that he who had 
outlived the first earthly forms in which Christianity 
was clothed must have been able to see most clearly 
and set forth most fully its unchanging essence, ' as he 
' soared like an eagle above the clouds of human in- 
* firmity, and contemplated with the keen and steady 
' gaze of the heart the light of eternal truth 2 .' 

Without exaggerating the importance of such details 
of the lives of the Evangelists as have been just col- 
lected, it may be said that, as far as they throw any 
light upon their character and position, they shew them 
to have represented different types of Christian doctrine 

1 Augustine has a long and elo- 
quent passage on the active and 

contemplative lives which he finds 
symbolized in St Peter and St John, 
Tract, in Joh. cxxiv. 5, which he 
briefly sums up : Perfecta me [scil. 
Christum] sequatur actio, informata 
meos passionis exemplo ; inchoata 
vero contemplatio maneat donee ve- 
nio perficienda cum venero. 

2 August, de Cons. Evv. I. 9 [vi.]. 
Cf. Tract, in Joh. xxxvi. 5 : Restat 
aquila : ipse est Joannes, sublimium 
prsedicator, et lucis internoe atque 
aeternee fixis oculis contemplator. 
By the side of these passages must 
be placed another not less true nor 
less needful to be remembered, Tract, 
in Joh. i. r : Audeo dicere fratres 
mei, forsitan nee ipse Joannes dixit 
ut est, sed et ipse ut potuit ; quia de 
Deo homo dixit : et quidem inspira- 
tus a Deo, sed tamen homo. Quia 
inspiratus, dixit aliquid ; si non in- 
spiratus esset, dixisset nihil : quia 

W. G. 

vero homo inspiratus non totum 
quod est dixit : sed quod potuit homo 
dixit. The whole context, in spite 
of the strangeness of the imagery, is 
well worthy of study. 

Early tradition is uniform in re- 
presenting the Gospel as written at 
Ephesus: \r&f\.c.Har.\\l. i. i ; Hie- 
ron. de Virr. Illustr. g. Cf. Can. 
Mnrat. init. Compare also the sub- 
scriptions of the Oriental versions, 
Tischdf. N. T. i. p. 696. The no- 
tion that it was written at Patmos 
seems to rest on the unsupported 
statement of Pseudo-Hippol. De XII 
Apost. p. 952. 

The date at which it was written 
cannot be determined with accuracy. 
The earliest writers, I believe rightly, 
place it last of the Gospels in time : 
[ Can. Murat. ] Iren. /. c. ; Clem. 
Alex. ap. Euseb. H. E. vi. 14 ; 
[Orig. ap. Euseb. H. E. vi. 25 ;] 
Jerome, I.e. 

Chap. iv. 

Johnxiii. 25; 
xxi. 20. 

The general 
result of the 
of the 



and to have written under circumstances favourable for 
the expression of their distinctive views. The places at 
which the Gospels were probably written Judaea, Italy, 
Greece, Asia, and the persons for whom they were 
immediately designed, harmonize with what may be 
regarded as the individual bias of the writers. So far as 
any likelihood exists that each Gospel will bear the 
marks of personal feeling and outward influence, this 
individuality is seen to be no accidental admixture of a 
human element by which the divine truth was marred, 
but on the contrary a trace of the working of God's 
Spirit, by which such persons were moved to write as 
would best represent to the Church the manifold forms 
of the life of Christ. We may detect in every picture of 
the Saviour the unchanging Deity ; but at the same 
time the Absolute, so to speak, is clothed in each case 
with special attributes, which are determined by the 
sacred writers as they dwelt on the several sides of 
Christ's human nature. Each gives a true image, but 
not a complete one ; and if in old times Messiah was 
variously represented as the second Lawgiver, the 
mighty King, and the great High Priest, we need feel 
no wonder that three Evangelists portrayed His pre- 
sence in the fashion of a man ; while the fourth re- 
vealed that crowning doctrine of the Christian faith 
which, if it existed in the depths of the ancient Scrip- 
tures, had been unobserved by the Jew 1 . The same 
Spirit worked in all the Spirit of wisdom and know- 
ledge, of practical and spiritual judgment and enabled 
them to find the perfected tendency and plenary de- 
velopment of their own hopes and energies in the teach- 
ing and life of Him in whom all the powers of man were 
united with the fulness of the Godhead. 

1 Just. Mart. Dial. c. Tryph. c. 49, p. 268 A. 



The reality of the distinctive characteristics of the 
Gospels will appear yet more clearly, if we consider 
their relation to the different sects which exhibited the 
exclusive development of the several elements which 
the Catholic Church recognised and united in her teach- 
ing 1 . It has been seen that variety of feeling existed 
even in the Apostolic body 2 ; and when this was re- 
produced in the Christian society, it soon gave rise to 
those divisions which lie at the bottom of the great 
parties into which Christendom has been since severed. 
One said / am of Paul ; and another / am of Apollos; 
and another / am of Cephas ; and another / am of 
Christ*; when the first tidings of the Gospel had hardly 
died away on their ears 4 . The inward tendency had 
already become a conscious feeling, and was rapidly 
hastening towards a dogmatic decision. Men were no 
longer content to find that for which they were seeking 
in the life of Christ ; they wished to isolate it. The 
logical exhibition of Christianity, its mystic depths, its 
outward and ritual aspect, its historic power, were thus 
separated and substituted for its complex essence ; just 
as the Sadducee, the Essene, the Pharisee, and the 
Herodian, had already found in the Law a basis for 

1 The chief fragments of the Apo- 
crvphal Gospels noticed in the fol- 
lowing paragraphs in connexion 
with various sects will be given in 
App. D. 

3 Pp. 2i9ff. 

3 It is worthy of notice that the 
phrase is 670* 6t X/>t<rrou, and not 
e7w 5 'lyffov. The personal name, 
which is universal in the Gospels 
and common in the Acts and the 
Apocalypse, is naturally rare in the 
Epistles, unless the human nature 
of the Lord requires to be brought 
into clear prominence. Cf. 2 Cor. 
iv. 5, 10, ii ; Hebr. ii. 9; xii. 24, 

and often. 

4 i Cor. i. 12. Cf. Neander, 
Gesch. d. Pflanz. 324 ff. After all 
that has been written on the Christ- 
party, I still believe that the words 
of St Paul refer to those who pre- 
ferred to cling to Christ alone, with- 
out accepting the Christian doctrine 
mediately through the Apostles. 
The present century has seen such 
a sect formed in America. It is 
impossible not to feel that the many 
essays on these 'parties' are con- 
ceived wholly in the spirit of our 
own time, without any realisation of 
the life of the first age. 




their discordant and exclusive systems 1 . Yet it would 
be an anachronism to suppose that the Corinthian 
Church exhibited at once definite and circumscribed 
parties. The spirit of party was not immediately em- 
bodied ; but in the course of time the fundamental dif- 
ferences which it represented were boldly and clearly 
systematized. Some were not content to cherish the 
ancient Law with natural reverence and pride (Naza- 
renes), but insisted on the universal reception of the 
Mosaic ritual (Ebionites]. They saw in Jesus nothing 
but the human Messiah, co-ordinate with Adam and 
Moses 2 , and in the Christian faith nothing but the per- 
fection of Judaism 3 , whether they regarded this from 
the practical (Ebionites proper) or mystical point of 
sight (Gnostic Ebionites*). St Paul was emphatically 
' their enemy/ and the universal Gospel which he preach- 
ed 'a lawless and idle doctrine 5 .' By the common con- 
sent of early witnesses, the various sects which arose 
from the embodiment of these principles agreed in 

1 Cf. Neander, Church History, 
I. 52 ff. 

2 Conf. Clem. Horn. in. 21 
(Adam); n. 38 (Moses). Cf. Horn. 
in. 20; xvin. 13; and in. 20: 
[d OTTO xeipwv 0eoi! KvofiopyOels 
avQpuiros] ds cur* dpxys atuw/os 
dfj.a rots dvo/JUKrw fiopcpds d\\do~- 
ffwv TOV aiuva Tjei, ^s 6're 

?| rip dvdiravffiv. Cf. Uhlhorn, 
Die Horn. u. Recogn. d. Clem. Rom. 
164 ff. 

3 Either as identifying Christi- 
anity with the real essence of Ju- 
daism (the Homilies)', or as recog- 
nising in Judaism the preparation 
for Christianity (the Recognitions). 
Cf. Uhlhorn, a. a. O. 258 ff. 

4 On the twofold distinction in 
relation to the Person of Christ, see 

Euseb. H.E. in. 27, VI. 17; Epiph. 
H<zr. xxx. 1 6. 

5 Ep. Petri (Horn. Clem.} c. 2 : 
TIVS yap TOW euro cQvuv TO oY C/JLOV 
v6fj.Lfj.oi''av Krjpvyfjia, TOV 
oLvdpwirov avofj-ov TIVO. Kal 

irpoffi>)Ka l u.Voi 

Kal ravra ^rt /toi> Trepiovros 
p-rfffdv nvts Trot/aXcus Tialv 
TOUS efJLovs \6yovs / 
rrjv TOV v6/J.ov /caraXucrti', cos 


Trapp-rjcrlas 8 Kypvffffovros' 6irep ctTT- 
elij. The whole passage is most 
instructive, and the allusion to Gal. 
ii. 12, VTT^ffT\\ev Kal dtpupifeit eav- 
TOV K.T.X. unmistakeable. Compare 
also Horn. xvii. 19, where St Paul 
is assailed under the person of Simon 
Magus with a verbal reference to 
Gal. ii. Jl (fl 



taking the ' Gospel ' of St Matthew as the basis of 
their Evangelic record. This appears to have existed 
among the Nazarenes in a comparatively pure Hebrew 
(Aramaic) form ; and even in Jerome's time the copy 
which they used preserved a very clear resemblance 
to the Canonical Gospel, differing chiefly by interpo- 
lations, which were rendered at once easy and natural 
from the isolation of the Jewish Christians 1 . The two 
other parties included under the common title of Ebion- 
ites seem to have preserved peculiar Greek recensions 
of the same fundamental narrative. The Ebionites in 
a stricter sense had nothing in their Gospel to answer 
to the first two chapters of our present text, and Epipha- 
nius describes the book generally as ' incomplete, adul- 
'terated, and mutilated 2 .' The fragments which he 
quotes point also to the further conclusion that it was 
derived from the Aramaic and not from the Greek 
text. But it was otherwise with the Gnostic Ebionite 
Gospel. The text of this 3 presents the most constant 
coincidence with the language of the Greek St Matthew, 
and it can hardly have been derived from any other 
source. The variations which it presents are generally 
such as admit of explanation from polemical motives, 
and where it is not so, allowance must still be made 
for freedom of quotation and for the influence of tra- 
dition 4 . One fact however is clearly prominent through- 
out these intelligible varieties of recension, that the 

1 Cf. Hieron. ad Matt. xii. 13; 'removed the genealogy.' Yet cf. 
de Virr. Illustr. 3. #.14. 

2 Epiph. Hcer. xxx. 13: ovx faov 3 As gathered specially from the 
ir\Tipt<rTaTot> dXXoi j/ej>o0ei/t<W *al Clementines. 

TjKpwTtjptaff/ji,hov. On the other hand 4 Passages occur which shew 

the Nazarenes tx ovffi T KaT i Mar- clearly that the writer of the Homi- 

dcuov evayy\toi> irXijpta-TaToit'ftppa- lies was acquainted with the con- 

iffri (Hisr. xxix. 9), though Epipha- tents of the three other Canonical 

nius in the next sentence says that Gospels. Cf. Hist, of New Testa- 

he does not know whether 'they ment Canon, p. -287. 

2 4 6 


Gospel of St Matthew was felt to be distinctively the 
Jewish Gospel. The life of the second Lawgiver was 
the common foundation which Judaizing Christians of 
every shade of opinion used for the construction of their 
distinctive records. 

The special history of the Gospel of St Mark is more 
obscure. Even at the beginning of the fifth century no 
distinct commentary upon it was yet written 1 . The 
Preaching of Peter, which enjoyed a wide popularity in 
the second and third centuries, has nothing but the 
name in common with St Mark 2 ; and the accounts of 
the Gospel according to Peter are so meagre that no 
satisfactory conclusion can be drawn as to its origin 
and characteristics 3 . Yet there is one clear and decided 
statement that some sectarians paid a peculiar regard 
to the Gospel of St Mark. After noticing the exclu- 
sive reverence which the Ebionites and Marcionites 
paid respectively to the Gospels of St Matthew and 
St Luke, Irenaeus adds that those who separated Jesus 
from Christ the human instrument from the divine 
Spirit maintaining that Jesus suffered, while Christ 
continued always impassible, preferred the Gospel ac- 
cording to St Mark 4 . It might seem that they dwelt 

1 Cramer, Cat. in Marc. Hypoth. 
p. 263 (Victor Ant.}. 

2 See particularly the passages 
quoted by Clement of Alexandria, 
Strom. VI. 5. It is however worthy 
of notice that St Peter is represented 
as urging his hearers in the same 
terms to avoid the Pagan and Jewish 
forms of worship. Cf. Credner, 
Beitrage, I. 351 ff. Schwegler, Nach- 
apost. Zeit. II. 30 ff. 

3 Cf. Serapion, ap. Euseb. H. E. 
vi. 12. Routh, RelL Sacr. i. pp. 
452 ff. Serapion connects the Gos- 
pel with Marcianus (? Marcus) and 
the Docetse. 

4 Iren, c. Har. in. n. 7: Qui 
autem Jesum separant a Christo, 
et impassibilem perseverasse Chris- 
tum, passum vero Jesum dicunt, 
id quod secundum Marcum est 
praeferentes Evangelium, cum amore 
veritatis legentes illud corrigi pos- 
sunt. Olshausen (Echth. d. Evang. 
97) rejects this statement, but with- 
out sufficient ground. The descrip- 
tion which Irenseus gives agrees 
with a form of Docetism which 
(supr. note 3) was actually con- 
nected with the Gospel according 
to Peter. Cf. [Hippol.j ado. Har. 
vm. 10, p. 267. 



more particularly on the works of Messiah's power, 
and not on the mystery of His Incarnation ; and found 
their Gospel in the recital of miracles and mighty acts 
which bore the impress of God, rather than in words and 
discourses which might seem like those of men. 

It has been seen that the Gospel of St Matthew 
underwent several recensions. The developments of the 
Judaizing tendency were various, for it was the spirit 
of a people and not of an individual. But the doctrine 
of St Paul, which bore the clear image of one mind, 
was made the basis of a single marked system. In the 
first half of the second century, Marcion, the son of 
a bishop of Sinope 1 , gave his name and talents to a 
sect which proposed to hold the perfected doctrines of 
the Gentile Apostle. So far from finding any right 
of perpetuity in the Jewish Law, he ascribed its origin 
to the Demiurge, from whose evil rule men were set 
free by the Saviour. In Christianity, according to his 
view, all was sudden and unprepared 2 : a new and spi- 
ritual religion was revealed immediately from heaven to 
supplant the earthly kingdom which had been promised 
to the people of Israel by their God. As a necessary 
consequence of his principles, Marcion could not accept 
the Catholic Canon of the Scriptures, but formed a new 
one suited to the limits of his belief. His Apostolicon 
was confined to ten Epistles of St Paul, and his Gospel 
was a mutilated recension of St Luke 3 . For him the 
Pauline narrative was the truest picture of the life of 

1 Epiph. H<zr. XLII. i. [Tertull.] 
de Prcescr. Har. Li. The statement 
however has been doubted, for Ter- 
tullian takes no notice of it. The 
writer under the name of Tertullian 
attributes to Cerdo the Canon which 
is elsewhere assigned to Marcion. 

2 Tertull. adv. Marc. IV. n: Sub- 
ito Christus ; subito et Johannes. 

Sic sunt omnia apud Marcionem, 
quse suum et plenum ordinem ha- 
bent apud creatorem. Cf. in. 6. 

3 After long discussion even the 
Tubingen critics appear to have ac- 
quiesced in the belief that the Gospel 
of St Luke is the original document 
(Herzog, Encyclop. s. v.). Cf. Hist. 
of N. T. Canon, pp. 315 f. 

Chap. iv. 






Christ, though even this required to be modified by a 
process which was easily practicable at a time when 
the Evangelic text was not yet fixed beyond the in- 
fluence of tradition. 

The peculiar characteristics of St John's Gospel 
could not fail to attract some of the early mystic 
schools. The deep significance of its language, the 
symbolic use of the words light and darkness, life and 
death, the world, the word, and the truth, furnished 
the Eastern speculator with a foundation for his fa- 
vourite theories. If we may trust Irenaeus 1 , the termi- 
nology of the Valentinians was chiefly derived from that 
of St John ; and conversely in recent times many have 
supposed that the Gospel itself was due to Gnostic 
sources. The affinity which it has with part of the 
Gnostic scheme is at least undoubted ; and Heracleon, 
the most famous scholar of Valentinus, wrote the first 
Commentary upon it 2 , following, according to Tertul- 
lian, his master's example in using ( the pen instead of 
* the knife to bring the Scriptures into agreement with 
' his tenets 3 .' 

This severance of the Gospel-histories by different 
sects exhibits most distinctly the reality and nature of 
their difference. For if they have no special character, 
on what hypothesis can we explain their connexion 
with partial exhibitions of Christian truth ? How were 
the separate books adopted by peculiar schools, which 
pursued to an excess the idea which we have supposed 
to predominate in them ? Those who admitted only 
one Gospel, even if they mutilated and altered it, must 
have found in it some peculiar points of contact with 

1 Iren. c. Har. I. 8. 5 : IIarl/>a 2 Cf. Orig. in Joh. x. i\. 

yap cipijicev [6 'ludvvrjs] /ecu Xdpiv KO! History of N. T. Canon, pp. 306 

Kal 'A\r)deiat> Kail Aoyov Kal ff. 
Kal "AvBpuTrov Kal'^KKX-rjcriav. 3 Tertull. de Pnvscr. Hcer. 38. 



their own position ; and rightly found them, for heresy 
is but the inordinate desire to define, distinguish, and 
isolate, those manifold elements which are combined in 
the perfect truth. 

Sectaries divided the Gospels as being separately 
complete : the Church united them as constituents of 
a harmonious whole. The first distinct recognition of 
the four Gospels presents them also as one. ( The Cre- 
'ator Word who sits upon the Cherubim, when mani- 
' fested to men, gave us the Gospel in a fourfold form, 
4 held together by one Spirit ;' and in the same place 
Irenaeus labours to prove by various analogies that the 
Gospels could not be more or fewer than four, the 
number of the faces of the Cherubim, which were 
' images of the life and work of the Son of God 1 .' The 
same mysterious emblem of Ezekiel was constantly 
applied to the Evangelists in later times throughout 
the Christian world, but generally as modified in the 
Apocalypse, where the idea of individual life prevails 
over that of a common being. Yet while the early 
fathers agreed in the general explanation of the vision, 
they differed widely in details 2 . In the West the in- 
terpretation of Jerome gained almost universal currency, 
and in later times has been confirmed by the usage 
of art 3 . According to this the man is assigned to St 

1 Iren. c. Hcer. III. u. 8: d TWI> 
O.TTCLVTWV Tex^iTTjs \6yos, 6 Ka.QriiJ.evos 
CTTL TUV Xepou/SijU /ecu cnWx**"' T( * 
Trcura, (pavepudds rots ovffpuirois, 
5a>/cei' T)iuv rerpa/Jioptpov TO evayyt- 
Xioj/, evl dt -rrvevfj-aTi 

/ecu yap TO, Xepou/St/x 

Kai TO, Tr/oocrwTra O.VT&V dKoves rrjs 

TrpcryjuaTei'as roD viov TOV Qeov. 

2 Irenoeus (I.e.] regarding, as Au- 
gustine remarks (<fc Cons. EW. 
I. 9 [vi.]), only the commencement 
and not the scope of the books, as- 

signs the man to St Matthew, the 
eagle to St Mark, the//<?w to St John, 
and the ox to St Luke. This opi- 
nion is repeated by Juvencus, Ev. 
Hist. Prcef. The opinion of Jerome 
is followed by Ambrose (/';/ Luc. 
Praef. 7,8; cf. Comtn. in Luc. x. 
117, 1 1 8); Sedulius, Carrn. Pasch. 
I. 355 ff., and generally in later 
times. All writers agree in assign- 
ing the ox to St Luke. 

:< These emblems of the Evan- 
gelists are not however found be- 

: Chap. iv. 

(b) The judg- 
ment of the 

The Evan- 
gelic Sym- 



Matthew, the lion to St Mark, the ox to St Luke, and 
the eagle to St John, as typifying respectively the 
human, active, sacrificial, and spiritual, sides of the 
Gospel. Augustine, who inverts the order of the first 
two symbols, and probably with justice, agrees with 
Jerome in drawing a line between the creatures of the 
earth and of the sky 1 ; and a trace of this distinction 
is found at a still earlier period. Clement of Alex- 
andria relates as a current tradition in his time that 
' St John, when he found in the writings of the other 
' Evangelists the bodily history of the Lord, com- 
' posed a spiritual Gospel 2 ,' and such language is not 
an inapt description of the relation of the Synoptists to 
St John. 

But though the early Church apprehended with dis- 
tinctness the characteristics of the Gospels, Augustine 
seems to have been the first who endeavoured to ex- 
plain their minute differences by a reference to their 
general aim; and his work is better in conception than 
in execution. The age was hardly ripe for the task; 
and Augustine had not the critical tact for performing 
it. The mass of Christians welcomed too gladly the 
inspired histories on their Apostolic claims to submit 
their composition and arrangement to internal scru- 
tiny. It was enough for them to believe that they 
were written by holy men of God, without attempting 
to determine their mutual relations. And even the 
scholars among them were better qualified to discuss 
the manifold bearings of an isolated passage than to 

fore the Mosaics of the i5th century 
(Miinter, Sinnbilder d. Alien Chris- 
ten, i. pp. 44 ff.). The earliest sym- 
bols are four rolls round a represen- 
tation of the feeding of the 4000 
(Miinter, I. 44, PI. 13). Afterwards 
they appear as four streams issuing 

from a rock on which Christ, or the 
Lamb, or the Cross, stands (cf. 
Cypr. Ep. 73. 10). 

1 Hieron. in Ezek. I. 7 ff. Aug. 
de Cons. Evv. I. c. 

2 Clem. Alex. ap. Euseb. H.E. 
vi. 14. 



form a general idea of the historic features of a whole 
book. On the other hand we must remember that a 
rich inheritance of tradition was treasured up in the 
early Church ; and the attempt of Augustine, combined 
with the general statements of former writers, suffi- 
ciently shews the method in which these would have 
sought for an explanation of the variations of the Evan- 
gelists. His treatise is the formal expression of their 
silently recognised belief. 

The view which has been just sketched of the re- 
lation of the Canonical Gospels to the varieties of 
opinion existing in the Apostolic age, and to the great 
principles from which they spring, which are as per- 
manent as human nature itself, suggests necessarily 
various reflections as to their relation to ourselves. 
Above all it will remove that dead conception of a 
verbal harmony between them which is fatal to their 
true understanding. Their real harmony is essentially 
moral and not mechanical. It is not to be found in 
an ingenious mosaic composed of their disjointed frag- 
ments, but in the contemplation of each narrative from 
its proper point of sight. The threefold portrait of 
Charles I. which Vandyke prepared for the sculptor is 
an emblem of the work of the first three Evangelists : 
the complete outward shape is fashioned, and then 
at last another kindles the figure with a spiritual life. 
Nor are the separate portraitures less pregnant with 
instruction than when they were originally drawn. If 
we study the records in their simple individuality, for- 
getting for the time the other traits which fill up the 
picture, we shall probably find more in this view of 
their distinctness than a mere speculation : it will shew 
us the life of Christ in relation to the master-spirit of 
our own constitution. The Gospel will be seen to be 

Chap. iv. 

The results 
of thh view 
of the 



particular as well as universal/ We shall gain a con- 
ception of the multiform aspects of Christianity in the 
many-sided presence of its Founder. We shall see its 
manifoldness as well as its unity. We shall no longer 
regard it as a philosophic ^ideal of religion, but as a 
living revelation, developed and perfected among men. 
We shall recall the period when the several Gospels 
satisfied the various moral and spiritual wants which 
must remain the same to the end of time, and trace 
the divine sanction which they give to the different 
tendencies of human thought and action. We shall 
rise upwards from the perception of individuality to 
that of variety ; from variety to catholicity. The 
various outward forms of Evangelic teaching, recog- 
nised by the Apostles and ratified by the Church, will 
teach us to look for some higher harmony in faith than 
simple unison. We shall acknowledge that it is now as 
in days of old, when the same unchanging scheme of 
redemption proceeding from one God, 'seeking the 
' weal of men through divers ways by one Lord/ was 
seen under changeful varieties of external shape \ The 
lesson of experience and history, the lesson of reason 
and life, will be found written on the very titles of the 
Gospels, where we shall read with growing hope and 
love that 'God fulfils Himself in many ways.' 

1 Clem. Alex. Strom. VI. 13. Sofftv viro\ij(f>0e'i(ra. dKoKovdov yap 

106 : fj.ia yap T(p 

rr/pios airo 

r)/j.a$ 8t.r]Kov(Ta Kara 

re Kal %/ooVow 5id<j>opo$ 

] cna- 

fj,iav 0,/j.eTadeTov 

K0fffj.ov ei's Trap evos Qeov di e^os Kvpiov TroXv- 

u<pt\ovaa.i>... Cf. Lib. VII. 

17. 107. 


The Gospel of St John. 

Two worlds are ours : 'tis only Sin 

Forbids us to descry 
The mystic heaven and earth within, 

Plain as the sea and sky. 


IT is impossible to pass from the Synoptic Gospels 
to that of St John without feeling that the trans- 
ition involves the passage from one world of thought 
to another. No familiarity with the general teaching of 
the Gospels, no wide conception of the character of the 
Saviour, is sufficient to destroy the contrast which 
exists in form and spirit between the earlier and later 
narratives; and a full recognition of this contrast is 
the first requisite for the understanding of their essen- 
tial harmony. The Synoptic Gospels contain the Gos- 
pel of the infant Church : that of St John the Gospel 
of its maturity. The first combine to give the wide 
experience of the many : the last embraces the deep 
mysteries treasured up by the one. All alike are con- 
sciously based on the same great facts, but yet it is 
possible, in a more limited sense, to describe the first as 
historical, and the last as ideal ; though the history 
necessarily points to truths which lie beyond all human 
experience, and the ideas only connect that which was 

Chap. v. 

The general 
St John, 
and thf 



Chap. v. 

Cka ract eris- 
tics ofSt 

\. The Gospel 

in itself. 

(a) Its his- 


i. Tkflifeqf 

Stjohn. . 

once for all realized on earth with the eternal of which 
it was the revelation. This broad distinction renders it 
necessary to notice several points in the Gospel of St 
John, both in itself and in its relation to the Synoptic 
Gospels, which seem to be of the greatest importance 
towards the right study of it. No writing perhaps, if 
we view it simply as a writing, combines greater sim- 
plicity with more profound depths. At first all seems 
clear in the child-like language which is so often the 
chosen vehicle of the treasures of Eastern meditation ; 
and then again the utmost subtlety of Western thought 
is found to lie under abrupt and apparently fragmentary 
utterances. The combination was as natural in the 
case of St John, as it was needful to complete the cycle 
of the Gospels. The special character of the Gospel 
was at once the result and the cause of its special 
history ; and when we have gained a general concep- 
tion of the Gospel in itself, the relations of difference or 
agreement in which it stands to the other narratives will 
at once become intelligible. 

The facts bearing on the life of St John which are 
recorded in the Gospels are soon told. He was the son, 
apparently the younger son 1 , of Zebedee and Salome 2 . 
His father was a Galilaean fisherman, sufficiently pros- 
perous to have hired servants 3 , and at a later time his 

1 That he was the younger son 
appears to follow from the order in 
which the names James and John 
the brother of James are generally 
given in the Gospels: Matt. iv. 21, 
&>c. ; Mark i. 19, &*c. ; Luke v. 10, 
&c. The names occur in the other 
order, Peter and John and James, 
in Luke viii. 51; ix. 28, though the 
reading is doubtful ; and so undoubt- 
edly in Acts i. 13 (not Rec.}. In 
Acts xii. 2, James is styled the bro- 
ther of John. 

2 Mark xv. 40, xvi. i, compared 
with Matt, xxvii. 56. From the 
comparison of the last passage with 
John xix. 25, it has been concluded 
that Salome was the sister of the 
mother of the Lord, but the inter- 
pretation of the passage is uncertain. 
Later traditions suppose various 
other relationships between the fa- 
milies of Joseph and Mary and Ze- 
bedee. Cf. Winer, R WB. s. v. Sa- 
lome ; Thilo, Cod. Afocr. 362 ff. 

3 Mark i. 20. Cf. John xix. 27, 


mother was one of the women who followed the Lord 
and 'ministered to Him of their substance 1 .' Nothing 
is recorded which throws any light upon the character 
of Zebedee, except the simple fact that he interposed 
no obstacle to his sons' Apostleship ; but Salome her- 
self went with Christ even to His death, and the very 
greatness of her request 2 is the. sign of a faith living and 
fervent, however unchastened. St John, influenced it 
may be by his mother's hopes, and sharing them, al- 
though simple and unlettered*, first attached himself to 
the Baptist, and was one of those to whom Jesus was 
revealed by him as the Lamb of God 4 '. Henceforth he 
accompanied his new Master, and together with his 
brother and St Peter was admitted into a closer re- 
lationship with Him than the other Apostles 5 . In this 
nearer connexion St John was still nearest 6 , and as he 
followed Christ to judgment and death 7 , he received 
from the cross the charge to receive the mother of the 
Lord as her own son 8 . After the Ascension St John 
remained at Jerusalem with the other Apostles. He 
was with St Peter at the working of his first miracle ; 
and afterwards he went with him to Samaria 9 . At the 
time of St Paul's first visit to Jerusalem he was absent 
from the city ; but on a later occasion St Paul de- 
scribes him as one of the pillars of the Church. At 
what time and under what circumstances he left Jeru- 

from which it would appear that natural warmth of temperament. 
John was raised above want. 3 Acts iv. 13. 

1 Mark xv-4O, 41, compared with * John i. 35 ff. 

Luke viii. 3. 5 Luke viii. 51 (at the house of 

2 Matt. 'xx. 20 ff. Cf. Mark x. Jairus); ix. 28 (at the Transngura- 
35 ff. The same characteristic ap- tion) ; Mark xiv. 33 (at Gethsemane). 
pears under a different form in the 6 John xiii. 23; xxi. 7, 20 (/icttf?;- 
wish of her two sons recorded in r^s ov ^yaira. o 'I?7<roGj). 

Luke ix. 54; and in spite of other 7 John xviii. 15; xix. 26. 

interpretations, it is best to refer 8 John xix. 27. 

the surname Boanerges (Mark iii. 9 Acts i. 13; iii. i ff.j viii. 14. 

17) which is applied to them to a 10 Gal. i. 18 ff.; ii. 9. 



salem is wholly unknown ; but tradition is unanimous 
in placing the scene of his after-labours at Ephesus 1 . 
His residence there must have commenced after St 
Paul's departure, but this is all that can be affirmed 
with certainty. It is generally agreed that he was 
banished to Patmos during his stay at Ephesus, but 
the time of his exile is very variously given 2 . The 
legend of his sufferings at Rome, which was soon em- 
bellished and widely circulated, is quite untrustworthy 3 ; 
and the details of his death at Ephesus are equally 
fabulous, though it is allowed on all hands that he 
lived to extreme old age 4 . 

But while no sufficient materials remain for con- 
structing a life of the Apostle, the most authentic tra- 
ditions which are connected with his name contribute 
something to the distinctness of his portraiture 5 . The 
lessons of his Epistles and Gospel are embodied in le- 
gends which characterize him as the zealous champion 
of purity of faith and practice within the Christian body, 
and in one legend at least the symbolism of the Jewish 
dispensation is transferred to the service of Christianity, 
as in the visions of the Apocalypse. On the one hand 
St John proclaims with startling severity the claims of 
doctrinal truth 6 , and the duties of the teacher*: on the 

1 Iren. c. Hezr. in. i. i. 

2 Iren. v. 30. 3 HEuseb. H.E. V. 
8) (Domitian): Eplp. H<zr. LI. 33 

3 Tertull. de Prascr. Her. 36:... 
in oleum igneum demersus nihil 
passus est. Hieron. ad Matt. xx. 

4 Iren. II. 22. 5: ptxp 1 r ^> v T/oata- 
vov -xfoviav. Hieron. ad Galat. vi. 
10. For the traditions which de- 
scribe him as still living in his tomb 
at Ephesus compare Credner, Einl. 
220 f. The passage of Augustine 

(In Ev. Johann. Tract. 124. 2) is 
perhaps the most interesting notice 
of the belief. 

6 These traditions have been col- 
lected and discussed by Stanley, 
Sermons and Essays on the Apostolic 
Age, pp. 275 ff. 

6 Iren. in. 3. 4 (on the authority 
of Polyearp : Euseb. H.E. iv. i 4 )_ 
6 TOV Kvpiov /j,a6^T-f}s v Trj 
ropevdels Aou<racr0cu KCU 18 wv 
^ r f)\aro TOV f3a\avelov 
/XT) Xoi/crciyiiej'os dXX* tiretTr 
fji.(t> M Kal rb poiKaveiov 



other he stands out in the majesty of a sacred office, 
clothed in something of the dress of the old theocracy 1 . 
The two views involve no contradiction, but rather ex- 
hibit the wide range of that divine love which cherishes 
every element of truth with the most watchful care, be- 
cause it is of infinite moment for the well-being of man. 
The associations of the past are not rudely cast aside 
when they can no longer betray. To a Christian among 
Christians the perils and supports of faith appear in new 
lights; and the one famous phrase Little children, love 
one another becomes a complete rule of life, when it is 
based upon the perception of Christian brotherhood and 
received as the charge of a father in Christ 2 . As com- 
pared with the other representative Apostles, St Peter, 
St James, and St Paul, the position of St John is clearly 
marked. He belongs rather to the history of the 
Church, if the distinction may be drawn, than to the his- 
tory of the Apostles, and is the living link which unites 
the two great ages. He is the guardian of a faith al- 
ready established, and not, like St Peter, the founder of 
an outward Church. His antagonist is Cerinthus, the 
founder of a false representation of Christianity, and not 

ovros KyptvOov roO TTJS ciXijOetas 
Cf. Epiph. Har. xxx. 24, 
where a similar legend is told of St 
John and Ebion. 

* In the beautiful story of the 
young Robber /j.v6os ou fjivOos 
which is too long to quote : Euseb. 
H. E. in. 23 (on the authority of 
Clement of Alexandria). 

1 Polycrates, ap. Euseb. H. E. ill. 
31 (v. 24): ZTI dt Kal 'ludwtjs 6 tirl 
r6 ffTr)0os TOV Kvpiov dvaTreewv, os 
^yevrjdr] lepevs TO irra\ov irefapeKUS 
Kal fj.dprvs Kal cu5d<r/caAos, OVTOS tv 
*E0^cry KKoi/j.7)Tai. For the use of 
TO Tre'raAop compare Ex. xxviii. 32 ; 
xxix. 6 ; Levit. viii. 9 (LXX). Cf. 

W. G. 

Bingham, Antiquities, II. 9. 5. 

2 Hieron, Comm. in Ep. ad Galat. 
vi. 10: Beatus Joannes Evangelista 
cum Ephesi moraretur usque ad ul- 
timam senectutem et vix inter disci- 
pulorum manus ad ecclesiam defer- 
retur, nee posset in plura vocem 
verba contexere, nihil aliud per sin- 
gulas solebat proferre collectas, nisi 
hoc : Filioli diligite alterutrum. Tan- 
dem discipuli et patres qui aderant, 
tcedio affecti quod eadem semper 
audirent, dixerunt: Magister quare 
semper hoc loqueris? Qui respondit 
dignam Joanne sententiam : Quia 
praxeptum Domini est, et si solum 
hat sufficit. 


Chap. v. 

The typical 
character of 
St John. 

2 5 8 


Simon Magus, who appears in the position of an Anti- 
christ. In his teaching the faith is contemplated in its 
fundamental facts, which include all there is of special 
application in the reasoning of St Paul and in the pro- 
phetic exhortations of St James. In the language of 
the last chapter of his Gospel, which itself is the meet- 
ing-point of Inspiration and tradition, he abode till the 
Lord came, and speaks in the presence of a Catholic 
Church, which rose out of the conflicts which had been 
guided to the noblest issue by the labours of those who 
preceded him. 

This last chapter of his Gospel is in every way a 
most remarkable testimony to the influence of St John's 
person and writings. Differences of language 1 , no less 
than the abruptness of its introduction and its substance, 
seem to mark it clearly as an addition to the original 
narrative ; and the universal concurrence of all outward 
evidence no less certainly establishes its claim to a place 
in the Canonical book. It is a ratification of the Gospel, 
and yet from the lips of him who wrote it: it allows time 
for the circulation of a wide-spread error, and yet cor- 
rects the error by the authoritative explanation of its 
origin. The testimony, though upon the extreme verge 
of the Apostolic period, yet falls within it, and the Apo- 
stle, in the consciousness (as it seems) of approaching 
death, confirms again his earlier record, and corrects the 
mistaken notion which might have cast doubt upon the 
words of the Lord 2 . 

1 Yet these differences by no 
means amount to a proof of differ- 
ence of authorship, but only of a 
difference of date. The last verse 
of the chapter (xxi. 25) may have 
followed xx. 31 before the supple- 
mentary chapter was added. A 
further consideration of the evidence 

satisfies me that there is no substan- 
tial ground for doubting its genuine- 

' 2 This seems to be the object of 
ch. xxi. 23. The danger and the 
correction of such an error as is 
noticed belong equally to the period 
of the extreme age of the Apostle. 



The earliest account of the origin of the Gospel is 
already legendary 1 , but the mention which it contains of 
a subsequent revision may rest upon the facts which are 
seen to be indicated by the concluding chapter. So 
much however is attested by competent authority, that 
St John composed his Gospel at a later time than the 
other Evangelists 2 , and we can hardly be wrong in refer- 
ring the book to the last quarter of the first century, and 
in its present form probably to the last decennium of 
the period. This late date of the writing is scarcely of 
less importance than its peculiarly personal character, if 
we would form a correct estimate of the evidence which 
establishes its early use and authority. It passed into 
circulation when the first oral Gospel was widely current 
in three authoritative forms, and it bore upon its surface 
no less than in its inmost depths a stamp of individuality 
by which it was distinguished from the type of recog- 
nised tradition. Yet these facts, which must at first 
have limited the use of the book, contribute to the clear- 
ness of the testimonies by which the use is evinced. 
There is in this case no such ambiguity as to the origin 
of a striking coincidence of language as in the early 
parallels with the Synoptic Gospels, since there is no trace 

1 Can. Murat. (Hist, of N. T. 
Canon, p. -214, and App. C): Co- 
hortantibus condiscipulis et episcopis 
suis dixit (sc. Johannes) : Conjeju- 
nate mihi hodie triduum, et quid 
cuique fuerit revelatum alterutrum 
nobis enarremus. Eadem nocte re- 
velatum Andrece ex Apostolis ut re- 
cognoscentibus cunctis Johannes suo 
nomine cuncta describeret. Jerome 
probably alludes to this tradition 
when he says : Ecclesiastica narrat 
historia, cum a patribus [Johannes] 
cogeretur ut scriberet, ita facturum 
se respondisse si indicto jejunio in 
commune omnesDeum precarentur; 

quo expleto, revelatione saturatus, 
in illud prooemium coelo veniens 
eructavit In principio erat Verbum 
...(Hieron. Comni. in Matt. Prooem. 
p. 5). Cf. Clem. Alex. ap. Euseb. 
H.E. vi. 14. 

2 Clem. Alex. ap. Euseb. H. E. 
VI. 14 : 6 KXi7yti77s...7rapd5o<r' r&v 


TO, ffU/j-ariKa Iv rots evayyeXiois 5e- 
5r)\(t)T<u, TTporpaTT^VTa VTTO rwv yvu- 

evayyt\ioi>. Iren. c. 
Hitr. in. i. i, ap. Euseb. H.E. v. 
8; Origen ap. Euseb. H.E. VI. 25. 




of any definite tradition similar to the record of St John. 
The record was itself a creative source and not a sum- 
mary, the opening of a new field of thought, and not the 
gathered harvest. Clear parallelism of words or ideas 
with St John's Gospel in later writers attests the use of 
the book, and cannot be referred to the influence of a 
common original. 

The earliest Christian writers exhibit more or less 
distinctly the marks of St John's teaching 1 . This is 
most clearly seen in Ignatius, who perhaps more than 
any other among the Apostolic Fathers resembled him 
in natural character. Without an acquaintance with St 
John's writings it is difficult to understand that he could 
have spoken in some cases as he does, but if he were ac- 
quainted with them the subtle resemblance' which exists 
is at once intelligible 2 . Polycarp in like manner ob- 
viously refers to a passage in the first Epistle of St 
John 3 ; and Papias, according to Eusebius, 'made use of 
'testimonies' out of it 4 . The importance of this evidence 
is the greater, because it proceeds from' a quarter in 
which we might naturally look for the most certain in- 
formation. Polycarp was himself a disciple of the Apo- 
stle, and Papias conversed with those who had been. 
Nor is it an objection that the coincidences are with the 
Epistle rather than with the Gospel, for the two writings 
are so essentially united that their Apostolical authority 
must be decided by one inquiry. 

In the next generation the traces of the use of the 
Gospel, and not only of the general influence of St John's 

1 Cf. Hist, of N.T. Canon, pp. 
*5 35. 9* 203. 

2 Cf. Ign. ad Smyrn. iii. v. xii. ; 
ad Eph. vii.; ad Magn. i.; ad Rom. 

3 a^ Philipp. vii.: iras yap 

05 av fJi'Yj 6[j,o\oyri 'lycrovv X 

v (rapid \rj\vdvai dvTix 

(i John iv. 3. Cf. Nott. critt. in 


4 Papias ap. Euseb. //. E. in. 



writings, are indisputable. The Elders who are quoted 
by Irenseus interpret a saying of our Lord recorded by 
St John 1 , and the Asiatic source of the reference con- 
tributes something to its weight. Though the question 
has been keenly debated, with some exaggeration on 
both sides, there can be no reasonable doubt that Justin 
Martyr was acquainted with St John's Gospel, and re- 
ferred to it as one of those written by Apostles as con- 
trasted with those which were written by their followers 2 . 
Quotations from the book occur shortly afterwards in 
the writings of Apollinaris 3 , Tatian 4 , Athenagoras 5 , Po- 
lycrates 6 , and in the Epistle of the Church of Vienne 7 . 
The first direct quotation of the Gospel by name occurs 
in Theophilus 8 ; and in the last quarter of the second 
century it was universally received as an authentic and 
unquestioned work of the Apostle. As such it is in- 
cluded in the early Eastern Canon of the Peshito, and 
in the Western Canon of Muratori ; and from this time 
all the great Fathers of every section of the Church 
argue on the basis of its universal reception and divine 

IO: dXX' PffTiv 6 uio? TOU 0eou Xoyos 
TOU Tra.Tpos kv ISea Kal evepyeia' Trpos 
auTou yap Kal 6Y auVou irdvTa ey- 
v(To, evos OVTOS TOV TraTpoj Kal TOV 
vlov (John i. 3; xvii. 21 23). 

B Polycr. ap. Euseb. H. E. v. 24 : 
?TI Se Kal 'IwdVi'T/j d eirl TO o~Trj6os 
TOV Kupt'ou dvaweauv...( John xiii. 

7 Routh, Rett. Sacr. i. 300: TO 

V7TO TOU KuptOU TJiLfJV (tpr)/J.^VOV OTi 

Katpos v $ Tras d a?ro- 
u/aas 5det \aTpeiav 
iv T< 0e<p (John xvi. 

} Theophilus, ad Autol. n. 22 : 
ouev oioa(TKOv(Tiv Tj/mas at aytai ypa- 

<J5v 'ludvvrjs \tyei 'Ev apxy -ffv d Xd- 

1 Iren. V. 36. 2 : cos ol 
\{yov(n...Kal 5ta TOUTO clfnjKfrai TOV 
"Kvpiov 'Kv TOIS TOU ?raTp6s /nov novas 
eti/at TroXXds (John xiv. 2, tv Ty olda 
TOV 7rarp5s /iou floral Tro\\al elffiv). 
The use of the phrase of St Luke 

(li. 49, V TOtS TOV TTttT/sis fJ.Ov) is 

worthy of notice. 

2 Hist, of N. T. Canon, pp. 151, 

3 Claud. Apollin. ap. Routh, Rett. 
Sacr. I. 161: o rr\v ay lav -jr\fvpav 
KKevTr)deis, 6 ^/c^as K TTJS TrXcupa? 
avTov TO, dvo TrdXiv Kadapffia, v8wp 
Kal, \6yov Kal irvev/j,a (John xix. 


4 Tatian, Gmc. 19: irav- 
Ta VTT avTov Kal %wpts auTOU ytyovev 
ovo ev. Cf. capp. 5, 13. 

5 Athenagoras, Christ. 



Chap. v. 

TJie testi- 
mony of 

This testi- 
mony con- 
tinuous and 

The reception of the Gospel among heretical teachers 
was scarcely less general than its reception in the 
Catholic Church. Its individuality preserved it from 
the conflict which the Synoptic Gospels supported with 
other versions of the same fundamental narrative. There 
is an apparent allusion to it in the Great announcement 
which was attributed to Simon Magus 1 ; and it is evi- 
dently referred to in the writings of the early Ophites 2 
and Peratici 3 . It is still more worthy of notice that 
it is quoted in the Clementine Homilies, which are 
the production of another school 4 . Basilides 'who lived 
'not long after the times of the Apostles' and Valen- 
tinus distinctly refer to it 5 ; and Heracleon the scholar 
of Valentinus made it the subject of a Commentary 6 . 

The chain of evidence in support of the authenticity 
of the Gospel is indeed complete and continuous as far 
as it falls under our observation. Not one historical 
doubt is raised from any quarter, and the lines of evi- 
dence converge towards the point where the Gospel was 
written, and from which it was delivered to the Churches. 
On the other side one fact only can be brought for- 

OVTOS r/(j.apTev rj ol yoveis avTov 
'iva TV(p\6s yevvr/Oy d-jreKpifaTO 
OVTC OVTOS Ti rj/j,apTev OVTC ol 
yoveis avTov, ciXX' Iva OL avTov 
(p a v e p & 6 y 7) dvva/jLLS rov Qeov Trjs 
dyvoias ia/m^vr/ TO. duapr,'fj,aTa (John 
ix. i ff.). Cf. Uhlhorn,' Die Homi- 
lien u. s. w. 122 ff. 

5 [Hipp.]tf//z/. Hcer.: TOVTO, Qrjaiv 
Ip ^BaaiXeld-rjs], eori TO \eyo/j.evov ev 
TOIS euayycXiois' TJV TO <p<.os TO 
a\rjdLVQv 6 (fiwTifei iravTa av- 
Opuirov px6fj.evov els TOV KOO~- 
IAOV (John i. 9). The testimony of 
Basiiides to St John's Gospel has 
been made the subject of a special 
essay by Hofstede de Groot, Leipsic, 

6 Origen. in Joann. Tom. xm. 
10 ff. 

. Hcer. VI. 9: o/K-ryrTj- 
ptov 6e \eyei elvai [d Zi/uwy] TOV dv- 


y77/W...(John i. 13). 

a [Hipp.] adv. Har. v. 9 : irepi ou, 
(j>rio-iv,eipriKev 6 2wr^p Ei 77 Sets rts 
eaTiv o curwv, (TV civ % rye as Trap' 
avTov Kal eounev dv 001 Trietv fruv 
vo<ap a\\6fj.evov (John iv. 10, 14); 
and many other passages. 

3 [Hipp.] adv. Hccr. v. 12 : TOVTO 
&m, 0i7crt, TO dpripevov , Ou yap T;\- 
6ev 6 vlos TOV dvdpuirov et's TOV /co'cr- 
/j.ov diroX^ffat TOV Kocrfiov, a XX' 
Iva (TwOy 6 /coV/xos Si' aOrou 
(John iii. 17). 

4 Clem. Horn. XIX. 22: otfef Kal 6 
5t5ao"/iaXos rj/uiuv Trepl TOV K y eve- 
ry s Trypov Kal dva[3\e\f/avTos Trap' 
avTov e%Tdov(ri rots /Jt,a&rjrais E/ 



ward. It is said, on the authority of Epiphanius, that 
the Gospel, as well as the other writings of St John, 
was attributed to Cerinthus by a sect whom Epiphanius 
calls the Alogi 1 . Their name indicates the ground on 
which they proceeded. Their objections to the Apo- 
stolic origin of the book were, as far as can be ascer- 
tained, purely internal, and it is not difficult to trace 
the course which the objectors may have followed, till 
they reached their final result. Such internal objec- 
tions can always be strengthened by pointing out the 
defects which, from the nature of the case, must neces- 
sarily exist in the outward proof of the origin of a 
book in an age and in a society almost without literary 
instinct. But the true historic view which regards the 
whole growth of Christianity within and without fur- 
nishes a convincing answer to such scepticism, which is 
essentially partial. The development of later specu- 
lation becomes then first explicable when it is traced 
out as the result of one definite impulse. The general 
tendency of all casual testimony is found to coincide 
with the conclusion which was assumed on all sides 
without hesitation when Christian literature first rose 
into importance. And a deeper study of the inter- 
nal features of the Gospel will shew that what appear 
to be difficulties and divergences from other parts of 
Scripture belong to the fulness of its personal cha- 
racter, and contribute equally to the completeness of 
the teaching which it conveys, and to the perfection 
of that image of the Saviour which it presents when 
combined with the records of the other Evangelists. 

The internal character of St John's Gospel offers in 
fact an almost boundless field for inquiry. It presents 

1 Epiph. Har. LI. 3. Cf. Hist, of N. T. Canon, p. 279. 



the results of the most consummate art as springing 
from the most perfect simplicity. The general effect of 
its distinct individuality is heightened by a careful ex- 
amination of the various details by which the whole im- 
pression is produced. In language, plan, and substance, 
the narrative differs from the Synoptic Gospels ; and 
each of the points thus offered to investigation will 
require some notice. 

The language of St John presents peculiarities both 
in words and constructions which mutually illustrate 
one another. In both an extreme simplicity and an 
apparent sameness cover a depth of meaning which 
upon a nearer view is felt to be inexhaustible. The 
simplicity springs from the contemplation of Chris- 
tianity in its most fundamental relations : the same- 
ness from the distinct regard of the subject in each 
separate light, by which every step in the narrative is 
as it were isolated, instead of being merged in one 
complex whole 1 . 

The introduction to the Gospel furnishes the most 
complete illustration of its characteristic vocabulary. 
The Word, the Life, the Light, the Darkness, the Truth, 
the World*, Glory, Grace, are terms which at once place 

1 In examining the language of 
St John I have derived very con- 
siderable help from the valuable work 

gdium, Niirnberg, 1852. Through- 
out I have compared and corrected 
my own conclusions by his, with the 
greatest advantage. 

2 The use and meaning of these 
words, which were applied in very 
early times to strange and mystical 
schemes, is full of interest ; see Iren. 
I. 8. 5 ff- : cra0cDs ovi> 5e8rj\wKet> o 
'IwaW?7S 8th T&V \6yuv rotiruv ra re 
aXXa KO.I rijv rerpada TT?Z> devrepav, 

A6yOV KO.I Zufy, "At>8pUTTOV KO.I 'E/C- 

K\r)<riai>' aXXct fJ.r)v Ka.1 nj 

ep.if]vvffe rcrpaSa ITar^pa fi-rr&v 

K(tl Xdpu> /cat rbv WLovoyevrj Kal'A\rj- 

The term the Word, 6 A6yos, used 
absolutely as a title of the Son of 
God, is found only in the Preface to 
the Gospel (i. i, 14), where it occurs 
four times. It occurs in the cog- 
nate phrase the Word of God in the 
Apocalypse (xix. 13); and in a pas- 
sage in the Epistle to the Hebrews 
(iv. 12, 13) the simple and derived 
meanings of the term, the Revela- 
tion and the Person in whom the 
Revelation centres, are combined 


26 5 

the reader beyond the scene of a limited earthly con- 
flict, and raise his thoughts to the unseen and the 

time He proclaims Himself to be 
the Resurrection and the Life (eyw 
et,ui y di>d<rTa<ris Kal y fay) in the 
presence of material death (John 
xi. -2 5), and again as the Way and the 
Truth and the Life (e^w efyu y 656s 
Kal TI dXydeta Kal y faty in the pre- 
sence of religious doubt (xiv. 6). In 
this latter sense St John says The 
Life was the Light of men (Kal y fay 
yi> TO 0ws Twv avdpuirw i. 4), that 
Light of Life (TO <pus TT?S fays), as it 
is elsewhere called (viii. 12), which 
he shall have who follows Christ. 
The Life ( i John i. i v. 20) lies 
beneath all physical and spiritual 
being and action, absolutely one, and 
universally pervading. At other 
times the single gift and source of 
life is contemplated in the separate 
parts or modes in which it is pre- 
sented. I am the bread of Life (^ycb 
efyu d &PTOS T. fays' vi. 35, 48) : the 
words (py'ftaTa) which I have spoken 
to you, they are spirit and they are 
life (vi. 63, cf. ver. 68): / will give 
to him that thirsteth of the foimtain 
of the water of life (Apoc. xxi. 6 ; cf. 
xxii. i, 17, vii. 17, John iv. 14): to 
him that overcomctJi will I give to eat 
of the tree of life (e/c TOU %ij\ov rys 
fays' Apoc. ii. 7 : cf. xxii. 2, 14, 19: 
His [the Father's] commandment is 
life eternal (xii. 50): this is life eter- 
nal, that they know thee (iva yivu- 
fKtwiv) the only true God, and Jfsui 
Christ whom thoti hast sent (dirtffTfi- 
Xos' xvii. 3): these things have been 

written that ye may have life in 

His (Christ's) name (xx. 31). Else* 
where it is regarded as something 
present in the Father (v. 26), in the 
Son (v. 26, fayi> tx fiv & foury), and 
in those united in fellowship with 
Christ (vi. 53. 54; v. 40; iii. 16, 16, 
36), perhaps varying in degree (x. 10, 
'iva. fayv ^x wfft - v Ka <- irfpurabv Zxutrt-v), 
present in one sense (v. 24) and yet 
future (xii. 25; cf. vi. 27; iv. 36), 
personal (i John v. 12, 16), and yet 

with the notion of an account to be 
rendered. In the LXX. Xcvyos is 
the usual representative of "Q;*, 
and occurs in those passages in which 
later interpreters have found the 
traces of a fuller revelation of the 
divine nature : e. g. Ps. xxxiii. 6 ; 
cvii. 20; Isai. xxxviii. 4, 6-v. In 
the Latin Versions of the New Tes- 
tament, as represented by Manu- 
scripts of every class, hoyos is trans- 
lated by Vcrbum, which falls very 
far short even of a partial rendering 
of the Greek. There is however 
evidence that in the second century 
sermo was also current, which is in 
some respects a preferable rendering 
(Tertull. adv. Hermog. 20 6<r. and 
constantly) ; and Tertullian seems 
to prefer ratio, though he implies 
that it had not been adopted in any 
Version. See adv. Prax. 5 : Ideo- 
que jam in usu est nostrorum per 
simplicitatem interpretationis ser- 
moncm dicere in primordio apmd 
Deum fuisse, cum magis ralionem 
competat antiquiorem haberi, quia 
non sermonalis a principio sed ra- 

tionalis Deus In de Came 

Chr. 1 8 he reads verbum caro fac- 
tum est. 

The Life (y fay) is a term of much 
wider application. It occurs not only 
in the preface of the Evangelist, but 
also in the discourses of our Lord, 
and in one phrase full of deep mean- 
ing to enter into life (elaeXdelv els 
Tyv fayv) it is found in the Gos- 
pels of St Matthew and St Mark 
(Matt, xviii. 8, 9; xix. 17. Mark 
ix. 43, 45. Cf. Matt. vii. 14). In 
the Epistles of St Paul the word is 
only less important than in St John 
(cf. Rom. v. 10 ; viii. 10. Col. iii. 
4. 2 Tim. i. i): and it is found, 
though rarely, in the other Epistles 
(cf. Hebr. vii. 16. James i. 12. i Pet. 
iii. 7. 2 Pet. i. 3). In the writings 
of St John Christ is presented as the 
Life under various aspects. At one 



eternal. The conflict of good and evil is presented in 
an image which conveys in final distinctness the idea 
of absolute antagonism. The Incarnation itself is re- 
garded as the great climax of the revelations of Him in 
whom all things were and by whom all things became. 
Yet the Life and the Light and the Truth are no mere 
abstractions, but centre in a person. The one predo- 
minating idea, partial and yet true, passes into the 
other in the consideration of new relations. The Life, 
which in its fullest sense is the most noble expression 
of creative power, becomes the Light in regard to men ; 
and the sum of that which the Light reveals is the 

extending to the world (vi. 51). 
[Compare the use of f uoTroitu, v. 21, 
vi. 63, and in St Paul (7 times) and 
i Pet. iii. 1 8]. 

The grand notion of Life as the 
divine basis of all being is limited in 4 
that of Light, which is one of the 
forms in which it is presented to men 
(i. 4). God is light (i John i. 5), 
even as Christ is light (John i. 4 9); 
hi. 19; xii. 46), the light of the 
world (viii. 12), during His presence 
(xii. 35, 36; ix. 5) and after His 
bodily withdrawal (i John ii. 8), in 
which the believer abides (ib. ii. 10) 
and walks (ib. i. 7). The opposite 
to this heavenly light (cf. John xi. 
9, 10) is the Darkness (cr/con'a me- 
taph. only in St John, O-/COTOS only 
in iii. 19; i John i. 6), in which 
others walk (viii. 12 ; xii. 35; i John 
ii. n) and abide (xii. 46) and are (i 
John ii. 9), and which overwhelms 
them (xii. 35) and blinds them (i 
John ii. n), though it cannot over- 
whelm the Light (John i. 5). [Com- 
pare the use of 

In another aspect the Revelation 
which brings life and light, and in 
one sense is life and light, is the 
Truth. In the use of this word St 
John, standing in marked contrast 
to the Synoptists, offers^ a close 

parallel with St Paul. Christ Him- 
self is the Truth -(xiv. 6), even as 
the Revelation (\6yos) of God is 
truth (xvii. 17); and the Holy Spirit 
as the Guide of the future Church 
is essentially the Spirit of Truth 
(xiv. 17; xv. 26; xvi. 13; i John 
iv. 6), and the Spirit is the Truth 
(i John v. 6). But while the Truth 
is expressed in language (viii. 40), 
it extends to action (iii. -21 ; i John 
i. 6, Troidv TT)v aXiideiav), and brings 
with it freedom (viii. 32), and holi- 
ness (xvii. 17, 19). [Compare the 
use of aX-rjdTJs, dXytiivos.] 

The sphere to which this all-em- 
bracing Revelation is addressed is 
the World (d /CO'OT-IOS), a word which 
while it occurs in this application 
in St Matthew (xiii. 38; xxvi. 13) 
and St Mark (xvi. 15) and more fre- 
quently in St Paul, is yet so com- 
mon in its ethical sense in St John 
as to be highly characteristic of his 
writings. Christ takes away (bears} 
the sin of the world (i. 29 ; i John ii. 
2), gives life to the world (vi. 33 : cf. 
ver. 51 ; i John iv. 9), came to save 
the world (xii. 47; iii. 17; i John 
iv. 14 : cf. iv. 42), is the light of the 
world (viii. 12; ix. 5); and con- 
versely the world could not receive 
Him (xiv. 17), but haled Him (xv. 


Truth. From stage to stage the whole is laid open 
which was contained implicitly in the first prophetic 
announcement. For nowhere is the spiritual depth of 
St John's Gospel more clearly imaged than in the one 
term which is most commonly and most rightly asso- 
ciated with it. When St John surveys in his own per- 
son, in a few sentences, the great facts of the Incar- 
nation in their connexion with all the past and all the 
future, and as they reach beyond the very bounds of 
time, he speaks of the Lord under a title (\6yos) which 
is only faintly and partially imaged by the Word. 
The rendering, even on the one side which it ap- 
proaches, limits and confines that which in the original 
is wide and discursive. As far as the term Logos ex- 
presses a Revelation, it is not an isolated utterance but 
a connected story, a whole and not a part, perfect in 
itself, and including the notions of design and com- 
pletion. But the meaning of Logos is only half em- 
braced by the most full recognition of the idea of a 
given revelation, conveyed by one who is at once the 
Messenger and the Message, speaking from the begin- 
ning in the hearts of men, of whom He was the Life 
and Light, and by the mouth of those who were His 
Prophets : it includes also that yet higher idea, which 
we cannot conceive except by the help of the language 
which declares it, according to which the Revelation is, 
in human language, as Thought, and the Revealer as 
Reason in relation to the Deity. In this sense the title 
lifts us beyond the clouds of earth and time, and shews 
that that which has been realised among men in the 
slow progress of the world's history was towards God, 
in the depths of the Divine Being, before creation. 
These vast truths, which are included in the one term 
by which St John describes the Lord, had been dimly 



seen from one side or the other by many who had 
studied the records of the Old Testament. Now they 
brought forward the notion of a divine Reason, in 
which the typical ' ideas ' of the world were supposed 
to reside: now of a divine Word, by which God held 
converse with created beings ; but at this point the 
boldest paused 1 . No one had dared to form such a 
sentence as that which with almost awful simplicity de- 
clares the central fact of Redemption in connexion 
with time and eternity, with action and with being, 
The Word was made flesh and dwelt amopg us; and 
it may well seem that the light of a divine presence 
still ever burns in that heavenly message, thus written 
for us, as clearly as it burnt of old on the breastplate 
of priest, or among the company of the first disciples. 
If any one utterance can bear the clear stamp of God's 
signature, surely that does which announces the fulfil- 
ment of the hopes of a whole world with the boldness of 
simple affirmation, arid in language which elevates the 
soul which embraces it 2 . 

1 Cf. pp. 151 156. 

2 In addition to the characteris- 
tic words of St John, which have 
been already noticed (p. 264, n. 2), 
there are many others which illus- 
trate in a remarkable way the spirit 
of his Gospel. Among these may 
be mentioned : 

dya-rrdv, dydin) (Gosp. Epp.) 

a/za/m'a (Gosp. I Ep.) 

dfjt,r]v ap-fjv (Gosp.) 

yivucTKw (Gosp. Epp. Apoc.) 

Zpyov, TCI tpya (Gosp.) 

tp&TOLv (Gosp. Epp.) 

6dvaros (in I Ep. and Apoc.) 

deacrOai, dtupelv (Gosp. I Ep.) 

TO. Idea. (Gosp. : also in Luke xviii. 

28 [not Rec.] and Acts xxi. 6) 
Kplcris, Kptvew (Gosp. Apoc.) 
/JLapTVpla, fJLCtpTVpeiv (Gosp. Epp. 


oT5a (Gosp. i Ep.) 

tiisofAa (Gosp. Epp. Apoc.) 

6%Xos sing. (Gosp. Apoc. : in pi. 
only vii. 12, with var. Icct.} 

Tra.poLfj.ia (Gosp. also 2 Pet. ii. 22.) 

6 irar-fip (Gosp. Epp. Apoc.) 

Trident (Gosp. Apoc.) 

TTtarei/w els (Gosp. I Ep. Tr/cr-m 
is found only in i John v. 4 and 4 
times in Apoc. not at all in Gosp.) 

7r/)6/3ara (Gosp.) 

0-ap (Gosp.) 

crrj/j.e'iov (Gosp. Apoc.) 

TfKvla. (i Ep.) 

The number of words peculiar to 
St John is very large. In the Gos- 
pel I have counted sixty-five, and 
there are possibly more. In the 
main these spring out of the pecu- 
liar details of his narrative : e.g. 



If we pass from the vocabulary of St John to the 
form of his sentences, what has been said of the former 
still holds good in new relations. The characteristics 
which mark the elements of his language mark also his 
style of composition. There is the same simplicity and 
depth in the formation of his recurrent constructions as 
in the choice of his familiar words ; and these qualities 
bring with them in each separate sentence clearness and 
force. Like the key-words of his language, his construc- 
tions are almost without exception most obvious and 
plain 1 . The effect which they produce is not gained by 
any startling or subtle form of expression, but only by a 
calm and impressive emphasis. Clauses are rather ap- 
pended than subordinated. Every thing is placed be- 
fore the reader in a direct form, even in the record of 
the words of others, when the oblique narration is most 
natural : Certain of the multitude tJierefore when they heard 
these words said Of ft truth this is the Prophet. Others 
said This is the CJirist. But some said What, doth the 
Christ come out of Galilee' 2 '? If remarks are added either 

1 A remarkable sign of this is 
found in the singular fact that St 
John never uses the optative (Cred- 
ner, EinL 96). In xiii. 24 the 
reading /cat A^-yet aOry Et?r rt's karw 
is certainly correct. 

In like manner the particle av is 
only found in the construction with 
the indicative (iv. 10, <5r-r.), except 
in the connexion os d>, 6'arts dV, 

<r/cAos, T/T\OS, vdpla, 
Some are characteristic : 
Ai5v/j.os, 'E/3/3cu<TTt, apvlov (xxi. 15 : 
Apoc. often), aK-r\vo\jv. Many words 
occur with remarkable frequency in 
St John, as eycu and oblique cases, 
^/xos,t5e,tVa,yUtWot, oifr, otfTra?, TrwTrore, 
and their usage is full of meaning. 

The absence of some words from 
the Gospel is equally worthy of no- 
tice, as for instance, 6 aiuv (OUTOS, 
&c. ), Stfi'a/us, SiVa/ms, fTi-m/uap, eu- 
ayy^Xiov (and derivatives), irapa- 
/SoX??, Trapayyt\\ii>, Tricrm, aofpia, 
(ro^os. In this connexion it may 
be noticed that St John speaks of 
John the Baptist simply as John; 
the title does not occur in the 
Gospel a small trait which would 
not have been preserved by a later 

2 John vii. 40, 41. Cf. i. 19 
27 ; viii. -22 ; ix. 3 ff. 41 ; xxi. 20. 
In John iv. 51 the authorities are 
divided, and if 6 TTCUS ai'rou be the 
right reading, it probably stands 
alone as an example of oblique con- 
struction (cf. Lutharclt, p. 37). The 
common reading in xiii. 24, irv&t- 
ffdai rls dv efy, is incorrect. Cf. 
supr. n. i. 

.Chap. v. 

(b) The com- 




to bring out more strongly the features of the scene, or 
to connect the history with the immediate time, they are 
added for the most part in abrupt parentheses : Jesus 
therefore, being wearied with his journey, sat thus on the 
well. It was about the sixth hour. There cometh a wo- 
man of Samaria to draw water*. 

One result of this form of writing is circumstantiality. 
The different details which are included in an action are 
given with individual care. Word is added to word, 
when it might have been thought that the new feature 
was already included in the picture ; and yet in such 
sentences as Jesus cried out in the Temple teaching and 
saying, and they questioned him and said to him, and 
the like, it will be found that there is something gained 
by the distinct expression of each moment in the narra- 
tive which might otherwise have been overlooked 2 . 

Another mode in which this fundamental character 
of St John's style shews itself is repetition. The subject 
or chief word of the whole sentence is constantly re- 
peated both in the narrative, and in the recital of our 
Lord's discourses. In the beginning was the Word; and 
the Word was with God ; and the Word was God. Jesus 
then when he saw her weeping, and the Jews that came 
with her weeping. .. If I bear witness of myself, my wit- 
ness is not true. There is another that beareth witness of 
me; and I know that the witness which he witnesseth of 
me is true*. 

1 John iv. 6. Cf. vi. 10; x. 22 ; 
xiii. 30; xviii. 40. 

2 JoKn vii. 28 ; i. 25. Compare 
i. 15, 32 ; viii. 12 ; xii. 44, &c. A 
very simple and common example 
of this characteristic occurs in the 
constant use of &TrKpL6r] Kal elirev for 
the usual airoKpiOds elirtv or cbre- 
Kpidy \tywv of the other Evangelists. 
The two ideas are co-ordinated and 

not subordinated. The form of ex- 
pression occurs thirty-four times in 
St John, and elsewhere only in 
(Mark vii. 28;) Luke xiii. 15; xvii. 

It is a consequence of the same 
principle that we find such phrases 
as ey(j}...^'fj\6ov Kal ^KW ovd... 
4\r]\v0a (viii. 42). 

3 John i. i; xi. 33; v. 31, 32. 



This tendency to emphatic repetition may be seen 
again in the way in which the persons involved in the 
dialogue are brought out into clear antagonism. Sen- 
tence after sentence opens with the clauses, Jesus said, 
the Jeivs said, so that the characters engaged in the 
great conflict are never absent from the mind of the 
reader 1 ; and a similar emphasis is gained in other sen- 
tences by the introduction of a demonstrative pronoun, 
when an important clause has intervened between the 
subject and the verb: He that seeketh His glory that sent 
him, the same (ouro?) is true*. 

It is to be referred to the same instinctive desire to 
realise, so to speak, the full personality of the action, 
that St John frequently uses the participle and substan- 
tive verb for the more natural finite verb. The distinc- 
tion between the two forms of expression is capable only 
of a rude representation in English, yet even so it is 
possible to appreciate the difference between the phrases 
/ bear witness, and / am he that beareth witness, and to 
feel that the idea of the action predominates in the one, 
and that of the person in the other 3 . Elsewhere the 
force of the clause is heightened, in a way which the 
English idiom cannot express, by the position of the 
verb at the beginning of the sentence. The central idea 

Compare i. 10 ; v. 46, 47 ; xv. 4 ff. ; 
xvii. 25. 

1 E.g. viii. 49 ff. : x. 23 ff. It is 
however to be remarked that in 
these cases the verb is put first : iv. 
7ff. &c. 

2 John vii. 18. Compare OUTOS in 
i. 33; iii. 32 ; vi. 4 6 ; x. 25; xv. 5. 
And 6/cetVo? in i. 18, 33 ; v. u, 37, 
38 ; (ix. 37 ;) x. i ; xii. 48 ; xiv. 
21, 26; xv. 26. The former pro- 
noun occurs in the other Gospels in 
this kind of construction several 
times (Matt. xiii. 20 ff. ; Mark vi. 

1 6 ; Luke ix. 48) : the latter, as far 
as I know, only twice : Mark vii. 
15, 20, and in the former of these 
cases on very doubtful authority. 

3 John viii. 18 ; v. 39 ; xi. i ; 
xvii. 19, 23. If i. 9, r,v r6 0ws... 
tpxbuevov, is an instance of this con- 
struction, the words must be ex- 
plained not of one act but of a se- 
ries not of the Incarnation only 
but of a continuous manifestation. 
This construction occurs also in the 
other Gospels. Cf. Winer, Gramm. 
45- 5. PP- 437 ff- ed. Moulton. 

Chap. v. 

ality of nar- 

of action. 



of the whole is given first, and the remainder of the 
sentence is made dependent upon it 1 . 

All these peculiarities converge to the same point. 
The simplicity, the directness, the particularity, the em- 
phasis, of St John's style, give his writings a marvellous 
power, which is not perhaps felt at first. Yet his words 
seem to hang about the reader till he is forced to re- 
member them. Each great truth sounds like the burden 
of a strain, ever falling upon the ear with a calm persis- 
tency which secures attention. And apart from forms 
of expression with which all are early familiarized, there 
is no book in the Bible which has furnished so many 
figures of the Person and work of Christ which have 
passed into the common use of Christians as the Gospel 
of St John. I am tJie bread of life: I am the light of the 
world : I am the good shepherd : I am the vine : are 
words which have guided the thoughts of believers from 
the first ages 2 . 

The combination of the sentences in St John offers 
a complete analogy to the construction of them. What 
has been said of the words and the constituent members 
of his sentences applies equally to entire paragraphs. 
There is the same circumstantiality in the picture as a 
whole as in the details. Words, clauses, paragraphs, 
follow one another, in what may be taken for needless 
repetition, till the mind grows sensible of the varied 

1 E.g. iv. 28, 30, 52, 53; vi. 7 
ii ; vii. 45 f. This is specially the 
case in the phrases X^et ai)r<, 
aireKpidr) aury 6 'I. Cf. p. 271, 
n. i. 

2 John vi. 48, ty6 efyu 6 apros 
TTJS fa;?}?, vi. 51, ^746 efytt 6 apros 
o &v. viii. 12, tyu efyu r6 0ws rou 
Kocrfj.ov. x. 7> y& efyu i] 6upa T&V 
irpofidiTUv. x. 9, ^716 ei'/u 77 dtpa.. 
x. II, 14, fyt6 efyu 6 iroi.iJi.7iv 6 /caXo's. 

25, ^7^ e ^" "h avdffraats Kal 



6, ^70? el/mi 77 656s Kal 

xv. i, 5, 

The frequency of the use of the 
pronoun tyu> by St John as com- 
pared with the Synoptists points to 
the fulness of this personal revela- 
tion of our Lord. The simple 
phrase tyu efyu occurs in all the 



light in which the object is placed and grasps the com- 
plete image. The final effect of the entire narrative is 
inartificial, and yet intense and powerful. The multipli- 
cation of simple elements issues in a result of acknow- 
ledged grandeur ; and the mode in which the result is 
produced leads the mind to dwell upon it with patient 
study. Sentences are added one to another rather than 
connected. Only the simplest conjunctions 1 are used 
even when the dependence of the successive clauses is 
subtle and hidden. Equally often the narrative or dis- 
course is continued without the help of any conjunctions, 
especially when the deepest feeling is roused, and the 
full heart embraces the whole scene without distinguish- 
ing the subordination or sequence of the details : And 
He said Where have ye laid him ? They say to Him 
Lord come and see. Jestis wepf. Statement follows 
statement, and the reader is left to work out for himself 
the law by which they are bound together. It is as if 
St John felt that each truth involves all truth ; and that 
the truth was to be described, as he had seen it, by the 
portraiture of its several aspects, and not as it were dis- 
covered or displayed by any process of argument. For 
him knowledge was sight 3 . 

But while the particles in St John occupy generally 
a very subordinate place, two which express a designed 
object (Iva) and a natural result (ovv), however much 
these ideas may be hidden from the ordinary sight, are 

1 The most common are Kal and 
5^, though both occur much less fre- 
quently in St John than in the other 
Evangelists. The conjunction rt, 
which is rare in the Gospels, occurs 
only in ii. 15 (re. ../cat); iv. 42; vi. 
1 8. In the two latter cases there is 
a various reading 5t supported by 
important evidence. 

a John xi. 34, 35. Cf. i. 3, 6, 
8 ff. ; ii. 17; iv. 7, 10 ff. ; xv. 
W. G. 

3 i John i. i. The frequency of 
the words Bewpovv, 0ecur0cu, ew/xi- 
KVO.I, which has been already no- 
ticed, is an indication of this cha- 
racteristic of St John. It is worthy 
of notice that in the Gospel and 
Epistles he uses bnly the perfect of 
cpav (ewpaKa), which occurs twenty- 
six times. There can be no doubt 
that tdeupovv is the true reading in 
vi. 2. 


Chap. v. 

Cha. ractcris* 
tic particles. 



Chap. v. 

by a key- 

singularly frequent and important. The view which 
they open of the continuous working of a divine Provi- 
dence and of the sequence of human actions is exactly 
that on which St John may be supposed to have spe- 
cially dwelt, and which he brings out with the greatest 
distinctness. The Jews said unto him It is not lawful for 
us to put any man to death: that (iva) the word of Jesus 
migJit be fulfilled, which he spake signifying by what 
manner of death lie should die 1 . When therefore (ovv) 
he heard that he was sick, he abode at that time two 
days in the place where he was*. 

Another form of connexion is equally characteristic 
of St John and equally instructive. Successive sen- 
tences, no less than the parts of a single sentence, are 
combined by the recurrence of a common word. The 
repetition of the key-words of the former sentence in 
that which follows unites the new statement with that 
which preceded, and yet invests it at the same time 

1 John xviii. 32. The expression 
'iva. 7r\77pw077 is even more frequent in 
St John than in St Matthew (who uses 
also STTWS TrXTjpwflT? & Tore 4rXl#K&fy), 
and it is found not only in the narra- 
tive of the Evangelist (xii. 38; xviii. 9, 
32 ; xix. 24, 36), but also in the dis- 
courses of our Lord (xiii. 18 ; xv. 25 ; 
xvii. 12). The elliptical phrase d\X' 
iva, which occurs also in Mark xiv. 
49, is worthy of particular notice : 
i. 8 ; ix. 3; (xi. 52;) xiii. 18; xiv. 
31 ; xv. 25. i John ii. 19. Other 
examples of the use of 'iva. are inter- 
esting. In many cases it is used 
where in classical Greek a combina- 
tion of the article with the infinitive 
would be the natural construction : 
iv. 34, t/jibv /3/9<I/ia iarw Iva. iroirjau' 
vi. 29; (vi. 40;) xii. 23, e\r)\vdev ?J 
c*j/m Iva. 5oa<r077 ' xiii. i ; xv. 8; xvi. 
30; xvii. 3. i John i. 9 ; ii. 27; 
iv. 17. Cf. xiii. 2, 34; xv. 12, 13, 
17. i John iii. 11/23; v - 3- A t 
other times it takes the place of a 

simple infinitive : xvii. 24, 0e\w Iva. 
...uffLV iv. 47; xvii. 15 ; xix. 31, 
38; xi. 50; xvi. 7. i John iii. i; 
v. 20. In both these cases the idea 
of purpose and design seems to have 
led to the change of expression, 
and this notion is very apparent 
in some simpler examples : xvi. 2, 
pxercu (Spa iva iras...56^r]. x. 17. 
Cf. iii. 17 ; xii. 47 ; v. 7. i John 
v. 16. 

2 John xi. 6. Examples of the 
various characteristic uses of o$v in 
St John will be found in the follow- 
ing passages: ii. 22; iii. 25, 29; iv. 
i, 6, 46 ; vi. 5 ; vii. 25 ; 28 ff. ; viii. 
12, 21 ff., 31, 38; x. 7; xi. 31 ff. ; 
xii. i, 3, 9, 17, 21 ; &<r. The word 
is almost confined to narrative, and 
occurs very rarely in the discourses. 
The sequence which it marks is one 
of fact and not of thought. In the 
Epistles it occurs only 3 John 8. 
In r John ii. 24, iv. 19, it is wrongly 
inserted in some copies. 



with an individual worth. Sometimes the subject is 
repeated : / am the good sJiepherd. The good shepherd 
layeth down His life for the sheep 1 . Sometimes what ap- 
pears to be a subordinate word is transferred to the 
first place : Greater love hath no man than this, that 
a man lay down his life for his friends. Ye are my 
friends..?. Sometimes a clause is repeated which gives 
the theme of the passage : / am the true vine. . .1 am 
the vine: ye the brandies..?; and again, one which 
repeats its closing cadence 4 : The world hated them, 
because they are not of the world, even as I am not of the 
world. . . They are not of the world, even as I am not of the 
world... sanctify them in the truth... that they also may be 
sanctified in truth*. 

This repetition is connected with another peculiarity 
of St John's style, which is observable both in the 
simple sentences and in the connected record the 
spirit of parallelism the informing power of Hebrew 
poetry which runs through it. It would not be pos- 
sible to find a more perfect example of parallelism than 
the blessing of the Lord : Peace I leave with you: my peace 
I give unto you: not as the world giveth, give I unto you. 
Let not your heart be troubled, neither let it be fearful... & . 

1 John x. n. In referring here 
and elsewhere to our Lord's dis- 
courses as recorded by St John for 
illustrations of St John's style, I 
may repeat (to avoid misconstruc- 
tion) what I have said before of the 
relation of the Evangelist to the 
words which he records. Nothing 
can be further from my wish than 
to question the divine authority of 
the Evangelic records of the Lord's 
teaching. But few can suppose that 
the Evangelists have preserved gene- 
rally either the exact or the entire 
words of the discourse recorded. 
St John in particular, from the indi- 

vidual character of his Gospel, ap- 
pears to present exactly so much of 
each discourse as his natural pecu- 
liarities of conception and language 
fitted him to preserve, fulfilling in 
this way his providential function in 
the instruction of the Church. The 
record is absolutely true, and yet 
not complete. 

a John xv. 13, 14. 

3 John xv. i, 5. 

4 John xvii. 14 19. 

s This remarkable characteristic 
finds a place even in the history: 
xviii. 18, 25. 

6 John xiv. 27. 

S 2 

2 7 6 


But such instances are naturally very rare, as they 
are essentially poetical, though simpler forms both of 
direct 1 and antithetic 2 parallelism occur throughout the 
book. The parallelism however which is most charac- 
teristic of St John is a progressive or constructive paral- 
lelism 3 , or rather a symmetrical progression. The sub- 
ject is stated and pursued to a definite result ; it is 
then stated again with the addition of the new con- 
clusion, and carried to another limit. In this way the 
truth is presented, as it were, in a series of concentric 
circles ever-widening : each one in succession includes 
all that have gone before, and is in part determined 
by them 4 . 

This characteristic parallelism in thought and lan- 
guage which is found in the narrative and discourses 
of St John leads the way to the truest appreciation of 
the entire Gospel. It is in fact the divine Hebrew 
Epic. Every part is impressed with the noblest features 
of Hebrew poetry, and the treatment of the subject 
satisfies the conditions of variety, progress, and com- 
pleteness, which, when combined with the essential 
nature of the subject itself, make up the notion of a 
true Epic. The history is not only of national, but 
of universal interest. The development of faith and 
unbelief in the course of the Saviour's life up to the 
last agony of the Passion and the last charge of the 
risen Lord presents a moral picture of unapproach- 
able grandeur. The separate incidents subserve to the 

1 E.g. viii. 23. 25, rjv d [nVrpos] e<rru>s /ecu tffp/icu* 

2 E.g. vii. 6j viii. 14, 35, 38; po/xevos or as the theme: e.g. vi. 
xvi. 16,28. 39, 40; x. 7 

6 One simple form in which this n, 14, fy 

shews itself is the repetition of a xvii. 14 16. 
clause either as the burden of the 
sentence: e.g. vi. 39, 40, 44, ava- 

ifu 97 vpa.' x. 
6 /caXos. Cf. 

4 The discourses in chapp. x. xvii. 
will furnish a sufficient illustration 

' xviii. 1 8, of this method of arrangement. 



exhibition of the one central idea of the Word made 
flesh dwelling among men; and everything is contem- 
plated in its truly poetic, that is, in its permanent 
and typical aspect. Outward magnitude alone is want- 
ing; and if the narrative falls short in mere extent, 
this secondary accident cannot neutralize all the other 
details in which the Gospel fulfils the requirements of 
an Epic. 

But the fact that the Gospel is in the highest sense 
a poem is not to be so interpreted as to bring into 
a prominent light the notion of art or composition : still 
less must it be so misconstrued as to suggest the idea 
of imaginative or creative power. The Gospel is a 
poem, because it is the simple utterance of a mind 
which received into itself most deeply and reproduced 
most simply absolute truth. It is an Epic, because it 
is the divine reflection of the Life of the Son of God, 
not taken in a special aspect, but as the Word mani- 
fested to men. This circumstance alone distinguishes 
it from the other Gospels, which are memoirs rather 
than poems, because they present the Life of Christ 
under limited relations, and not chiefly or uniformly 
in its relation to the Infinite. And if that be a true 
definition of poetry which describes it as the power of 
giving Infinity to things, that is no less truly poetry 
which preserves in a peculiar sense the idea of its In- 
finity in the record of the Divine Life. 

This view of St John's Gospel will be of considerable 
help in understanding its plan ; for while it is the most 
natural outpouring of a soul full of the life of Christ 1 , 
the idea which was foremost in the Apostle's mind 
regulates the order of his narrative. That idea of 
Christ the Incarnate Word satisfying the wants of 

1 E.g. xx. 30. Cf. xxi. 25. 

2 7 8 


humanity finds expression in facts ; and the symmetry, 
which elsewhere is the effect of purpose, is here the 
result, as it were, of an inner law. The subject which 
is announced in the opening verses is realised step by 
step in the course of the narrative. The Word came 
unto His own, and they received Him not; but others 
received Him, and thereby became children of God. 
This is the theme, which requires for its complete treat- 
ment not simply a true record of events or teaching, 
but a view of the working of both on the hearts of men. 
The ethical element is co-ordinate with the historical ; 
and the end which the Evangelist proposes to himself 
answers to this double current of his Gospel. He wrote 
that men might believe the fact that Jesus is the Christ 
the Son of God, and believing by spiritual fellowship 
might have life in His name^. 

After the Introduction (i. I 18), which includes 
within a narrow compass an outline of the personal 
being of the Word, of His Revelation to men, and of 
His Incarnation, the main body ^of the Gospel falls 
into two great divisions, the first (i. 19 xii.) contain- 
ing the record of the Life of Christ, the second the 
record of His Passion (xiii. xx.). The whole is then 
closed by an Epilogue, which carries forward the les- 
sons of the Gospel to the history of the Church (xxi.). 
The division between the two great sections is marked 
by a twofold pause. The Evangelist sums up the faith- 
lessness of the Jews, and connects their final rejection 
of Messiah with the declarations of Prophecy ; and then 
records the words in which the Lord declared His 

1 John xx. 31, ravra 8 ytypairTai 
Iva Trio-retire firt 'Irjeovs eVriv 6 
Xpiords o utos TOU 0eou, Kai 'iva TTI- 
trrejWres uriv ex??re & TV 6v6/maTL 
avTov words which offer an in- 
{tractive contrast to the popular 

theories of a polemical object in 
the Gospel. The Gospel is indeed 
truly polemical so far as the Truth 
is the only complete answer to all 



relation to the Father and the world, foreshadowing the 
judgment which should follow on the rejection of His 
message 1 . 

The first section may be generally described as the 
manifestation of Christ to men. Throughout the whole 
of it, and nowhere afterwards, Christ is described as the 
Light. Under this image He is first presented by St 
John in the Introduction, and at the close of the I2th 
chapter the Lord Himself, when He surveys the course 
of His teaching, repeats it for the last time 2 . A second 
idea is scarcely less characteristic : Christ is not only 
the Light, but He came to give Life 3 . He that fol- 
loweth Me y to use the remarkable words which He ad- 
dressed to the Jews, shall have the Light of Life. The 
manifestation of Christ centres in these truths, and is 
exhibited under two distinct aspects. The first con- 
veys the Announcement of the Gospel (i. 19 iv.) ; the 
second the Conflict (v. xii.). At first during a wide 
range of labour in Judaea and Samaria and Galilee, 
among persons most widely separated by position and 
character, the revelation is made without exciting any 
direct antagonism. The elements of the future conflict 
are present, but visible only to the eye of Him who 
knew what was in man*. The Gospel is laid before the 
world, and the reception which it was destined to meet 
is shewn in detail in the portraiture of typical cases. 
The testimony of the Baptist and of signs (i. 19 ii. 25) 
is followed by personal revelation (iii. iv.). The group 
of the first disciples, Nathanael, Nicodemus, the Sama- 
ritan woman, the Galilaean nobleman, exhibit various 

1 John xii. 36 43 ; 44 50. 

2 The image occurs in i. 4 9; 
iii. 19 ff . ; viii. 12; ix. 5; xii. 35, 

3 The phrases tx tv f W9 7"> & c - oc ~ 

cur thirty times in this section and 

only six times in the remainder of 

the Gospel. 

4 John ii. 25, 

Chap. v. 

(a) The Ma- 
nifestation ' 
oj Christ te 

The An- 



forms of faith and unbelief, and behind these individual 
characters glimpses of the popular feeling are given, 
which serve as a preparation for the next stage of the 
history. In this the Conflict between Christ and the 
Jews grows more and more hopeless, till the chief 
Priests and Pharisees finally determine to put Him to 
death. The desire to kill Him is marked at the open- 
ing of the period, and traced out on several successive 
occasions, till the feeling of the people was ratified 
by the deliberate judgment of the Sanhedrin 1 . In the 
mean time the same course of events which aroused 
the animosity of the Jews tried the spirit of the dis- 
ciples. There is a conflict within as well as without ; 
and they who had welcomed the first proclamation of 
the Gospel advance or fall back in faith as Christ 
revealed more fully His Person and Work 2 . This reve- 
lation proceeds in a threefold order. In the first sec- 
tion Christ is presented as the support of action and 
life (v. vi.); in the second as in a more special sense 
the Light (vii. x.) ; in the third as the giver of life in 
death (xi. xii.). Each of these ideas is illustrated by 
miraculous working ; and the miracle both points the 
lesson, and serves as the centre and startingpoint of 
the discourses which are grouped about it. Now Christ 
gives strength to the impotent man, feeds the multi- 
tude in the wilderness, triumphs over the power of 
nature (v. vi.) ; now He gives sight to the man born 
blind (ix.) ; now He calls Lazarus from the grave (xi.). 
Each division is bound to that which precedes by the 
recollection of earlier conflicts 3 ; and the whole finds its 

1 John v. 1 8, Itfpovv aTTo/creZVar constantly brought out by the Evan- 
vii. i 25; viii. 37 40; xi. 53, <?/3ov- gelist, vi. 6069; vii. 12, 43; ix. 
\fv<ra.VTO iva aTroKTeivwffiv OLurbv. Cf. 16; x. 19. 

viii. 59; x. 31 ; xi. 8. 3 John vii. 19 ff. compared with 

2 The different working of the v. i6ff. ; xi. 8 compared with x. 39. 
Lord's words upon His hearers is 



consummation in the twelfth chapter, which presents 
in the most striking contrasts the fruits of faith and 
unbelief in act (xii. I 22) and sign (28 30) and word 
(4450). Then at the close of Christ's open ministry 
Greeks come to claim admittance to Him of whom the 
Pharisees said in anger BeJwld the world is gone after 
Him (xii. 19 22), and who said Himself, speaking of 
His death, If I be lifted up from (out of) the earth, I 
will draw all men unto myself (xii. 32). 

The second great division of the Gospel (xiii. xx.) 
differs from the first both in the unity of scene and the 
briefness of the period over which it extends, and in the 
general character of its contents. The first describes 
the manifestation of Christ to men ; the second pre- 
sents the varied issues of that manifestation. In re- 
gard both of its substance and of its style it falls into 
two parts, of which the first (xiii. xvii.) contains the 
record of the Saviour's love as seen in His unrestrained 
intercourse with His disciples in the immediate prospect 
of His death ; while the second exhibits the narrative 
of the Passion, as the crowning point of faith on one 
side and unbelief on the other, of humiliation and vic- 
tory, of rejection and confession. A Church is founded 
on the Cross : a ministry is commissioned in the cham- 
ber where the Apostles were gathered together in fear 
of the Jews^. 

The one great subject of the Lord's last discourses 
is the New Commandment, the love of Christians spring- 
ing out of His love, and His Father's love for them 2 . 
The point of departure is a symbolic act, which places 
in the clearest light the ministry of love ; then after the 

Cf. xix. 34 : i 

1 John xx. 19. 
John v. 6, 8. 

2 The words dyavav and dydir-r) 
occur thirty times in these five chap- 

ters (xiii. xvii.) and only thirteen 
times besides in the remainder of 
the Gospel. 



dismissal of the traitor (xiii. 31) the Christian law is 
proclaimed with the warning against St Peter's hasty 
assurance (xiii. 34 38). First love is contemplated as 
it works in the absence of the Lord (xiv.), then as it 
springs from vital union with Him the only source of 
love (xv.), then as it is fulfilled in the strength of the 
promised Spirit (xvi.). And last of all the priestly 
prayer of Christ (xvii.) is itself at once the fullest out- 
pouring of love, and the surest pledge of the support of 
love among Christians. After the record of the Passion 
and Resurrection, in which the glorified human nature 
of the risen Saviour is specially brought out, there 
follow as a last appendix the Promise and the Charge 
for the future. A last Miracle conveys the lesson of 
encouragement to those who toil long : a last com- 
mission distinguishes the work which Christ's servants 
have still to do for Him 1 . 

Even in this rapid outline it is impossible to over- 
look the unity of purpose and plan which runs through 
St John's Gospel. It is not, as the other Gospels, an 
individual view of a common subject, but the substance 
is itself peculiar. It is not only personal in its concep- 
tion and working out, but it deals with the history of 
the Lord personally. It lays open to us the thoughts 
which lie beneath actions, and traces the gradual reve- 
lation of character. But while it is thus in some sense 
more complete than the other Gospels, in so far as it 
contains the complete spiritual portraiture of the Lord 
which is the key to all His outward life, yet in fact it is 
as incomplete as they are. It is a poem and not a 
life the exhibition of the most divine truth of which 
the world has been witness, and not the narrative of 
events which externally considered were infinite. The 
1 See note A at the end of the Chapter. 



Old Testament Prophecies 1 , the Miracles 2 , the Dis- 
courses which it notices, are in one aspect confined in 
range, and yet they open out a way for every thought, 
and point to the Incarnation as the solution of every 
doubt. The materials are rather pregnant with varied 
instruction than copious, exhaustive in their application 
rather than in their form ; but the more the student 
pauses upon what seem abrupt transitions, fragmentary 
utterances, simple repetitions, the more he will advance 
to a certain perception of the absolute unity by which 
the whole Gospel is bound together, and of the infinite 
fulness of the Revelation which it contains in the record 
of the Word made flesh. 

These reflections, which affect the contents of the 
Gospel as well as its style and form, lead to the 
second great point of our inquiry, the relation in which 
the Gospel of St John stands to the Synoptic nar- 
ratives. The general features of difference between 
them have been already noticed 3 , but it remains to 
examine somewhat more in detail the special points 
of variation and coincidence which stamp them with 
the marks of a real independence and of an underlying 

The points of difference between St John and the 
Synoptists are commonly classed under two heads, 
differences as to the place and form of our Lord's teach- 
ing, and differences as to the view which is given of 
His person. 

The Synoptists, it is said, describe the public minis- 
try of Christ as extending only over one year, and 
closing with a visit to Jerusalem, which was at once 
the first and the last which He made. St John on the 

1 See note B. 

3 Pp. 240, 248, 251 f. 

2 See note C. 

Chap. v. 

ii. The rela- 
tion of &t 
John to the 

(a) Points of 

considered as 



Chap. v. 

The objec- 
tions assume 
tke complete- 
ness of each 

other hand records a visit to Jerusalem at the very 
commencement of His work, and notices several visits 
afterwards, which were spread over a period (appa- 
rently) of three years. The Synoptists again combine 
to present a picture of Christ's teaching characterized 
by simplicity, terseness, and vigour, illustrated by fre- 
quent Parables and summed up in striking Proverbs, 
while St John attributes to Him long and deep dis- 
courses, in which the argument is almost hidden by 
what appear to be at first sight monotonous repetitions, 
and in which practical instruction is lost in the mazes of 
mystical speculation. In the former our Lord is de- 
scribed as a great moral reformer, laying open the fun- 
damental principles of the Law which He came to 
fulfil, speaking as a man among men, though clothed 
with the dignity of a Prophet : in the latter from first 
to last He is invested with a divine glory, claiming for 
Himself a relation with the Father which roused to the 
utmost the anger of His enemies, and inspired His fol- 
lowers with hope even in the prospect of bereavement. 
And yet further it is urged that the differences are not 
confined to general differences of time and manner and 
character, but extend to important details of fact, since 
the Miracles which are represented by St John to be 
the turning-points of our Lord's course (as the raising of 
Lazarus) are unnoticed by the Synoptists. 

One answer may be made in common to all these 
objections, and to the last of them no other is neces- 
sary. They proceed upon the assumption that the 
Gospels are complete biographies. They would be of 
great weight if on other grounds there were any reason 
to suppose that the Evangelists either told all the facts 
which they knew, or entertained the idea of writing 
histories. It has however been already shewn that such 


28 5 

a view of their purpose is wholly untenable 1 . The his- 
torical framework of their writings subserved to a doc- 
trinal development. The form and extent of the nar- 
rative was determined by outward circumstances. The 
omission of one or other series of events or discourses 
is not equivalent to an exclusion of them, unless it can 
be shewn that the two supplementary records are incon- 
sistent. All truthful inquiry into the mutual relations 
of the Gospels must be based upon the fullest recog- 
nition of their fragmentariness. The question is not 
Whether this fact is left unnoticed by one ? nor even 
Why is it left unnoticed ? but Is it actually set aside by 
some other record ? Is it irreconcileable either in oc- 
currence or in conception with what we learn from other 
sources ? When the ground is thus limited, few who 
have studied the manifold aspects of the most common- 
place life will be prepared to affirm that differences of 
tone and style, however marked, are necessarily incon- 
sistent when they are attributed to the same character : 
few who have been familiarized with the wide diverg- 
ences in detail of authentic narratives professedly com- 
plete will insist with excessive confidence on different 
ranges of subject in narratives composed for a special 
purpose to which completeness was always subordi- 

But besides this general answer there are other pre- 
sumptions which are sufficient to justify in fact what 
has been urged only as a possibility. The first objec- 
tion that the locality and mode of our Lord's teaching 
as recorded by St John are both different from those 
described by the Synoptists is as much an undesigned 
coincidence as a difficulty. It would be natural to sup- 
pose that the one would be, so to speak, a function of 
1 Pp. 169 ff. 207. 

Chap. v. 

i. The differ- 
ences as to 
locality and 
manner of 
teaching mu- 
tually ex- 
plain each 



Chap. v. 

and iv ere in- 
volved in 
the history of 
the time. 

the other. The hearers and the doctrine are obviously 
connected by considerations of fitness. If it were the 
case that the method of instruction were the same while 
the persons were widely varied, or the persons the same 
while the teaching was changed, it might be fairly 
asked whether such differences would be likely to exist 
within the narrow limits over which the Lord's ministry 
was extended. But as it is, if it appear that there is a 
clear propriety in the twofold variation, answering alike 
to the immediate object and to the permanent office of 
the books, then the ground of objection becomes an 
indication of providential design. The want of all 
ages is found to be satisfied in the record of the Sa- 
viour's labours in different countries and among dif- 
ferent men. 

That there was such a division in the Jewish nation 
as is implied in the characteristics of the mass of our 
Lord's hearers in the Synoptists and St John is an un- 
questionable fact. On the one side the peasantry of 
Galilee that 'warlike race/ as Josephus describes them 
who had in earlier times withstood the chariots of 
Sisera, and were yet again to vindicate their inde- 
pendence against the arms of Rome 1 still clung to 
the literal faith of their fathers in simplicity and zeal. 
They wished to raise Jesus to an earthly throne 2 , and 
led Him in their Paschal train to the Holy City 3 . 
Their religion lay in action and their faith in obedience. 
But far different was the state of those Jews who had 

1 Compare Dr Stanley's Sermons 
on the Apostolic Age, p. 84 note. 

2 John vi. 15. The addresses 
which followed in the Synagogue at 
Capernaum to 'the Jews' (vv. 41, 
52) may be compared with that in 
the Synagogue at Nazareth (Luke 
iv. 1 6 ft'.) at the beginning of Christ's 
ministry as to its tone and results. 

3 John xii. 12 19. While St 
John recognizes the peculiar charac- 
ter of this Galilean multitude, he 
does not detail the teaching ad- 
dressed to them, which we mid in 
the other Evangelists. This clearly 
points to a difference of scope and 
not to a divergence of tradition. 


been brought into contact with Greek intellect or Ro- 
man order. For them new regions of thought were 
opened which seemed to indicate that religion was only 
for the wise. They felt the full difficulty of founding 
any universal earthly sway, and either rejected the 
Messianic hopes as the result of fanaticism, or saw in 
the course of things around them the signs of some 
mighty spiritual change which should more than fulfil 
the metaphors of the ancient Prophets. To the former 
class, whether at Capernaum or at Jerusalem, we find 
the truths of Christianity addressed in their plainness 
and active power. Parables and maxims are multiplied 
to enliven their apprehension and direct their energy 1 . 
And on this teaching the missionary Gospels were natu- 
rally based, the Gospels of the Church's infancy and 
growth, because the same conditions which shaped the 
form of instruction in the first instance called for its 
preservation afterwards. But to those who were reared 
under other influences, to the student of the law, the 
teacher of Israel, to the Samaritan perplexed with doubts 
about the traditions of her fathers, to the cavillers who 
reposed in blind confidence on the Law which was 
daily presented to them in the splendour of a noble 
ritual, to the disciples growing in faith and yet unable 
to bear all that a loving Teacher would disclose, other 
modes of instruction were adapted. Now an awakening 
dialogue, now a startling revelation, now an outpouring 
of righteous zeal or gentle tenderness, furnished the 
materials for that Gospel which penetrates to the 
depths of individual life. Yet the popular and the 
personal styles of thought and language are perfectly 

1 The Parables addressed to the them in the presence and (as it 
Rulers and Pharisees in Matt. xxi. seems) for the instruction of the 
28; xxii. r ff. were addressed to multitude. Cf. Matt. xxi. 26, 46. 



Chap v. 

ike Synop- 
tists allow t]f 
an extended 

which is an- 

harmonious. The histories which severally record them 
are not contradictory but complementary. They do 
not exclude but imply one another. They recognise 
generic differences which, as we know, existed among 
the Jews at the time ; and it is no small proof of 
their authenticity that they satisfy the requirements 
of those great national parties in Judaea which could 
scarcely have been realised by a writer whose ideas 
were drawn from a time when the centre of Jewish life 
was destroyed. 

Yet it may be said that this general harmony be- 
tween the two forms of teaching and the two classes 
of hearers is no answer to differences as to the time 
and place of Christ's ministry as given by the different 
Evangelists. If the time were extended, if the place 
were varied, then the change in style would be intel- 
ligible ; but the narrative of the Synoptists recognises 
no such extension or movement. Here the incomplete- 
ness of the records precludes the possibility of a per- 
fect answer, but it is enough that the Synoptists at 
least allow that the ministry of our Lord may have 
been as long and as diversified as St John relates; 
and, indeed, many old writers, in their anxiety to esta- 
blish a harmony between the Gospels, found in the 
fourth only an appendix to the other three, designed 
to fix their chronology and supply details which they 
left unnoticed. 

The very nature of the first promulgation of the 
Gospel, if we apprehend it according to the common 
laws of history, demanded a lengthened period for its 
accomplishment 1 . Apart from any express data, it 

1 It is useful to call to mind con- 
stantly the extreme uncertainty 
| which hangs over the exact length 
i of our Lord's ministry. The only 

certain limits within which it must 
lie are \^Q fifteenth year of the reign 
oj Tiberius (Lukeiii. i, A.D. 28) and 
the recall of Pilate, just before the 



must seem incredible that the course of events which 
the Synoptists relate could have been compressed into 
a single year. Such narrow limits leave no adequate 
space for the development of faith in the disciples, for 
the transition from hope to hatred in the mass of the 
people, for the varied journeys on both sides of Jordan 
and to the borders of Tyre and Sidon, for the missions 
of the Apostles and the Seventy, without supposing a 
haste almost a precipitancy in the consummation of 
Christ's personal work which finds no parallel in the 
history of His preparation or in the labours of the 
Apostles. But in fact the Synoptists imply in rare pas- 
sages the existence of a much more extended ministry 
than they have described. St Luke by a casual date 
marks the occurrence of a Passover in the middle of his 
narrative 1 ; and the various allusions to Jerusalem which 
are scattered through the first three Gospels shew that 
the Lord must have been there before the time of the 
Passion 2 ; while St John on the other hand expressly 
notices that an earlier visit was made purposely in such 

death of that Emperor, A.D. 37, 
which leaves room enough for the 
tradition mentioned by Irenaeus, on 
the authority of Asiatic tradition, 
that our Lord was at least 40 years 
old at the time of His death (Iren. 
c. Har. ii. 22. 5). Even in the 
time of Irenseus there was no satis- 
factory information on the point; 
and the uncertainty of the Jewish 
calendar will not allow of any con- 
clusion based on the day of the Pas- 
chal festival. Allowing that St John 
only mentions three Passovers (ex- 
cluding v. i), I know of no argu- 
ments which can prove that he 
notices every Passover in the course 
of our Lord's ministry ; and in 
such a case it seems by far the 
wisest course to leave the question 

W. G. 

undecided, as the Gospels leave it. 
On the other hand it must be re- 
membered that a very strong case 
has been made out by Mr Browne 
(Ordo Sceclorum} for the limitation 
of the Lord's ministry to a single 
year. If there were direct evidence 
for the omission of rd irdffxa in John 
vi. 4 his arguments would appear to 
be convincing. 

1 Luke vi. I, tv ffatUjBaTy devrepo- 
TT/awry, yet it must be noticed that 
the word is omitted by important 
authorities ; NBL al. 

2 Cf. Matt. iv. 25; xxiii. 37 39 
(iro<rd.Kts, airapTi) ; xxvii. 57. Luke 
x. 38 ff. (cf. John xi. 5). See also 
Matt. xix. i (cf. John x. 40) ; viii. 
1 8. 


Chap. v. 

A d . n the 
form of our 
offer paral- 
lels to St 

2. Difier- 
ences as to 
our Lord's 

a way as to avoid popular notice, because tJie time 
(/cat/oo?) was not yet fulfilled*-. 

The objection which is drawn from the variations in 
the form of our Lord's teaching admits also of a similar 
answer. The diversity is not only a necessary result of 
the diversity of hearers, as an extended scene was re- 
quired by the nature of the message, but is actually 
recognised as existing in our present records. There 
are mutual coincidences between St John and the Syn- 
optists which break the abruptness of the transition 
from the one to the other. One fragment preserved 
by St Matthew and St Luke presents the closest re- 
semblance in tone and manner to the discourses in St 
John 2 ; and St John, while he avoids the exact type 
of the parable, has preserved the relation of addresses 
and acts which are only parables transformed 3 . In this 
respect it might seem that the differences of teaching 
lead us beyond the two great classes of hearers in 
Galilee and Jerusalem, and offer a characteristic trait 
which distinguishes the mass of Galilaean followers from 
the closer circle of the Apostles. 

It is not necessary to examine at length the last 
objection, which rests on the twofold view of the Lord's 
Person given in the Gospels. So far as the differences 
on which this is based have any real existence, they 
have been already noticed. They belong to the essence 

1 John vii. 6, 10. St John him- 
self in this passage implies that Ga- 
lilee was the chief theatre of our 
Lord's teaching and works (ver. 3, 
4), though he had recorded two pre- 
vious visits to Jerusalem. In other 
places he leaves ample room for the 
Galilsean ministry: ii. 12 ; iv. 43, 
54 ; v. i ; vi. i ; vii. i. 

- Matt. xi. 2530. Luke x. 

3 John x. i 3 (irapoifj.tav } ver. 

6) ; xv. i 6; xii. 24 ; xvi. 21. John 
xiii. 4 12. Compare John iii. 29 
with Matt. ix. 15. It is worthy of 
notice that our Lord is represented 
as veiling the great mystery of His 
death under symbolic language both 
by St John and by the Synoptists : 
John iii. 14; Matt. xii. 40; John 
ii. 20; Luke xiii. 32. For a still 
earlier revelation of the same truth 
compare John i. 29 with Luke ii. 35. 
Compare p. 295, n. 4. 



of supplementary records of Christ's life. They are 
recognised in the Creeds as well as in the Bible. And 
all the circumstances connected with the fuller reve- 
lation of His glory were calculated to call it forth. 
The time, the persons, the occasion, were suited for the 
teaching of the greater mysteries which must have been 
taught if Christianity is true. And there is a propor- 
tion preserved between the communication of the doc- 
trine and the record of it which harmonizes with the 
general character of Scripture. The deeper truth was 
committed not to the multitude but to the few; and 
the writing in which it is preserved was not the com- 
mon witness of the Church, but the testimony of a loved 

The consideration of the differences between the 
Synoptists and St John has already led to the notice 
of some of their coincidences. These extend to facts, 
to teaching, and to character; and contribute in no 
slight degree to invest the fourth Gospel with those 
attributes of reality and life which are too commonly 
lost sight of in the discussion of its peculiar character- 

The manner in which St John alludes to some of the 
cardinal points of our Lord's life illustrates the usage of 
the Synoptists with regard to the lapse of time which 
takes place in their history. He assumes as known 
that which he nowhere specifies. His full meaning is 
first perceived when contemplated in the light of facts 
which are only recorded by others. Though he does 
not relate in the course of his narrative the details of 
the Incarnation, the Baptism, the Last Supper, or the 
Ascension, yet he gives peculiar and unequivocal inti- 
mations of each event. The first statement of the In- 
carnation is absolute : it stands as a vast truth apart 


Chap. v. 

(/3) Points 
of Coinci- 

i. In Facts. 




rom all relation to individuals 1 . But at the beginning 
of our Lord's ministry, before He had manifested forth 
His glory -, the Mother of Jesus looked to Him in perfect 
dependence on His power now that He had commenced 
His public ministry and gathered His disciples round 
Him 2 . The life of subjection which was then at length 
closed explains the nature of her request ; and the 
critical character of the moment is brought out yet 
more distinctly in the answer Woman what have I to do 
with thee? which places in the clearest contrast the free- 
dom of spiritual action and the claims of private duty. 
The history of the Infancy and the first Miracle at Cana 
mutually explain each other. An act which is related 

one Evangelist carries out the thoughts which are 
noticed by another 3 . Perfect independence issues in 
perfect harmony. In another aspect of the same great 
fact St John dwells on the doctrine while the Synoptists 
detail the events. St Matthew and St Luke narrate 
at length the history of the Miraculous Conception, 
and St John dwells with especial fulness on the eter- 
nal Sonship of Christ which is its divine correlative. 
The two truths must stand or fall together ; for a Co- 
rinthian mean can never express that union of God 
and man which is alone sufficient to assure our hearts 
of redemption. 

If we pass from the Incarnation to the Baptism we 
find in this also the same silence and the same implied 
knowledge of the circumstances of the occurrence. 
When John the Baptist first appears, his great work is 

1 John i. 14, o X670S <r<i/> tyt- Kal crol ytivai ; with the correspond- 
VTO. ing words from the cross (xix. 26) 

2 John ii. i ff. St John alone of Tvvai tde 6 wos cov, as St John 
the Evangelists does not mention stood by ready to take her tmto his 
the name of the Mother of the Lord. own home. 

It is a point full of instruction to 3 Luke ii. 51. 

compare the phrase (ver. 4) 



done. The Christ is recognised. When Jesus comes, 
as it appears, from the scene of the Temptation 1 , he 
revealed Him to others and witnessed, saying, / have 
seen the Holy Spirit descending as a dove from heaven 
and it abode upon Him*. 

The allusions to the Christian Sacraments are 
equally characteristic though they are of a different 
kind. Nothing is said of the institution of the Eucharist 
or of Holy Baptism, and yet the conversation with Ni- 
codemus 3 and the discourse at Capernaum stand in the 
closest relation with them, and unfold and enforce the 
inner meaning of rites with which the Apostle must 
have been familiar as ordinances of Christ 4 . 

The references to the Ascension are perhaps the 
most remarkable example of the manner in which St 
John includes the historical fact in the spiritual neces- 
sity of it. He gives at length the discourses in which 
the need and the consequences of the event are ex- 
plained at full : after recording the Resurrection, he 
relates the remarkable address of our Lord to Mary, 
in which it is contemplated as an immediate occur- 
rence ; and yet he says nothing of the fulfilment of the 
promise 5 . It is enough that the fact was a part of the 

1 This seems to be the natural 
way of connecting the narratives of 
St John and the Synoptists, and to 
involve no difficulty. 

2 The apparent discrepancy be- 
tween John i. 31 and Matt. Hi. 14 
disappears when we remember that 
the fulfilment of John's public mis- 
sion was to be indicated by a defi- 
nite sign (John i. 31 35), and thus 
his personal knowledge (Matt. iii. 
14, 15) was independent of his 
power of prophetic recognition (John 


3 John iii. 5. Cf. [Mark] xvi. 16; 
Acts ii. 38. 

4 It may also be added that while 
neither the Transfiguration nor the 
Agony are mentioned by St John 
the influence of both events is visi- 
ble in his record. 

5 John xx. 17. With this may 
be compared the fact that while St 
John gives most fully the Discourse 
on the Mission of the Comforter, 
it is St Luke who records the de- 
scent of the Holy Spirit (Acts ii.), 
though he does not notice the ante- 
cedent promise. So again St John 
alone notices the special commission 
of the Apostles (xx. 2 1 , 2 2 : cf. Matt, 
xxviii. 19, 20), which is afterwards 

Chap. v. 

The Eucha- 
rist: Holy 

The Ascen- 



divine order. As such for him it was, and his readers 
knew from other sources how it took place 1 . 

The marked distinction between the teaching of our 
Lord as recorded by St John and by the Synoptists has 
been recognised most fully, but it has been shewn that 
there are points of connexion by which the two are in 
some degree united. This connexion admits of being 
presented somewhat more in detail in regard of the 
substance as well as of the manner of the teaching. 
There is indeed something of characteristic difference 
both in the conception and in the expression of the 
same truths, but such that the difference contributes to 
the completeness of the final idea. Thus in St Matthew 
the crowning doctrine of the Holy Trinity is expressed 
in the formula of Baptism : in St John it is contem- 
plated in the personal relation of the Christian to the 
Father and the Son and the Comforter 2 . The mystery 

seen to be realized in the history of 
the Church. 

In illustration of the usage of St 
John it may be remarked that St 
Paul presupposes the mystery of the 
Incarnation without expressly stat- 
ing it (Rom. i. 4; ix. 5; Gal. iv. 4, 
5), and includes the Ascension in 
the Resurrection (i Thess. i. 10). 
The Pauline teaching of the second 
Adam (i Cor. xv. 45) may also be 
compared with John iii. 6. 

1 At the one meeting-point of 
all the Gospels before the history of 
the Passion (John vi. i ff. and paral- 
lel accounts) their harmony is per- 
fect. The recurrence in all the nar- 
ratives of /c60tj>os, which is only used 
in the account of this Miracle in the 
New Testament, is worthy of no- 

Among other facts which St John 
mentions incidentally as well-known 
are the calling of the twelve (ticXt- 
cw0cu, John vi. 70: cf. Lukevi. 13): 
the difference between our Lord's 

birthplace and place of abode (John 
vii. 42) : His relation to Joseph (i. 
46; vi. 42). 

This clear presupposition of an 
accurate acquaintance with the facts 
of the life of Christ, which is shewn 
in these minute references and pene- 
trates the whole Gospel, has two 
important bearings, which, although 
necessarily connected, yet refer to 
different lines of thought. In detail' 
it tends to establish the minute truth 
of the events recorded by the Evan- 
gelists ; and more generally, by 
shewing that the spiritual aspect of 
the Evangelic facts was revealed at 
a time when the simple narratives 
were already current, it refutes the 
theory of an imaginary history in- 
vented to supply a mental want. 
The truth lay in the facts ; but the 
facts were accepted in themselves 
before their inner meaning was laid 

2 Matt, xxviii. 19; John xv. xvi. 



of the Atonement lies at the bottom of many of our 
Lord's last words to His disciples, but it nowhere is 
stated with such simple distinctness as in the phrase 
recorded by St Matthew and St Mark, in which it is 
said that the Son of man came... to give His life a 
ransom for many 1 . In the Synoptists no less than in 
St John Christ claims for Himself the possession of all 
power*, the forgiveness of sins, the sole revelation of 
the Father 3 . In both there are traces of the same 
images, of the same thoughts, of the same language 4 . 

j Tim. ii. 6. 

2 Matt, xxviii. 18. Cf. xxii. 41 

3 Matt. xi. 27. 

1 Matt. xx. 28; Mark x. 45 (Xrf- 
rpov avrl TTO\\&V}. The word \tirpov 
is not found elsewhere in the New 
Testament. 'AvTiXvrpov occurs in 

4 The following examples will be sufficient to justify what is said : 

(1) Coincidences in Imagery. 

John iii. 3 (the new birth) ; Matt, xviii. 3 (become as little 
children). Compare also Matt. xiii. 52 (ypa.w- /J.a6rjT.). 

John iv. 35 ; Matt. ix. 37 (the great Harvest). 

John x. 7; Matt, xviii. 12 (the Good Shepherd). 

John xiii. i ff.; Luke xii. 37 (the Master serving). Cf. Luke 
xxii. 27. 

John xiii. 16; Matt. x. 24, 25 (the Master and Servant). 

John iii. 29; Matt. xxii. 2 (the Bridegroom). 

John xv. 2; Matt. vii. 19 (Unfruitfulness). 

(2) Coincidences in Thought. 

John v. 14; Matt. xii. 43 45 (the worse thing). 

John ix. 39; Matt. xiii. 13. Cf. John xii. 40 (the eyes 

John xiii. 20; Matt. x. 40 (the Father received by the faith- 

John v. 30 ; Matt. xxvi. 39 (the Father's will done). 

John iii. 17; Luke ix. 56 (the Mission to save). 

John vii. 29; x. 15; Matt. xi. 27 (the Father known to 

(3) Coincidences in Language. 

John iv. 44; Matt. xiii. 57 (the Prophet without honour). 

John xii. 25 ; Luke xvii. 33 (the soul loved and lost). 

John v. 8; Mark ii. 9 (the words of healing). 

To these may be added the parallel reports of the judgment of the people: 
(i) John iv. 19; Luke vii. 16: (2) John vi. 42; Matt. xiii. 55: (3) John 
vii. 15; Matt. xiii. 54. And while it is a Synoptist (Matt. xxvi. 61) who 
mentions the special charge against the Lord of speaking against the 
Temple, St John alone gives the words which led to the charge (John ii. 19; 
cf. Matt. xii. 6). 



And it is most important to observe that St John no- 
where attributes to our Lord the key-words of his own 
terminology. In his Gospel, as in the others, Christ 
speaks of Himself as the Son or the Son of man, and 
never as the Word 1 . 

One other point of coincidence between the Syn- 
optists and St John still remains to be noticed, the 
coincidence of the characters which they describe. The 
scene varies, the manner varies, the substance in some 
sense varies, but the great figures who give life to the 
picture are the same. This kind of resemblance, which 
in fiction is one of the subtlest refinements of art, in such 
writings as the Gospels is a clear sign of absolute truth. 
Where it cannot spring from elaborate design, it must 
be the result of faithful portraiture. 

It has been often and most truly said that the cha- 
racter of our Lord as drawn by the Evangelists is in 
itself the one sufficient proof of their veracity. No cha- 
racter could have been further removed from the popu- 
lar idea of the time, none more entirely beyond the 

1 John iii. 10 21 and 27 36 and 'I. Xp. as explanations of what 

precedes added by the Evangelist, 
which do not modify but only define 
the sense. Cf. i John v. 20. The 
title Jesus Christ is commonly given 
to our Lord in the Acts and Epistles, 
but occurs only in the introductions 
to the Gospels [except Matt. xvi. 21, 
which is a most instructive passage]: 
Matt. i. i, 16, 18; Mark i. i; John 
i. 17, or, in other words, in those 
sections which formed no part of the 
original tradition. This peculiarity 
is important as shewing the two 

might at first sight seem exceptions 
to this remark. Yet on a careful 
reading of the passages it seems im- 
possible not to feel that the Evan- 
gelist is in part commenting on and 
explaining the testimony which he 
records. The comments seem to 
begin respectively at verses 16 and 
31. These additions will seern less 
singular if we remember that they 
set forth the spiritual essence of 
Christianity in relation to the legal 
righteousness and to the preparatory 
mission of the Baptist. 

These explanatory comments re- 
ceive a striking illustration from a 
single phrase introduced into John 
xvii. 3. The title 'I^ous Xptaros 
in such a connexion is wholly with- 
out parallel in the Gospels ; and we 
must, I think, regard rbv p. d\. 0e6i> 

stages in the history of the Gospels, 
though it will not bear out the con- 
clusion which Dr Dobbin (Davidson, 
Introd. i. 421 ff. ) drew from it, as 
to the priority of the Gospels in their 
present form to the Epistles. Cf. 
pp. 207 ff. 


conception of men reared amidst dreams of national 
hope, and checked at every step by the signs of foreign 
power. A natural awe commonly hinders us from pic- 
turing to ourselves the Person of our Blessed Lord with 
any individual distinctness. In one sense it is true that 
He has no individuality, for the aspects of His human 
nature are practically infinite ; but we do not even 
apprehend His character individually in the different 
lights in which it is presented. The mind shrinks from 
analysis, lest criticism should take the place of devo- 
tion ; and yet there is a sense in which even we may 
see Christ in the flesh, and strengthen our faith by the 
contemplation of those traits of a divine humanity which 
furnish for all ages the perfect type of life. Touching 
only on one small border of this subject, we may 
notice some features in the character of our Lord which 
are traced both by the Synoptists and St John. The 
variety of the circumstances establishes the truthfulness 
of the impression, and helps to present the Saviour to 
us, not as a mere embodiment of an idea, as some have 
taught, but moving in a world of action, and influenced 
by the complex feelings to which we are subject. At 
the beginning and the close of His work, St John, as 
we have already seen 1 , shews how He drew a line be- 
tween natural and spiritual claims: so do the Synoptists; 
they relate that He stretched forth His hand to His dis- 
ciples and said Behold my mother and my brethren, when 
for a moment His earthly kindred sought to interrupt 
His work of mercy 2 . By the well at Sychar He 'sat 
down wearied, and then forgot His request and His 
fatigue in conversing with the Samaritan, so that His 
disciples prayed Him saying Master eat: but He said 

1 p. -292, n. 2. 

2 Matt. xii. 46 ff.; Mark iii. 32 ff.; Luke viii. 19 ff. 


unto tJiem I have meat to eat that ye know not of 1 . And 
similarly St Mark records that after He had retired 
into the wilderness with His disciples, for they had no 
leisure so much as to eat; when He saiv much people, He 
2vas moved with compassion toward them, and began to 
teach them many tilings*. In each case the same bodily 
want is recognised, and in each case it yields to the 
pressure of a higher desire. The Jews when they saw 
His acts of authority said to Him What sign shewest 
Thou to us, seeing tliat TJiou doest these things ? Jesus 
answered and said to them Destroy this temple and in 
tJiree days I will raise it lip. An evil and adulterous 
generation, He said in another place, seeketh after a 
sign ; and tJiere shall be no sign given to it, but the sign 
of Jonas tJie Prophet*. In both cases the manner, the 
thought, the lesson, are the same. We feel that both 
are utterances of the same Person, and yet such that 
no mere power of imitation could have passed from 
one to the other. John, when in prison, sent to ask 
Christ Art Thou He that should come, or do we look 
for another ? Jesus answered. . . Go and shew John those 
things which ye do hear and see... If I had not come 
and spoken unto them, they had not had sin... If I had 
not done among them the works which none other man 
did, they had not had sm...*. The testimony of word 
and deed, that is enough to reassure the last Prophet 
who would have hastened, it may be, the glory of 
Christ's kingdom, and to condemn those who had seen 
and hated both Him and His Father. A short sentence 
from the lips of one who knew what was in man lays 
open the whole inner life and brings to its final issue 
the struggle which divides it, whether of faithful re- 

1 Johniv. 6, 7, 31 ff. 

2 Mark vi. 31 ff. Cf. Mark iii. 20. 

3 John ii. 19; Matt. xii. 39. 

4 Matt. xi. 4; John xv. 22, 24. 



pentance, as when He said Go call thy husband, or of 
sad abandonment, as when He gave the command to 
him whom He loved, Go sell whatever thou hast, and 
give to the poor 1 . Nicodemus, when he seemed to claim 
for himself the gift of wise discernment, was met by 
the answer Except a man be born again he cannot see 
the kingdom of God. When the disciples disputed Who 
is the greatest? Jesus set a little child in the midst 
of them and said Except ye be converted and become as 
little children, ye shall not enter into the kingdom of hea- 
ven' 2 '. The multitude crowded round Him in wild anger/ 
and He hid Himself, and going tJirough the midst o 
them so passed by, if perhaps their sin might be yet 
averted 3 . The same simple words Follow me mark 
the discipleship of Philip in St John which elsewhere 
determine the call of Matthew 4 . The over-zealous re- 
quest of St Peter was anticipated by a question which 
reproved his zeal, and in the same way the salutation of 
Nathanael seems to have replied to the doubts with 
which his mind was filled 5 . In St John, as in the 
Synoptists, the dealing of our Lord with those who 
came to Him is everywhere marked by the same ab- 
solute insight, so that His words were the touchstone 
by which their thoughts were revealed. Love is blended 
with judgment, and the voice of encouragement with 
the call to faith, in a way which finds no parallel in 
history. The image is divine, and bears witness to a 
divine prototype. 

The vastness of the character of the Lord is best 
seen by contrast with any of the other characters in 

1 John iv. 16; Mark x. 21. 

2 John iii. 3 (oi'5a / aej', ver. 2); Matt, 
xviii. i ff. 

3 John viii. 59 (the idea remains 
the same if the last clause is omit- 

ted) ; Luke iv. 30. 

4 John i. 44 (cf. xxi. 19) ; Matt. 
ix. 9 (cf. viii. 22). Compare also 
SeOre diriaa} /wou in Matt. iv. 19. 

6 Matt. xvii. 25; John i. 47, 48. 

Chap. v. 

The charac- 
ter ofSt 



the Gospels. These, however noble, are yet limited, 
and capable of being realised in a definite form. Eveiy 
one has a distinct conception of St Peter and St John. 
They have an individuality which in this sense our Lord 
could not have ; and St Peter above all is the one in 
whom this is most marked. Quick in action even to 
rashness, and bold in word even to presumption, he is 
yet the founder of the outward Church. In St John, 
and in the Synoptists, the essential outlines of his cha- 
racter answer to the symbolic name which all the 
Evangelists notice as given to him by Christ 1 ; and 
several corresponding traits may be placed together so 
as to shew the real unity which lies beneath the differ- 
ent narratives. In the first two Gospels it is related 
that when our Lord began to speak of His coming 
sufferings at Jerusalem, Peter took Him and began to 
rebuke Him, saying Be it far from Thee Lord: this shall 
not be to Thee. In St John, when at the Last Supper 
Christ served His disciples and girded Himself to wash 
their feet, Peter saith to Him Thou sJialt never wash 
my feet*. He cannot for a moment endure the thought 
of the humiliation of his Lord, whether among His 
enemies or His own followers ; and if he adds after- 
wards with the over-haste of a natural reaction : Lord 

1 John i. 43, 2i> el Zi'juwj/ 6 
'Iwcu'ou* cri) K\r}0r)<rr} K?706s, 6 
veverat ITerpos. This prophetic nam- 
ing (K\T)dr)<rrj) may have been repeat- 
ed at the commission of the Twelve, 
though there is nothing in the lan- 
guage used in describing that event 
which necessarily leads to that con- 
clusion (Matt. x. 2, Zt/uwj' 6 Xe76- 
fj.fvos Utrpos. Mark iii. 16, icai ^W- 
dyKfv 6i>o/u.a. T$ Sfyiwvt \\rpov. Luke 
vi. 14, S. $v KO.I wv6fji.aff ntrpov). 
St Mark uses the same phrase of the 
title of the sons of Zebedee : nal tirt- 

avTois ivb^ara "Boavrjpy^s, a 
title which evidently points to some 
special fact, which can hardly have 
been connected with their appoint- 
ment to the Apostolate. The con- 
trast between John i. 43, tri) el^l/uuav, 
and the phrase preserved by St Mat- 
thew in the record of the confession 
is very striking: Matt. xvi. 18, <ri> 
el Utrpos. The prophecy was then 

2 Matt. xvi. 21 ff. ; Mark viii. 
31 ff.; John xiii. 8. 



not my feet only, but also my hands and my head ; it is 
as when at the Transfiguration he would have built 
three tabernacles for Christ and Moses and Elias, not 
knowing what he said, but eager to realise to the full 
a blessing of which he only half perceived the import, 
and unable to wait in calm assurance on the will of 
his Master 1 . This impatient energy, which seems to 
be ever striving after the issues of things, made him 
give expression in many cases to the thoughts which 
others cherished, perhaps vaguely 2 . Thus it was in 
his noble confession of Christ's divine majesty, in which 
St John has preserved one trait of singular interest. 
According to the details which he has recorded, the 
confession itself was connected with action : Lord, to 
whom shall we go away ? Thou hast words (prj^ara) 
of eternal life*, and in virtue of this practical power he 
received the special charge : Do thou when thou art con- 
verted strengthen thy brethren*. Elsewhere he would 
know of the future of himself or others : Behold we 
forsook all and followed Thee, what shall we have there- 
fore*?... Lord, and what shall this man do*? He can- 
not rest in uncertainty where knowledge might prove 
the guide to deeds. If the Lord spoke of blind leaders, 
he said Declare to us the Parable : if of watchful service, 
Lord, speakest Thou this Parable unto (77/309) us, or even 
tmto all? if of a traitor among the Apostles, he beck- 
oned to the disciple who leaned on Jesus' bosom, Tell 

1 Johnxiii. 9; Matt. xvii. 4; Mark the true complement of Luke v. 8 

ix. 5, 6; Lukeix. 33. 

2 This is seen in several little 
traits: Mark xi. 21, avafJLvrjffdels 6 
Hlrpos Xyei. Matt. xxi. 20, I86vres 
01 /m.aOrjTa.1 eQav/naa-av. Luke viii. 45, 
tlirev 6 II. KCCI ol abv avrf. Mark v. 

Cf. Matt. xvi. 17 j Mark viii. 29; 
Luke ix. 20. 

4 Luke xxii. 31 f. av TTOTC ^TTI- 



3 John vi. 68, 69. The words are ri ; 

6 Matt. xix. 27. Cf. Mark x. 28: 
Luke xviii. 28. 

John xxi. 21, Kv'/ue, oJroj 5 

5 U * 


wJio it is of whom He speaks: if of a coming separation, 
Lord, why cannot I follow Thee now 1 ? Frequently the 
characteristics of St Peter are seen in action. Now he 
would pay the Temple-tribute for Christ, as jealous 
for His ritual righteousness: now he follows Him with 
a sword to Gethsemane 2 . We feel at once that the 
walking on the waters and the failing faith are a true 
figure of his following Christ to the place of judgment 
and then denying Him*. At the outset his zeal and 

1 Matt. xv. 15; Luke xii. 41; 
John xiii. 24 (cf. p. 269, n. i) ; John 
xiii. 37. Compare the question in 
Matt, xviii. 2 1 : Lord how oft shall 
my brother sin against me and I for- 
give him ? 

a Matt, xviii. 24; John xviii. 10. 

3 Matt. xiv. 28; xxvi. 35, and 
parallels. Much discussion has been 
raised as to the narratives of the 
denial of St Peter, and the differ- 
ences which occur in them are gene- 
rally insisted upon as offering the 
clearest proof of the impossibility of 
maintaining the verbal accuracy of 
the Evangelists. A comparison of 
the texts in question rather creates 
surprise that difficulty should have 
been felt by any who picture the 
scene as it may be supposed to have 

All the Evangelists fix the place 
as the same, the Court of the High 
Priest (77 av\r) TOV apxteptus, Matt. 
xxvi. 58; Mark xiv. 54; Luke xxii. 

54> 555 J onn xviii - J 6> 17)- The 
narrative of St John, which distin- 
guishes a hearing before Annas from 
the hearing before Caiaphas, yet 
clearly implies that all the denials 
were made in the same spot (xviii. 
1 8, 25). From this fact connected 
with Luke xxii. 61, &-Y. it seems 
probable that the House of the High 
Priest included the official apart- 
ments of Annas and Caiaphas (cf. 
Strauss, 127). 

But it is said, the persons who 
provoke Peter to the denial are dif- 

ferently given. This requires care- 
ful notice, (i) All the Evangelists 
agree that the first question was put 
by a damsel (Matt. xxvi. 69, u,ia TTO.L- 
diaKr}. Mark xiv. 66, [iLa. rCJv irai- 
dta-Kuv TOV dpxie-p^wj. Luke xxii. 
56, TTcuSta/cT? Tis. John xviii. 17, ij 
Traidio-Krj i] dvpupos). St John adds 
that she was the Portress, St Luke 
that the question was put as St Peter 
sat by the fire: so far all is perfectly 
harmonious, for I do not notice the 
variations in the words of the ques- 
tion, which are Greek renderings of 
the Aramaic, and perfectly agree in 
sense. (2) In the narrative of the 
second denial the persons who assail . 
St Peter are variously given. St 
Matthew (71) says another woman- 
(a\\7?); St Mark (69) the same dam- 
sel (17 TTcuSiV/c?/); St Luke (58) another 
man (repos); St John (25) simply 
they said (etTrov). The phrase of St 
John brings the whole scene before 
us as the others describe it in de- 
tail. A crowd is gathered round 
the fire (John xviii. 18): the por- 
tress tells her suspicions to the. 
bystanders (Mark xiv. 69) : the ac- 
cusation is repeated by various per- 
sons, and St Peter left the group 
(Matt. xxvi. 71), Qf\06vra et's TOV 
7ri/Ao3i/a), repeating his hasty denial 
(Mark xiv. 70, i\pvdTo. No one 
uses the imperfect in the former 
case). (3) This most natural con- 
ception of the event is further 
brought out on the third denial. St 
Luke (59) says, another said Of a 



courage are unbounded ; then follows the swift and 
complete reaction. St John first looks into the empty 
sepulchre, but St Peter first enters it 1 . St John first 
recognises the risen Lord on the sea of Tiberias, but 
St Peter first casts himself into the water to be with 
Him 2 . Perfect truthfulness alone can account for the 
minute harmony of all the features in such a cha- 
racter, portrayed in books most widely separated in 
origin and date. 

More difficulty has been felt in combining into one 
picture the various traits which have been recorded of 
the person of St John. He is but rarely mentioned in 
the Synoptists, and a mighty revolution was interposed 
between these earlier notices and the testimonies of his 
own writings. Besides this the character itself is one 
which almost eludes description. The intense concen- 
tration and power of an inner life flash out at some 
rare moments, but commonly the life flows on with deep 
and still course. St John was indeed a Son of T/iundcr*, 
but the thunder is itself the unfrequent witness of the 
might of elements long gathering. There is a difference 
between the style of St John and that which we should 
assign to the Galilaean Apostle, but the style is only the 
reflection of his completed character. There is the dif- 
ference between a former and latter faith, such as we 

truth this fellow also was with Him, 
for he is a Galilccan. St John (26), 
One of the servants of the High 
Priest, being his kinsman whose ear 
Peter cut off, saith Did not I see thce 
in the Garden with Him ? Here St 
Matthew and St Mark notice the 
number of the assailants : they that 
stood by said (Matt. xxvi. 73, ol &r- 
ToJres elTrov. Mark xiv. 70, ot irap- 
eoTwres ZXeyov). The narratives 
present us with three acts of denial, 
as they may be most naturally sup- 

posed to have taken place in a 
crowded court in the excitement of 
a popular ferment. 

On the conduct of St Peter him- 
self Luthardt has some good re- 
marks : a. a. O., 108 ff. 

1 John xx. 6. 

2 John xxi. 7. 

3 The form of the surname is well 
explained by Lightfoot, Hor. Hebr. 
ad Jfarc. iii. 17: the general sense 
by Meyer, and most recent commen- 
tators on the passage. 


1 find also between the recorded acts and epistles of St 
Peter ; but in the Apocalypse, and the Catholic letters 
of St John, we trace the identity of his nature in the 
course of its development. The same zeal which would 
have called fire from heaven on the inhospitable Samari- 
tans, though guided now to another end, denounces 
plagues and destruction on him who takes from or adds to 
the words of his prophecy**-. The same jealousy for Christ 
which forbade the working of one who followed not with 
them, though purified by a higher faith, warns the elect 
lady not to bid God speed to him who abideth not in the 
doctrine' 1 . The same fervent spirit in defence of truth is, 
as has been seen, recognised by tradition, and that too 
combined with the tenderest love 3 . Nor is there any 
inconsistency in such a combination. The same deep 
feeling is the source of both characteristics. And as the 
affectionate letters to the Philippians and to Timothy, 
with their clearer revelations of divine truth, only unfold 
to us another view of the great Apostle, so the Gospel 
of St John, in its fulness of meditative devotion, helps 
us to realize the whole Christian course of him, who first 
with eager hope acknowledged in Jesus \\\zLamb of God, 
and saw in the Spirit of God farthest into the history of 
the Church, and guarded most jealously its early Creed 4 . 
Throughout the whole life of St John, in Samaria, in 
Patmos, in Ephesus, in the old world of Judaism, in the 
new world of Christianity, and in that meeting-point of 
the two dispensations which was the fiery trial of the 
early Church : in the most distant times, and in the 
most diverse lands, we ever find the same personal de- 
votion to the Lord, as the embodiment of the Divine, 
alike distinguished from the zeal of St Peter for His 

1 Luke ix. 54; Apoc. xxii. 18. 3 Cf. p. 256, n. 6. 

2 Luke ix. 49; 2 John 9, 10. * John i. 3537; Apoc. i. 10. 



outward glory, and the energy of St Paul for His ex- 
tended influence, enlightened indeed and- spiritualized 
by the growth of Christianity in himself and in the world, 
and yet unchanged. The youthful womanly form, which 
art has assigned to St John, has served to remove from 
our minds the stronger features of his nature. Yet these 
may not be forgotten, for even in this aspect the eagle is 
his true symbol. His love was no soft feeling, but a 
living principle, an absolute devotion to truth as he had 
seen and known it in the Person of his Lord. He stands 
forth as the ideal of a thoughtful Christian, relentless 
against evil, and yet patient with the doubting. He tar- 
ried till tJie Lord came, and left his Gospel as the witness 
and seal of the accomplishment of the Apostolic work 1 . 
From this point of sight the new scope of his Gospel 
answered to the conditions of a new world. The period 
which intervened between the dates of the Synoptic 
Gospels and St John's was beyond any other full of the 
distress of nations with perplexity, and marked by the 
shaking of the powers of heaven, which proved, so to 
speak, to be the birth-pains of the Christian Church 2 . 
When St John wrote, the Jews were led aivay captive 
into all nations 3 , and men asked why God had cast 
away His people ? what there was in the Gospel-history 
which explained the rejection of the seed of Abraham, 
of whom as concerning thejlcsh Christ came ? 

1 There is not space now to dwell 
on the other characters traced in St 
John, but one general remark must 
be made. The number of distinct 
persons portrayed by him is a singu- 
lar mark of the authenticity of his 
narrative. In the Synoptic Gospels 
no one stands out from the Apostles 
except St Peter, and perhaps the 
sons of Zebedee, but in St John we 
have characteristic traits of St An- 
drew (i. 41 ff.; vi. 8, 9; xii. 22), St 

W. G. 

Philip (i. 44 ff.; vi. 5; xii. 21 ff.; 
xiv. 8 f.), St Thomas (xi. 16; xiv. 
5 ; xx. 24 ff.), St Jude (xiv. 22). The 
parallel between Luke x. 39 ff. and 
John xi. has been often drawn. 

2 Luke xxi. 25, 26. Cf. Tac. Hist. 
1.2, 3. Sometimes the language of 
the historian coincides verbally with 
Scripture : Praeter multiplicis rerum 
humanarum casus, calo terraquepro- 
digia et fulminum monitus. 

3 Luke xxi. 24. 

Chap. v. 

St John's 
Gospel in re- 
lation to a 
new "world. 




Chap. v. 

as a system. 

Acts x. 47. 

Col. iv. 13. 

The life of 
the Lord ^ex- 
plaining the 
rejection of 
the Jews as 
a nation : 

doctrine : 

On another side St Paul had given to Christianity its 
intellectual development. He had completed the work 
which St Peter had begun, and maintained the freedom 
of the Gentile converts who had been first received by 
the Apostle of the Circumcision. The storm which had 
raged from Jerusalem to Pontus, from Antioch to Rome, 
had now ceased, but the fashion cf the Church was 
changed, and men asked what ground there was in the 
teaching of the Messiah for this new form of Christianity ? 

And yet again Christianity had come into contact 
with Philosophy. The voice of the preacher had been 
heard in Alexandria by the scholars of Philo, and at 
Hierapolis by the friends of Epictetus ; and many must 
have inquired how far the new doctrines served to un- 
fold the inner life of man ? how far they fulfilled the 
aspirations of the Academy and realized the morality of 
the Porch ? 

To all these deep questionings unencountered for 
the most part by the former Evangelists, who regarded 
rather the outward form of the Christian faith than its 
rational or spiritual development, St John replies by the 
teaching of the Lord's Life. The Jews as a nation had 
rejected the Saviour : He came to His own home, and 
His own people received Him not*. Throughout the 
whole ministry of Christ, as recorded in the fourth 
Gospel, the progress of this wilful blindness is traced, 
till the record closes with the fatal sentence: though 
Jesus had done so many miracles before them, yet the Jews 
believed not on Him ; as Esaias prophesied when lie saw 
His glory, and spake of Him*. 

Nor are the great doctrines on which St Paul de- 
lighted to dwell, the doctrines of faith, of love, of provi- 

1 John i. n (rot idea, ol I'&ot). p. 280. 

2 John i. ii ; xii. 3741. Cf. One peculiarity of St John's Ian- 



dence, of a redemption, of a Holy Spirit, brought out 
less distinctly by St John than the fall of the Jews 1 . 
It is true that we can trace these great elements of 
Christianity in the symbolic teaching of the Synoptists, 
and in. scattered sayings, but they form the staple of 
St John's narrative. The lesson is at least co-ordinate 
with the fact ; and the plain revelations which he made, 
as he recorded the deep words on which he had long 

guage in this view is to be noticed. 
He speaks of the opponents of the 
Lord almost always as the Je^vs 
(ol 'louScuot), which phrase is very 
rarely (Matt, xxviii. 15) used by the 
Synoptists in this sense, who em- 
ploy the specific terms, the Phari- 
sees, &c. St John uses the term, 
the Pharisees, frequently in a defi- 
nite sense (i. 24; iv. i, &c.), but ne- 
ver the Scribes (John viii. 3 is even 
on this account to be condemned), 
the Lawyers, the Saddncees. The 
Synoptists on the other hand only 
put the title, the Jews, in the mouth 
of Gentiles (Matt. ii. 2 ; Matt, xxvii. 
1 1 ff. and parallels), with very rare 
exceptions where they add notes, as 
it were, to the original narrative 
(Matt, xxviii. 15 ; Mark vii. 3; Luke 
vii. 3; xxiii. 51: the two last in- 
stances are the most remarkable). 
St John regards the nation after its 
final apostasy, and the distinctions 
of party are lost in their common 
unbelief. It seems strange that 
some commentators should have 
grounded an objection on this 'un- 
designed coincidence' between the 
scope and the language of the Gos- 
pel. The usage of St Luke in the 
Acts naturally agrees with that of 
St John. 

Some alleged historical difficulties 
will be noticed afterwards in Chap. 


1 It would carry us too far to do 
more than allude to the parallel 
which may be drawn between St 
John and St Paul on these great 

topics. The following hints may 
suggest a line of inquiry : 

(a) Faith. Never the abstract 
irlffTis, but always active as iriaTtveiv 
els, a transference of our hope to 
another and not a mere assent to a 
fact, iruTTeveiv TLVL, a construction 
which occurs commonly in this sense 
(iv. 21, 50, &*<:.). Thus the act of 
faith appears as the ground of son- 
ship (i. 12), life (iii. 15, 6<:.; xi. 25, 
26, &=<:.), support (vi. 35), inspira- 
tion (vii. 38), guidance (xii. 36, 46), 
power (xiv. 12), the -work of God (vi. 
29). In the Synoptists faith (TTIOTIS) 
is the mediative energy in material 
deliverances as the types of higher 
deliverance (Matt. ix. 22 ; Mark v. 
34 ; x. 52 ; Luke vii. 50 ; viii. 48 ; 
xvii. 19; xviii. 42), and the mea- 
sure of material power (Matt. ix. 29; 
xxi. 21 ; Mark xi. 22). 

(/3) Love. John xiii. 34; xv. 12 
(contrast Matt. xxii. 39). i Cor. xiii. 

(7) Providence, Predestination. 
Johnvi. 64, 65; iii. 27; vi. 37, 44; 
v. 21 ; xv. 16 (cf. vi. 70); xv. 5; 
xvii. 12. In this connexion ^ w'/oa is 
used of the crisis in each stage of 
our Lord's Life and specially of His 
Passion as its crowning point : ii. 
4 ; vii. 30; viii. 20; xii. 23, 27 ; xiii. 
i; xvi. 4; xvii. i. Cf. 6 /catpos, vii. 

(5) Redemption, i. 29; iii. 14, 15; 
vi. 51; xii. 24; xiii. 31. Comp. 
Rom. v. 8 with John iii. 16. 

(e) The division in man. i. 13. 
Comp. Rom. vii. 6 with John iii. 6, 
and John vi. 63 with 2 Cor. iii. 6. 




Chap. v. 

H nit' an 

John xv. 7. 

John xiv. 12. 

pondered, furnish the means of recognising the actual 
fulness of other Gospels. Without St John, it might 
seem possible to say with a recent writer, ' Not Paul but 
Jesus/ but with him the unity of the New Testament is 
vindicated, and the chain of its connexion finished. 

The intimate connexion of St John's Gospel with the 
greatest problems of thought and life has never been 
questioned. A few words are sufficient to shew that the 
Apostle felt that there are mysteries beyond all human 
understanding ; and he was contented to state them in 
the simplicity of antithetic truths. From the first con- 
secration of social intercourse at the Marriage Feast to 
the last utterances of a Master's love, the course of 
spiritual life and death is traced in its progressive stages, 
as the words and works of the Lord are recorded year 
by year, advancing together in ever-widening spheres to 
their final consummation. The sublime prayer of Plato 1 
is answered by that Word which abides in us and we in 
Him. The possibility of the true life, of which Stoicism 
was but a counterfeit, is secured by the promised Com- 
forter, through Whom we shall do the works which 
Christ did, and greater works than these, because He has 
gone to the Father*. 

This was the teaching from the Life of Christ which 
was required by the age at which St John wrote, and it 
has been seen that he was peculiarly fitted to supply it. 
His early call to the Apostleship enabled him to regard 
Christianity from a Christian point of sight ; he had to 

^ Plat. Phail. ^85 B: Mv ykp... 

rOV fi\TlffTOV T(J)V a.v6p<j}TTLVii}V X6- 

eirl TOVTOV dxov/nevov, iSffirep irt 
o"xe5i'a9, KivdvvfvovTa SictTrXcOcrai TOV 
fiiov, el fj.ri rts dvvaiTo ao-<j>a\t<TTCpov 
KO.I aKivSwoTepov eirl fiefiaiOTtpov 
7; Xo7oi; delov TWOS 5ia- 


2 Perhaps it is from looking at 
the mysterious depths of thought 
and language, often unintelligible to 
the thinker and speaker, that St 
John records the unconscious testi- 
mony of unbelievers : xi. 5 1 ; xix. 
21, 22; (xviii. 38). 



experience no sudden conversion, like St Paul ; he had 
to abandon no ancient prejudices, like St Peter ; his 
whole nature seems to have been absorbed in the con- 
templation of the Light and the Life and the Truth ; 
and while others wandered on distant missions, it was 
his work to cherish the Mother of his Lord, to see 
visions, and to meditate on what he had heard and looked 
upon and handled of the Word of Life. The prophe- 
cies which ushered in the new dispensation failed ; the 
tongues which gave utterance to the raptures of the first 
believers ceased ; the knowledge of the early Church 
vanished before the fuller development of Christianity ; 
but love still remained, and at Ephesus, which combined 
all the refinement of Greek culture with the freedom of 
Eastern thought, St John wrote 'the Gospel of the 
'world,' resolving reason into intuition, and faith into 

NOTE A : see p. 283. 

The following sketch of the construction of St John's Gospel may be 
of use in completing some of the gaps in the summary which has been given 
and guiding the way to minuter inquiry 1 . 


The Word in His own Nature. 
His Revelation to men. 
The Incarnation. 


i. 15. 


(a) i. 19 iv. The Proclamation. 
(a) i. 19 ii. 12. The Testimony. 

1. i. 19 37. The Testimony of John. 

2. i. 38 51. The Testimony of Disciples. 

3. ii. i 12. The Testimony of Signs ( The water made wine) 

1 Later study has led me to mo- 
dify many of the details of this 
analysis, but I leave it as it was 
first made, for no one analysis of 
the Gospel can give all the features 

of its harmonious development. At 
different times we see now one 

aspect of its course and now another. 
For a revised analysis and for many 
illustrations of the points touched 
upon in this Chapter, I may be 
allowed to refer to the notes on the 
Gospel in the Speaker's Commen- 



Chap. v. 

(b) ii. 13-iv. 
i. ii. 13 iii. 


3. iv. 4354- 

(j8) v. xii. 

54. The Work. 
36. With Jews. 

The people (ii. 13 25). 
Representative men (iii). 
Nicodemus, the teacher of the Law (r 21). 
John the Baptist, the last Prophet (22 36). 

With Samaritans. 
The woman (iv. 5 30). 
The people (iv. 39 42). 

With Galilseans. 
The people (iv. 4345). 
The Nobleman (iv. 46 54). (Nobleman 's Son 

The Conflict. 

v. vi. The Prelude. 

Christ the support of action and life. 

( The impotent man healed?) 

( The feeding of the Multitudes^ 

( The walking on the Sea.) 

The Contrast. 

Christ the source of truth, light, guidance. 
(The man blind from his birth healed.) 

xi. xii. The Separation. 

xi. Christ the giver of life to the dead. 

(Lazartis raised.) 

xii. The judgment of men (i 29) ; of the Evan- 
gelist (374i) ; of Jesus (4450). 

(a) xiii. xvii. The Consolation. 
(a) xiii. Types. 

The true pattern. 
The traitor. 
The charge. 
The unstable. 
Love to Christ in absence. 

i ii. The union of Christ with the Father. 
12 31. This the source of the Christian's strength. 
Love to Christ the spring of love. 

i 17. The mutual love of Christians. 
1827. The hatred of the wor Id. 

(1)} vii. x. 




(c) xv. 



(d) xvi. The Promise. 

i 15. The Comforter. 
1624. The Return. 
2 5 33- The Interval. 

(e) xvii. The Prayer. 

i 5. For Christ Himself. 
6 19. For the Apostles. 
20 26. For all believers. 

xviii. xx. The Victory. 

(a) xviii. i 18, 25 27. The betrayal. 

xviii. i 14. Judas. 
15 18, 25 27. 4 St Peter. 

(b} xviii. 19 xix. 16. The Judgment. 

xviii. 19 24. The Jews, 
xviii. 28 xix. 16. Pilate. 

(c] xix. 1742. The End. 

17 27. The Elevation on the Cross. 
2837. The Death of Jesus. 
3842. The Burial. 

(d] xx. The New Life. 

i 1 8. The Revelation. 

19 23. The Commission. 

24 29. The abiding Blessing. 

30, 31. Conclusion. 



15 24. 


The Sign of the Future. 

(The Miraculous Draught of Fishes. 
The varied Call o the Disciples. 

NOTE B: see p. 283. 

The quotations from the Old Testament which occur in St John are 
characteristic of his general manner. Some are verbal citations; some are 
slightly changed from the original text : some are deductions or adaptations 
based on the inner meaning of the prophetic words. 

(a) Verbal quotations. 

John x. 34= Ps. Ixxxii. 6 ev r$ vbiup vjuu> (LXX = Hebr.). 
[xii. 13] = Ps. cxviii. 25, 26 (LXX ffuffov drj for 'fl<rcwa). 
38 =Is. liii. i (LXX Hebr. oni. Ktpie). 

Chap. v. 



Chap. v. 


xx. 2 = 

xxii. 19 (LXX = Hebr.). 
i8 = Ps. xli. 9 (Hebr. nofLXX). 
37 = Zech. xii. 10 (Hebr. not LXX). 

((3) Varied quotations. 

Changes of expression. 

John i. 23 = Is. xl. 3 (evOtvare for erotyaacrare ev&eias 
Trotetre in LXX and Hebr.). 

xii. 14, 15 = Zech. ix. 9 (/irj Qofiou Kad^/m. t-rrl iru\ov &vov 

for X "/ 36 ff<f>6o'pa ^Trt/Se/ST/Kwj 
^?ri VTrof^^tov /cat ir&\ov vtov 
in LXX and Hebr,). 

xii. 39 41= Is. vi. 9, 10 (rtrv$\UKa> ireirupwKev. 

Sense of Hebr. Varies from 

Changes of form. 

Johnii. 17 =Ps. Ixix. 10 (Kara^ayerat. for Kartyayev). 

vi. 3 iff. =Ex.xvi. 4, 15; Ps. Ixxviii. 24. 

vi. 45 =Is. liv. 13 (add. /cat &rofrat). 

viii. 17 =Deut. xix. 15. 

xv. 25 =Ps. xxxv. 19 (direct instead of the partici- 

pial form in Hebr. and LXX). 

(7) Adaptations. 

John vii. 38. 
[ xii. 34. 

xix. 36. 

^ xx. 9. 

Cf. Is. xii. 3 ; xliv. 3, drv. 
Cf. Ps. Ixxxix. 36.] 
Cf. Ex. xii. 46. Ps. xxxiv. 21. 
Cf. Ps. xvi. 10. 

From the form of these quotations it would appear that St John was 
familiar both with the Hebrew text and with the LXX. 

NOTE C: see p. 283. 

The general position which the Miracles recorded by St John occupy 
in his narrative has been already marked. Taken by themselves they 
present a whole pregnant with instruction. [Other modes of grouping will 
occur to the student, which are not less instructive. For example, the two 
first mark the fundamental conditions of the Gospel, the five next its mani- 
fold application, the last its history.] 


i. The Miracles of our Saviour during His ministry, 
(a) Sovereignty over nature absolutely. 
The water made wine (ii. i u). 

A type of the independence (ver. 4) and transmuting power 
of the spiritual life. 

(j3) Sovereignty over nature relatively to man. 
(a) Disease. 

1. The ruler's son (iv. 46 54). 

Mediative faith : above Nature (ver. 50). 

2. The man at Bethesda (v. i 9). 

Personal faith : above Ritual (ver. 9). 


Natural wants (Gen. iii. 17). 

Feeding the five thousand (vi. 5 59). 

Leading to higher aims (ver. 53). 

2. Outward impediments. 

Walking on the sea (vi. 15 21). 
Leading to higher faith (ver. 20). 

3. Personal defects. 

The man born blind (ix. I 7). 

Leading to higher responsibility (ver. 39). 

(c) Death. 

The raising of Lazarus (xi.). 
Christ the source of Life (ver. 25). 

ii. The Miracle of the risen Saviour. 

The multitude of fishes (xxi. i 8). 

The type of the successful work of the Church. 

It is not, I believe, fanciful to see a significance even in the number of 
these miracles. Seven are included in the record of Christ's ministry, and 
an eighth completes the typical representation of His work after the Resur- 
rection. Seven, according to the early belief, was the figure of a completed 
creation : eight the figure of the Resurrection, or new birth (Cf. Aug. 
Ep. LV. 23). 


Chap. v. 


The Differences in Detail in the Synoptic Evangelists. 

Willst du dich am Ganzen erquicken; 

So musst du das Ganze im Kleinsten erblicken. 


Chap. vi. 

T T ITHERTO it has been our object to shew that 
JL A the four Evangelists were naturally fitted to 
record the Life of Christ under the different forms in 
which it met the wants of the early Church, and is 
still apprehended by ourselves. It has been seen that 
the Apostolic age was marked by the existence of re- 
presentative types of religious belief, that the Gospel 
narrative was shaped in the first instance by the pres- 
sure of immediate needs, and afterwards reduced to 
writing under circumstances which tended to perpetuate 
the characteristics which had been preserved by various 
classes of the first teachers and hearers, that the fourth 
is distinguished from the other three by a difference 
which is likened to the relation of the spirit to the 
body, of the universal to the special, or again of the 
testimony of the loved disciple to the common testi- 
mony of the Church. In the present Chapter we shall 
examine more minutely the mutual bearings of the 
Synoptic Gospels. With this object we shall review in 
detail the accounts which they contain of the great 



crises of the Life of our Lord, in order at once to 
test more rigorously, and define more clearly, the 
general view which has been proposed. If it be saic 
that the variations to be alleged can be explained by 
natural causes, we at once admit the statement ; for 
it has been shewn that one of the elements of Inspira- 
tion is the selection of a messenger by God who shal] 
express truth in its human form with the fulness and 
force of his proper character. The differences in the 
Gospels may, and in some sense must, have arisen 
naturally; but in the same sense the whole working of 
Providence is natural, and the results of individual feel- 
ing in past time have been consecrated for our instruc- 
tion by the office of the Christian Church. 

The mode in which the different Evangelists deal 
with the history of the Incarnation and Birth of our 
Lord offers a perfect illustration of their independence 
and special characteristics. St Mark, who records the 
active ministry of Christ, gives no details of His In- 
fancy ; and both from internal and external grounds 
there is reason to believe that in this respect he ob- 
served the limits of the first oral Gospel. The narrative 
of the mysteries of the Nativity belonged to the period 
of the written testimony and not of the first procla- 
mation ; and St Matthew and St Luke combine to 
reveal as much of the great facts as helps us to appre- 
hend, not the event itself, but the mode in which it 
was welcomed by those with whom God was pleased 
to work in its accomplishment. The Genealogy with 
which St Matthew opens his Gospel introduces at once 
its peculiar subject 1 . The first words are an echo of 

1 The questions involved in the 
two genealogies of our Lord are so 
numerous and intricate that it is 

impossible to enter upon them here. 
The omission of the discussion is of 
little consequence, as it has been 


Old Testament language 1 , and the symmetrical arrange- 
ment of the generations is equally significant in rela- 
tion to Jewish history and to Jewish thought. But 
apart from the form, St Matthew dates the Messianic 
hope from David and from Abraham, and binds Chris- 
tianity with the promises of the ancient covenant 2 . 
St Luke on the contrary places the corresponding Ge- 
nealogy not before the Birth but after the Baptism, 
and represents Christ as the second Adam, the Son of 
God z . In the one we see a royal Infant born by a 
legal title to a glorious inheritance; and in the other 
a ministering Saviour who bears the natural sum of 
human sorrow. Even in the lines of descent which 
extend through the period common to the two genea- 
logies there is a characteristic difference : St Matthew 
follows the course of the royal inheritance of Solomon, 
whose natural lineage was closed by the childless Jehoia- 
chin : St Luke traces through Nathan the natural pa- 

most ably conducted by Dr Mill 
( The Evangelical accounts of the de- 
scent and parentage of the Saviour 
vindicated, Cambr. 1842) and by 
Lord A. Hervey ( The genealogies of 
otir Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, 
Cambr. 1853). A summary of the 
results which these critics have ob- 
tained is given in a little tract, The 
Genealogies in St Matthew and St 
Luke, London, 1856. Without affirm- 
ing every detail in the explanations 
proposed we may be satisfied that 
every discrepancy can be explained; 
and more than this is not to be ex- 
pected in a case, where necessarily 
much of the history is most obscure. 
Both genealogies without doubt give 
the descent of Joseph the universal 
belief till the sixteenth century 
and most hold that St Matthew 
gives his legal descent, shewing that 
our Lord was Solomon's heir (2 Sam. 
vii. 1317; i Chron. xvii. 14), 

though the line of Solomon failed 
in Jehoiachin (Jer. xxii. 29, 30), 
and St Luke his natural descent, 
shewing that he was lineally de- 
scended from David (2 Sam. vii. 12 ; 
Ps. Ixxxix. 35, 36) through Nathan. 
Others however exactly transpose 
this view. For the details of the 
subject I must refer to the works 
above quoted. 

1 Matt. i. i, Bt'jSXos yevtveus. Cf. 
Gen. v. i. 

a Matt. i. i. 

3 Cum [Lucas] Adamum Dei fi- 
tium vocat, significat Christum ex 
virgine ortum secundum esse Ada- 
mum, ejusque ortum per Spiritum 
Sanctum non minus esse opus po- 
tentite divinas singulare quam Ada- 
mi fuerat (Wetst. ad Luc. iii. f.). 
For a comparison of St Paul's and 
Philo's teaching on the second Adam 
compare Babington, J ournal of Phi- 
lology, I. pp. 47 ff. 



rentage of the Son of David. In St Matthew the Birth 
of Christ is connected with national glories: in St Luke 
with pious hopes. Instead of recalling the crises of 
Jewish history 1 and the majesty of the typical king- 
dom, the Pauline Evangelist begins his narrative with 
a full recital of the personal acts of God's mercy to 
the just and prayerful, and of His all-powerful grace 2 
to the holy and believing 3 . In St Matthew we read 
of the Incarnation as it was revealed in a dream to 
Joseph, in whom may be seen an emblem of the ancient 
people ; but in St Luke the mystery is announced by 
the Mighty one of God 4 ' to the Blessed Virgin, the type 
of the Christian Church 5 . In St Matthew the Nativity 
is ushered in by Prophecy: in St Luke it is heralded 
by those songs of triumphant faith which have been 
rehearsed in our public services for thirteen centuries; 
and even these, from hymn to hymn, seem to gather 

1 Matt. i. 2, 6, ii. 
3 The words x^P ts > 
not found in St Matthew 

or St 

Mark. The former occurs in the 
Introduction of St John, and in all 
the groups of the Epistles. 

3 Luke i. 6, 13, 28, 45. On the 
last passage Ambrose says (in Luc. 
ii. 26), Quoecunque crediderit ani- 
ma et concipit et general Dei Ver- 
bum, et opera ejus agnoscit...Si 
secundum carnem una mater est 
Christi ; secundum fidem tamen om- 
nium fructus est Christus. The 
same writer points out in a word the 
difference between Zachariah and 
the Blessed Virgin (in Luc.\\. 15): 
Haec jam de negotio tractat; ille 
adhuc de nuntio dubitat. 

4 Gabriel: Luke i. 19. Cf. Dan. 
viii. 16; ix. 21. 

5 Ambr. in Luc. ii. 7. It has 
been argued (even by Neander, L. J. 
14, note) that the different modes 
in which God is recorded to have 
communicated with man, in St 
Matthew by dreams and in St Luke 

by Angels, shew the extent of the 
subjective influence of the writer's 
mind upon the narrative. But surely 
those are right who see in this dif- 
ference the use of various means 
adaptdd to the peculiar state of the 
recipient. Moreover as St Matthew 
recognises the ministry of Angels 
(xxviii. 2), so St Luke relates Visions 
(Actsx. 9 16; xvi. Q; xviii. 9, 10). 
Cf. Gen. xx. 3; xxviii. 12; xxxi. 24 
(Dreams) xviii. 2; xix. i (Angels). 
With regard to the names of the 
Angels it may be observed that the 
adoption of foreign terms does not 
imply the introduction of a foreign 
belief. Cf. p. 57. 

It is to be noticed that the con- 
tents of the divine messages (Matt. i. 
20, 21 ; Luke i. 30 33) are related 
conversely to the general character 
of the Gospels, as a consequence of 
the difference of character in those 
to whom they were addYessed. The 
promise of Redemption is made to 
Joseph ; of a glorious Kingdom to 
the Virgin. 


fulness and love : the help of Israel and the horn of 
David is welcomed as one who shall bring joy to all 
the chosen nation, and give light to the Gentiles. In 
St Matthew the Magi the wise inquirers into the mys- 
teries of the world led by a strange portent in the sky, 
offer adoration^ and symbolic tribute to the new-born 
King of the Jews. In St Luke the shepherds the hum- 
ble watchers of nature the despised successors of the 
Patriarchs 2 cheered by the voice of Angels recognise 
and proclaim the praises of the Saviour 3 of the meek 
in heart ; and the devotion first offered in the stable 
of the village inn is completed by the thanksgivings of 
the aged Simeon and Anna in the Temple. In the one 
we read the fulfilment of the Jewish idea of a royal 
Messiah : in the other the realisation of the cravings, 
clear or indistinct, of the human heart. In the one we 
see typified the universal reign of Christ, and in the 
other His universal mercy. Once more: St Matthew 
alone records the murder of the Innocents, the flight 
into Egypt, the cause of the final settlement at Naza- 
reth : St Luke on the other hand has preserved the 
details of the Purification, and adds the one incident 
which links together the Infancy and the Ministry of 
Christ in the trait of a perfect obedience and a divine 
consciousness 4 . In the former the hostility of earthly 

1 The word irpocKwetv is not ap- 
plied by St Luke to our Lord till 
after the Resurrection : xxiv. 52, 
where also it is probably an interpo- 
lation. Cf. p. 337, n. 2. 

2 Abba Garien doceat 
quisquam filium suum . pastorem... 
eo quod opificium ipsorum est opifi- 
cium latronum (Wetst. in Luc. ii. 8). 

3 The words (romjp (Cic. in Verr. 
II. 63), <rti)Tr)pLa, <ruTT)pios, are not 
found in St Matthew and St Mark. 
They occur John iv. 42, 22 ; i 

John iv. 14. The progression in 
Luke ii. 18 20 is very beautiful: 
wonder meditation praise. 

4 A comparison of Matt. ii. ii 
with Luke ii. 24 (Levit. xii. 8) leads 
us to place the Purification before 
the Visit of the Magi. Luke ii. 39 
does not exclude the flight into 
Egypt, and certainly shews the in- 
dependence of the Evangelists. Nor 
does there appear to be any discre- 
pancy between Matt. ii. 22, 23 and 
Luke ii. 4. The divine command 



powers to the kingdom of Christ is seen to work out 
the designs of God: in the latter the Law is fulfilled in 
the, redemption of the Saviour from the service of the 
Jewish Temple. 

The consideration of these various details will shew 
the reality of the difference in spirit and form between 
the two narratives; but the artificiality of the contrast 
lessens the sense of their complementary character 
throughout. It is impossible to read them in succession 
without feeling that we pass from one aspect of the 
great central fact to another: that each picture is drawn 
with perfect independence, and yet so that the separate 
details are exactly capable of harmonious adjustment. 
There is nothing in the one which could lead to the 
creation of the other: their boundary lines just meet 
where the character of the scene changes, and they must 
be united with care that their real continuity may be 
discovered. Yet if we regard the precise words of the 
Evangelists, without introducing glosses of our own, 
their harmony is complete. And if we penetrate to the 
ideas which they present to us as fulfilled, these are 
seen to have a permanent importance for the right 
conception of the history. For both narratives point 
yet higher in word and idea than the special limits to 
which they naturally tend, and unite in the spiritual 
teaching of St John: In the beginning was the Word,... 

(Matt. ii. 20) would suggest a return 
to Bethlehem, in which such mar- 
vellous things had been wrought; 
and how can we account for Joseph's 
selection of Nazareth as a place of 
abode so readily as by supposing 
that he was previously connected 
with it? Cf. Just. M. Dial. 78, 
p. 303 D. 

As for the airoypa^, it is enough 
to say with Wetstein: Epocha tarn 
Celebris non potuit Lucam latere. 

Cf. Actsv. 37. [1851.] 

I leave this note as it was origi- 
nally written. No one now after 
Zumpt's Essay (Berlin, 1854) can 
doubt that Quirinus was governor 
of Syria at the time of our Lord's 
birth as well as ten years after- 
wards. The true sense of the pas- 
sage is brought out very clearly 
by the correct reading : avrrj O.TTO- 
ypa.<t>Tj rpuTi) tytvero (not avrij 77 

3 2 


Chap. vi. 

ii. The Bap- 

St Matthew. 

and the Word was with God, and the Word was God,... 
and the Word was made flesh, and dwelt among us. 

Justin represents Trypho as saying that 'the Mes- 
' siah would be unconscious of His own office and un- 
' endowed with power, till He had been consecrated by 
'EliasV The narrative of the Baptism in St Matthew 
points out the element of truth which was contained in 
this belief. The work of the Baptist included the crown- 
ing rite of the Old Covenant, the confession of a spiritual 
need under an outward shape. Repentance the com- 
plete change of mind which was the fitting preparation 
for the Kingdom of Heaven was consecrated in a 
I sacramental sign, and the last ordinance of Judaism 
was in essence and form a prophecy of Christianity. 
The new Elias recognised his personal unworthiness to 
baptize Jesus tinto repentance 2 ', and yet he knew not that 
He was the Messiah till the promised sign appeared 3 . 
Simple faith in his mission shut out all conjecture and 
suspended, it may have been, all hope. But the very 
act which he would have hindered brought with it the 
token for which he was waiting. It was fitting 4 , alike 
for him as the faitful Prophet of the Advent, and for 

1 Dial. c. Tryph. 8, p. 226 B: 
Xpta-ros 5(:, ei /cat yeytit-rjTai /cat &m 
irov, &YVUOTOS fffn Kal ov5 aur6s 
TTW eavroir eTT/orrarai oti5 ^et dui>a- riva fj-^xpis civ \0uv 'HX/as XpL&ll 
avrov /cat (fiavepov Tratrt Trot^a??. 

2 Yet even in this there is no 
difficulty to those who have learnt 
from St Paul the cardinal doctrine 
of the Redemption (2 Cor. v. 21), 
and see in our Lord the ' ideal ' 
man, in the noblest sense of ancient 
philosophy, the 'last Adam' in the 
language of Revelation. 

In proportion as this truth was 
forgotten the fact itself became an 
offence. Thus in the 'Gospel ac- 

'cording to the Hebrews' the follow- 
ing passage was found : Ecce mater 
Domini et fratres ejus dicebant ei : 
Joannes Baptista baptizat in remis- 
sionem peccatorum ; eamus et bap- 
tizemur ab eo. Dixit autem eis: 
Quid peccavi, ut vadam et baptizer 
ab eo? Nisi forte hoc ipsum quod 
dixi ignorantia est (Hieron. adv. Pe- 
lag. in. 2, p. 782). 

3 John i. 33. Cf. note i supra. 

4 Matt. iii. 15 : d$>es Sfrt' ovrttt 
yap irptirov larlv r/fuv TrXrjpwaat 
watrav 5iKaio(rvvr)v. llp^Treiv occurs 
here only in the Gospels : there is 
a contrast with ^yw x.pdo.v ^%w in 
ver. 14. 


3 2I 

Christ as the subject to the Law, to fulfil every rite sanc- 
tioned by God the perfect righteousness of the Jewish 
covenant. And thus at this point of their contact, the 
form of the New was shaped by the rules of the Old ; 
and the gift of the Spirit for Christ's work on earth was 
connected with a legal observance. St Luke on the 
other hand does not dwell on this relation. On the 
contrary, he connects the Baptism of our Lord with that 
of the multitude generally, instead of isolating i't as a 
fact wholly alone 1 . He regards the event as it affected 
the Saviour, among others and not apart from them. 
In this aspect he records His prayer when the heavens 
were opened rather than the concession by which the 
act was prefaced 2 . From a like reason he gives the 
heavenly voice as it was addressed to Christ: Thou art 
my beloved Son : in Thee I am well pleased; and not as 
addressed to John or the people at large: This is my 
beloved Son, in whom I am well pleased, as the words 
are preserved in St Matthew. Nor is there any dis- 
crepancy in this various transcription of the one divine 
testimony 3 . Here, as elsewhere, the spiritual message 
becomes articulate only to the individual soul 4 : the 
material sign is intelligible only by divine revelation 5 . 

1 Luke iii. 21 : yvero 5 v ry 
^a.TTTLff6rivai atra.vTa. TOV \aov, Kal 

'\r)<rov fiaTTTLcrdtvTOS Kal ?rpocreixo- 
/mevov, dve^-xdrjva.1 TOV ovpavov. 

2 The same peculiarity occurs in 
St Luke's account of the Transfigu- 
ration : ix. 29, (18). Cf. v. 16; vi. 
12 ; xi. i ; (xxii. 41). 

3 Augustine (de Cons. Evv. I. 2, 
14) says well: Diversitas locutio- 
num adhuc etiam utilis est, ne uno 
modo dictum minus intelligatur...In 
the account of the Transfiguration 
the outward manifestation of Christ's 
glory all the Evangelists have ou- 
TOJ tarlv. 

W. G. 

4 It is however important to 
maintain the objective reality of the 
voice and sign, though faith was 
necessary in order to obtain their 
true meaning. See John xii. 28 30. 
Acts ix. 7 (a/foi/oirej TTJS (pwvijs); 
xxii. 9 (OVK -rjKovaav TTJV (fx^vrfV 
Dan. x. 7). Cf. Characteristics of 
Gospel Miracles, pp. 1 20 ft". 

5 Cf. Hieron. ad Matt. iii. 16: 
Aperiuntur autem coeli non resera- 
tione elementorum sed spiritualibus 

On the traditional variations as to 
the details of the Baptism, see Just. 
M. Dial. 88, pp. 3 15 D ; 316 D, and 

Chap. vi. 

St Luke. 


Chap. vi. 

iii. The 

Luke iv. i. 
Mark i. 13. 

The Temptation necessarily followed the Baptism 1 . 
The first act of the public ministry of the Lord was to 
reverse the outward circumstances of the Fall. In the 
fulness of the Spirit He passed into the wilderness to 
regain the Paradise which Adam lost 2 : He was with the 
wild beasts, in the graphic words of St Mark, who com- 
presses into this one pregnant sentence the central lesson 
of the trial, and adds no further details of its course, 
save that he records a ministry of Angels apparently 
throughout the trial 3 . The other two Evangelists record 
the same events with an important variation in order, 
and some slight verbal differences. The representative 
points of the Temptation, for the narratives imply much 
which they do not contain 4 , are given in each case in 
the order which preserves a climax from the particular 
position occupied by the writer. Taking the arrange- 
ment of St Matthew, we see our Lord triumphing over 
the natural wants of humanity; refusing to tempt the 
sustaining power of Providence ; and finally shrinking 
from a momentary alliance with the powers of darkness 
even to establish the temporal Messianic sway, when He 

Otto's notes; Anger, Synopsis Ew. 


In St Mark's account of the Bap- 
tism the present participles are cha- 
racteristic ; dvaf3aivwv, (riopevovs, 

Ka.Taf3a.ivuv. He alone adds dirb jacturam fecerat, in summa jam ex- 
i. 9), while the other Evan- inanitione exercuit : quanto magis 
exaltatus: Ps. viii. 8. The forms 
of the Temptation have been often 

the Temptation precedes the narra- 
tive in John i. 1 9. 

2 Bengel, in Marc. I. c.: Res 
magna. Gen. i. 26...Imperium in 
bestias, cujus Adamus tarn mature 

gelists mention our Lord's residence 
there (Matt. ii. 23; Luke ii. 51). 

1 It is instructive to compare the compared with the temptations of 

Adam: e.g. Hilar. ad Matt. iii. 5. 

3 Mark i. 13, rjv...dnjKoi>ovv. 

4 E.g. Luke iv. I, 2: ifyero els 
TT)V ^pr/fj.ov ij/j.e'pas TeacrapaKovTa irei- 
pa^'o/nevos viro TOV 5ta/3jXou. Cf. 
Horn. Clem. XI. 35: o aTrocrrei'Xas 
'fyfj-ds Ivvptos T)/u.<2v Ko.1 npo0^T^s vipTj- 
yT/craro TJILUV cI)S d irovrjpos Teffffapd- 
KOVTO, rj/mepas StoXe^^ets ayry...Cf. 

different phrases by which the Temp- 
tation is introduced : 

Matt. iv. i : dvfjx^---^'"'^ r u 
HvevfjiaTos Treipa<r07]vai (conducting). 

Mark i. 12: TO n^eu/ia avrov fK- 
/SdXXei (constraining). 

Luke iv. i : 'I^cr* 

(J.O.TI (inspiring). 

It has been noticed already that 

Horn. XIX. 2. 



saw the glory of the kingdoms of the world. The first 
temptation occupies the same position in St Luke. 
Personal and material cravings are from any side the 
first and simplest form of temptation ; but the order of 
the two latter temptations is reversed. The preserva- 
tion of the just relation of the Saviour to God occupies 
in St Luke the final place which St Matthew assigns 
to the vindication of Messiah's independence of the 
world. In St Luke the idea of a temporal empire of 
Christ passes more clearly into that of mere earthly 
dominion, which is distinctly regarded as in the power 
and gift of Satan 1 . The crowning struggle of Christ 
is not to repress the solicitation to antedate the outward 
victory of His power, but to maintain His human de- 
pendence upon His Father's will. Before Messiah the 
King the temptations arise in the order of His relations 
tc sense, to God, to man : before the man Christ Jesiis, 
in his relations to sense, to man, to God. The sequence 
is one of idea and not of time. The incidents are given 
wholly without temporal connexion in St Luke, and the 
language of St Matthew is more definite only in appear- 
ance 2 . The narrative indeed is one which may perhaps 
help to shew the impossibility of applying to things 
spiritual and eternal that 'phantom of succession/ in 
the shadow of which we are commonly forced to speak 
and act. However this may be, the closing words of 
the two narratives correspond to what appear to be their 
fundamental notions. St Matthew records the ministry 
of Angels to a heavenly Prince 3 : St Luke shades the 

3 Matt. iv. I r, Kal Idoit ayye\ot 
jrpoffrj\6ov Kal farjkbvovv avrip com- 
pared with Mark i. 13, TJV pcra T&V 
Qripluv Kal ol dyyeXoi SITJK^VOVV aitT$. 
Cf. Luke xxii. 43. 

X 2 

1 Luke iv. 6 : /J.ol 
Kal $ tav 0Aa> 55a> 

2 Luke iv. 3, direv 5t... 5, Kal ava- 
yayu>v...g, yyayev 8. Matt. iv. 3, 

o'..,5, r65e 

Chap. vi. 
Matt. iv. 8. 

i Tim. ii. 5. 



Chap. vi. 

iv. The 

Dent, xviii. 

brightness of the present triumph with a dim foreboding 
of the coming sufferings of the Saviour : then the Devil 
departed from Him, -but only for a season^. 

The importance which the Jews attached to the con- 
secration of' the Messiah by Elias has been already 
noticed ; and tradition was much occupied with the 
various other functions which the great Prophet should 
discharge in the preparation of the heavenly Kingdom 2 . 
But Elias, the representative of the second stage in the 
Jewish dispensation, was not alone, though he occupied 
the most prominent place in the popular anticipations 
of a glorious future. The Mosaic type of the Messiah 
was not lost, though it had fallen into the background ; 
and there were some who argued that as the ancient 
Lawgiver had reflected the divine glory from his coun- 
tenance, so it should be with the Prophet like to him 
whom the Lord should raise up in after time, for Moses 
was both a minister and an image of the Messiah. The 
expectation thus formed received a literal and yet a 
spiritual fulfilment. The partial and borrowed glory 
with which Moses had shone became a complete Trans- 
figuration in the case of Christ. That was from with- 
out : this from within. That was a sign to all the 
people : this only to the chosen three, to the zealous, 
the reverent, and the loving. What in old times was 
given as a token of visible splendour was now changed 
into a source of silent faith 3 . But even under these 
changed relations the correspondence of the two events 
upon the mount is very striking. It is impossible to read 
St Matthew's account of the Transfiguration without 
recurring to the scene in the Exodus when the face of 

Luke iv. 13, curtffTr) air avrov 
Kaipov. Cf. John xiv. 30. 
Cf. Lightfoot, Hor. Hebr. in 

Matt. xvii. 10 (n. p. 339). 

3 Contrast Matt. xvii. 9 with Ex. 
xxxiv. -29 ff. 



Moses shone, and the children of Israel were afraid to 
come nigh him; and the peculiar language which he uses 
coincides exactly with the form of Jewish tradition 1 . 
He alone records the prostration of the disciples through 
their excessive fear, and the master's strengthening 
touch and cheering words, uttered once before upon 
the stormy lake 2 . It is with equal significance that 
St Matthew, the Hebrew Evangelist, relates without 
the implied reproof which is added by St Mark and 
St Luke 3 the wish of St Peter to erect three tabernacles, 
one for Christ and one for Moses and one for Elias , to 
give as it were a permanent standing-place to the Jewish 
Law and its Prophetic development in connexion with 
the Gospel when in truth they were just departing 4 . 
St Luke, on the other hand, again at this new crisis 
recals to notice the perfect manhood of the Saviour. 
He who was praying when He was specially marked 
out for His public ministry prays also at His installa- 
tion to the mediatorial office 5 . The characteristic dif- 
ference between St Luke and the other Evangelists is 
yet more clearly brought out by the more considerable 
peculiarities of their narratives. St Matthew and St 
Mark place in immediate connexion with the Trans- 
figuration 6 a remarkable conversation about Elias which 

TTTUV (Luke ix. 29). 

2 Matt. xvii. -6, 7, ^ 00;8eto-0e. 
Cf. Matt. xiv. 27; xxviii. 10. 

3 Mark ix. 6, ou yap TjfSei rl Xa- 
X?7<rT7. Luke ix. 33, /*?} eiStuj o X^yei. 

4 Luke ix. 33, t ry 5iaxwpt'fc<r0cu 
avrous. It may be remarked that 
the heavenly voice follows on the 
departure of Moses and Elias. When 
they passed away came the words 
common to all the Evangelists, This 
is my beloved Son... Hear Him. 

6 Luke ix. 29, tv rtp 

1 Matt. xvii. 2, /ecu ZXanif/e TO 
irpoffuirov airroD ws 6 7?Xtos (cf. xiii. 
43). Fulgida facta fuit facies Mo- 
sis instar soils (Wetst. ad loc.}. The 
feature common to all the Evange- 
lists, His raiment became white, is 
singularly illustrated by Bereshith R. 
(Wetst. I.e.}-. Vestes lucis, hoe vestes 
Adami primi. Cf. Apoc. vii. 13 ff. 
The material imagery of St Mark is 
worthy of notice, ari\^ovTa. \CVKO. 
\(av ola 7va0eus tirl TTJS 7^5 ou 
SVVO.TO.I OUTWJ \evKavat (Mark ix. 
3), compared with Xeu/co, cos rd 0cDs 
(Matt. xvii. 2) and XtvKbs ea<r7y>d- 

6 The question H ovv K.T.\. Matt. 



Chap. ri. 

serves to point out the spiritual connexion of the new 
and old. The substance is the same in both; but St 
Mark expresses with greater distinctness the contrast 
between the traditional idea of Elias' coming and its 
real effects upon Messiah's kingdom 1 : Elias had indeed 
come and restored all things, but for the advent of a 
suffering Redeemer, and not for the conquest of a mighty 
prince. St Luke omits this discourse, but he gives the 
subject of that more mysterious conversation when 
Moses and Elias talked? with the Lord. The addition 
is one of the greatest interest, for it connects the recital 
of Christ's sufferings with the fullest manifestation of 
His glory. The Passion, with its triumphant issue, was 
the point to which the Law and the Prophets tended, 
and thus we read that the representatives of both talked 
to Christ of the Exodus which He was about to fulfil in 
Jerusalem*. The Apostles themselves were as yet un- 
prepared for the tidings. As at Gethsemane they were 
heavy with sleep, but at last when they were awake they 
saw Chrisfs glory , and the two men that stood with 

While there are these significant variations 4 in the 
details of the narrative itself, all the Evangelists relate 

xvii. 10 (cf. Mark ix. n) seems to 
refer to ver. 9), so that the sense is : 
If this visit of Elias must not be 
proclaimed till Thou comest in Thy 
power, can we still believe that he 
shall, according to the teaching of 
the Scribes, prepare Thy way? 

1 Mark ix. 12. Olshausen rightly 
as I think considers this to be the 
purport of the verse. Kcd irus in- 
troduces an objection grounded on 
the resumption of the former clause 
(If it be so, how then...), which is 
resolved by 'AXXci (Nay, doubt not : 
I tell you...). 

2 Matt. xvii. 3 ; Mark ix. 4 (<T\JV- 


3 Luke ix. 31, 32, Z\eyov -ryv o- 
Sov O.VTOV f/i> /xeXXe 7rX?7/>oO v 'lepov- 
The construction of X^ew 

is unusual, but occurs again in Rom. 
iv. 6, and in the earliest classical 
writers in the sense of 'recounting,' 
'relating the details of,' 'describing.' 
The word o5os itself is less definite 
than decease, and may be best illus- 
trated by the technical sense (Arist. 
Poet, xii.), the 'closing scene of a 

4 The additions in Mark ix. 10, 
Matt. xvii. 5 (v <$ evdoKrjja), are 


3 2 7 

the same previous conversation and the same subsequent 
Miracle. The prediction of the disciples' trials, the 
image of their Lord's triumph, and, flowing from it, the 
certainty of the disciples' help, exhibit a glorious se- 
quence from every point of view, which few will attribute 
to an apt coincidence or to a conscious design. 

It does not form any part of .nay plan to examine at 
length the Synoptic histories of the Passion, or to com- 
pare them in detail with that of St John 1 . It will be 
enough for the present to notice the chief peculiarities 
of the different Evangelists, so that it may be seen how 
far they explain the aim and office of each, without 
regarding the whole progress or the minute relations of 
the different narratives. Both historically and doctrinally 
the Passion appears as the central and crowning point of 
the Gospel. Where all else is described in rapid out- 
lines this is recorded with solemn particularity; and the 
characteristic traits in each account are proportionately 
more numerous and salient than elsewhere. Without 
asserting that these furnish a complete solution of the 
difficulties by which they are accompanied, they contri- 
bute at least an important element towards the investi- 
gation of them. They place us in some measure in the 
position from which the several Evangelists regarded the 
course of the whole scene; and charge the picture with 
the varied forms of busy and restless action, which the 
great master of Venice has dared to portray with vivid 
and startling reality 2 . 

1 The chronology of the Passion 
Week a subject which cannot be 
left unnoticed is examined in a 
Note at the end of the Chapter. 

2 The first effect of Tintoretto's 
great Crucifixion is perhaps offen- 
sive from the fulness of life which it 
exhibits, yet on deeper study we 

feel that the Passion must have been 
witnessed in some such form. It 
still however may be questioned 
whether the realistic conception of 
incidents in the Lord's Life is a legi- 
timate subject for Christian art, or 
the simply historical portraiture of 
the Lord for Christian criticism. 

Chap. vi. 

v. The Pas- 

3 28 


The peculiarities in St Matthew's narrative are nu- 
merous and uniform in character. With more or less 
distinctness they all tend to shew how the Messiahship 
of Jesus was attested during the course of events which 
checked the faith of some; and the same feeling which 
directed the selection of the points of the narrative in- 
fluenced the manner of their treatment. In the form, 
as well as in many of the details, there is something of 
an Old Testament complexion which completes the im- 
pression produced by the circumstances themselves. 
These are indeed in some cases singularly significant. 
In St Matthew alone we read the last testimonies which 
were given to the Messiahship of the Lord by Himself 
and by His enemies. Nowhere else is there the same 
open and unreserved declaration of the Saviour's majesty 
as in St Matthew's description of the Betrayal and the 
Judgment. The crises of apparent hopelessness are 
exactly those which call forth the most royal declarations 
of sovereign power. When the disciples would have 
defended their Master at Gethsemane, He reminds them 
that He could bring to His aid legions of Angels, but 
that the Scriptures must needs be fulfilled that His 
kingdom is not to be supported or destroyed by the 
sword that He must finish His work on earth before 
He comes in the clouds of heaven 1 . So again when He 
stands before the great tribunal of the chosen nation, in 
answer to the solemn adjuration of the High Priest 2 , 
He claims the name and the glory of the Christ. Up 
to that moment He was silent, but then at last the re- 
cognition of the sacred power of the minister of God 
brought with it the words which proved to be the final 

1 Matt. xxvi. 52 54. Cf. John /cara TOV Qeov rov fcDjros Iva. rjfur 
xviii. it. efrrT7s...This clause is peculiar to St 

Matt. xxvi. 63, 64, tfrpKifa ffe Matthew. 



condemnation of Judaism. Then it was that as Christ 
He was mocked by the people 1 ; and meanwhile the re- 
morse and death of Judas witnessed in another place to 
the fulfilment of Messianic types in the Psalms and 
Prophets 2 . So far Christ is seen to be openly pro- 
claimed and rejected by His people; but He is also 
regarded under a peculiar relation to Gentiles. The 
dream of Pilate's wife, and the symbolic purification 3 of 
the governor himself, express the influence which the 
righteousness 4 of the Saviour exercised upon their imagi- 
nation and judgment. The one carries us back to the 
early history of the Jews when the fortunes of the nation 
were fashioned by the dreams of heathen princes of 
Abimelech, of Pharaoh, of Nebuchadnezzar 5 : the other 
points forward to the terrible consummation of the curse 
now uttered in reckless unbelief 6 . One other testimony 
remains: St Matthew alone tells us that the earth was 
shaken and the rocks rent, and many bodies of. the saints 
which slept arose' 1 , at the death of Christ, whose power 

el/j.1 a7r6 TOV at'uaTos TOVTOV [TOV 
St/fafou]* but the last words are pro- 
bably an interpolation. 

6 Gen. xx. 3; xli. 25; Dan. ii. 3. 

6 Matt, xxvii. 25, TO afy-ia avrov 
e<j> r)ua$ KCU irl TO. reuva tyciuij'. 

7 Hilar. in Matt, xxvii. 51, 52: 
Movetur terra: capax enim hujus 
mortui esse non poterat. Petra 
scissa sunt : omnia enim turn valida 
et fortia penetrans Dei Verbum et 
potestas seternce virtutis irruperat. 
Et nionumcnta apcrta sunt : erant 
enim mortis claustra reserata. Et 
multa corpora sanctorum dormicn- 
tium surrexcrunt: illuminans enim 
mortis tenebras et infernorum obscu- 
ra collustrans, in Sanctorum ad 
prcesens conspicatorum resurrectione 
mortis ipsius spolia detrahebat. The 
use of the phrase ol 07*01 is remark- 
able, which does not occur elsewhere 
absolutely in the New Testament 

1 Matt. xxvi. 68, 

rifuv X/XOT^, rLs ari.v 6 TrcuVas <re ; 
The word Xptcrr^ is wanting in the 
other Gospels. Compare also xxvii. 
17 with Mark xv. 9. 

2 Matt, xxvii. 3 10. The fulfil- 
ment of prophecy in the history of 
the Passion is specially noticed by 
St Matthew (xxvi. 56, TO I/TO 6 
S\oi> yeyovev... compared with Me. 
xiv. 49), sometimes directly as here 
and xxvi. 31 || Me. xiv. 27 (Zech. 
xiii. 7), and sometimes indirectly, 
xxvii. 34 (Ps. Ixviii. 21), 43 (Ps. 
xxi. 9). The contrast between Mntt. 
xxvi. 24 || Me. xiv. 2i (cis ytypa- 
TTTCU) and Lc. xxii. 22 (Kara r6 
upia-fj^fov) is full of meaning. The 
quotation in xxvii. 35 is certainly 
an interpolation. 

3 Cf. Dent. xxi. 6, 7. 

4 Matt, xxvii. 19, M.r)5tv aoi KO! 

' ding. ..xxvii. 24, ' 



was felt in the depths of Nature and of Hades when 
men asked in mockery for the confirmation of his words: 
He said I am the Son of God. 

The details peculiar to St Mark are less numerous 
but hardly less characteristic. It has been remarked 
often that the account of the young man that fled naked 
proves that we have in the second Gospel the narrative 
of an eye-witness, who was nearly concerned in an inci- 
dent which would have seemed trivial to others 1 . One 
or two other minute points lead to the same conclusion. 
In the account of the testimony of the false-witnesses 
St Mark appears to have preserved words of the Lord 
which do not occur in the other Evangelists 2 ; and he 
alone notices the disagreement of their testimony 3 . In 
the same way he characterizes Simon the Cyrenian as 
the father of Alexander and Rnfus^; and in him alone 
we read that Pilate investigated the reality of the death 
of Christ 5 . 

except of Christians, and not at all 
in the Gospels: Acts ix. 13, 32, 41 ; 
xxvi. 10; Rom. xii. 13, &c. ; Apoc. 
xi. 18; xviii. 20. And yet more, 
the form of .expression TroXXd <rit>- 
/iara TUIV aylui'...riy{pdr)a-aj> can- 
not be overlooked in the interpreta- 
tion of the passage. 

1 Mark xiv. 51, 52. Cf. p. 234, 
n. 4. 

2 Mark xiv. 58, TOV vabv TOVTOV 
rbv xetp07ro/T7TOJ'...aXXoj'ctxei/3o- 
iroLrjTov. The words do not occur 
elsewhere in the Gospels, but com- 

pare Hebr. ix. n, 24; 2 Cor. v. i. 

3 Mark xiv. 59 ov8 OVTUS for] TJP 
7] fjiapTvpla avrZv. We have in the 
testimony of the witnesses a point 
of contact with the Gospel of St 
John. The differences between the 
recorded words of our Lord and the 
report of the witnesses are striking : 
I can destroy (Matt. xxvi. 61, 5iW- 
fj.a.1 KuraXvacu) ; I will destroy (Mark 
xiv. 58, KdraXwrw), as compared 
with Destroy. . .and Iivill raise (John 
ii. 19, \v(raT...Kai tyepw). 

4 Mark xv. 21. 

5 Mark xv. 44, 45. The quotation in xv.' 28 is certainly an interpo- 

The details common to St Matthew and St Mark which are not found 
in St Luke are numerous : 

Matt. xxvi. 31, 32. Mark xiv. 27, 28. 
37, 38. 33, 34- 


4 8. 

59 66. 


- 44. 


The future foretold. 
The selection of Peter, 

James and John. 
The three warnings. 
The sign of the kiss. 
The false- witness. 



The special details by which the narrative of St 
Luke is distinguished are more obviously marked by a 
common character, and seem in some measure to be a 
complement to those of St Matthew. For while the 
peculiar traits preserved by St Matthew exhibit in 
various aspects the Messianic dignity of the Lord, those 
preserved by St Luke seem rather to present notices 
of human sympathy, points of contact with common 
life, evidences of a perfect manhood. This is more 
evident if account is taken of the details common to 
the two other Evangelists which St Luke omits ; and 
though it may appear fanciful to insist on every dif- 
ference as an example of a difference of scope (chiefly 
through the faults in our apprehension and representa- 
tion of them), yet the total effect of contrast and com- 
bined effect cannot be doubted. St Luke alone has 
preserved the question which shewed the devotion of 
the disciples to their Lord, when the boldness of one 
raised the sword in His defence 1 : he alone records the 
thrice-repeated declaration of Pilate, that he found no 
fault in Hun* ; and notices the accusation for civil 
crimes 3 , and the examination before Herod 4 . In him 

Matt, xxvii. 1214. Mark xv. 4, 5. The Lord's silence be- 
fore Pilate. Cf.John 
xix. 9. 

26. 15. The scourging. Cf.John 

xix. i. 

27 31. 1 6 20. The mockery of the 

soldiers with the reed 
(Matt.) and crown. 

34.. 23. The deadening draught. 
39, 40. 29, 30. The mockery of the 

passers by. Cf. Luke 
xxiii. 35. 
34 36- The cry of agony. 

2 Luke xxiii. 4, 14, 22. 

3 Luke xxiii. 2, ...diaffTptfiovra. 

TO tdvOS 17/idjf Kttl KWXVOVTO. 06/30US 


1 Luke xxii. 49, 'ISovTes d ol ire pi 
O.VTOV TO ta-o/jLevov elirav Kvpie ei 
jra.Td%0fj.ev tv paxa-lpt 5 The words 
seem to exclude any idea but that of KaiVapt Stdovai 
sacrifice in a desperate cause. 4 Ambr. in Luc. xxiii. 4 12: In 



we read of the Angel which strengthened the Lord's 
human nature at the Agony 1 , of an hottr of His ene- 
mies and the power of darkness when their malice could 
find full scope 2 , of that look which recalled to St Peter 
the greatness of his fall 3 , of the words in which He 
resigned His Spirit to His Father 4 . The last word of 
mercy, in which He removed the injury which had 
been wrought by mistaken zeal 5 : the last word of 
warning, in which He turned the thoughts of mourners 
to the personal consequences of the deed which moved 
their compassion 6 : the last prayer of infinite love, in 
which He pleaded for those who reviled and slew Him 7 : 
the last act of sovereign grace, in which He spoke a 
blessing from the cross 8 ; are all recorded alone by the 
companion of St Paul. In St Matthew we saw that 
the dead did homage to the crucified Messiah : in St 
Luke 9 all the multitudes that came together and saiu 
the things which were done returned, beating their breasts 
for sorrow 10 . 

typo etiam Heroclis atqne Pilati, 
qui amici ex inimicis facti sunt per 
Jesum Christum, plebis Israel po- 
pulique gentilis figura, quod per 
Domini passionem utriusque sit fu- 
tura concord ia... 

1 Luke xxii. 43, 44. The extent 
and character of the variations in 
the evidence as to the authenticity 
of this passage point (like similar 
variations in other parts of the Gos- 
pel) to a double recension of the 
Gospel, proceeding, as it appears, 
from the Evangelist himself. 

2 Luke xxii. 53, aurrj v(j.<2v eVrij> 
TJ u>pa /cat 17 t^ovaia TOV tr/corofj. 
Cf. iv. 13, 6 Std/SoAos ajfdar-r] air au- 
TOV axP' Kaipov. 

3 Luke xxi. 61, /cal <rrpa0ets 6 
Kvptos tvtp\e\f/ev T> HeYpc^... 

4 Luke xxiii. 46, Hare/) els ^eTpas 
<rou Trapar/tfe/icu TO irvev/j-a fiov. The 
echo of the words still lingers in the 

phrase of St Peter: i Pet. iv. 19. 

5 Luke xxii. 51. 

6 Luke xxiii. 27 31. 

7 Luke xxiii. 34. TLdrep cw^es 
avTols' ov yap otdacTLV rl TTOLOVOLV. 
These words reappear in the narra- 
tive of the martyrdom of James, 
the brother of the Lord, preserved 
by Eusebius, H. E. II. 23, Ilapa/ca\c5 
Ki^pte Gee llarep ci'^es O.VTOIS' ov yap 

Oldaffi Ti TTOlOVfflV. 

8 Luke xxiii. 43. 

9 Luke xxiii. 48. 

10 It may not be out of place to 
notice one apparent discrepancy in 
the accounts of the Passion on which 
the opponents of the literal accuracy 
of the Evangelists insist with the 
greatest confidence. It is said that 
each of the four Evangelists gives 
the Inscription on the Cross in dif- 
ferent words. The statement is cer- 
tainly so far true that each Evani- 



The various narratives of the Resurrection place 
the fragmentariness of the Gospel in the clearest light. 
They contain difficulties which it is impossible to ex- 
plain with certainty, but there is no less an intelligible 
fitness and purpose in the details peculiar to each ac- 
count. The existence of difficulties in brief records of 
such a crisis is no more than a natural consequence 
of its character. The events of the first great Easter 
morning were evidently so rapid in their sequence and 
so startling in their lessons, that a complete history 
would have been impossible 1 . Even in ordinary cir- 

gelist gives a phrase which is not 
entirely coincident with that given 
by any one of the others, but a dose 
examination of the narratives fur- 
nishes no sufficient reason for sup- 
posing that all proposed to give the 
same or the entire inscription. St 
John indeed uses such terms as to 
leave no doubt as to his record : 
Zypatpev S Kal T'LT\OV o ITtXaros... 
ffv 5 yeypa/'T.r}o~ovs 6 Na- 
fwpcuos o /3acrtXei)s TU>V 'lovSaluv 
(John xix. 19). These Greek words 
then we may be assured were cer- 
tainly placed upon the cross ; but 
if we compare the language of St 
John with that of St Mark, it will 
be obvious that St Mark only de- 
signs to give the words which con- 
tained the point of the accusation 
the alleged usurpation of royal dig- 
nity Kal rfv 17 jrtypa<J)T) TTJS at- 
ria* avrov ^Tnyeypaf^^vrj'O |3a<rt- 
Xes rdv 'lovdaiuv (Mark xv. 26); 
and these words which contain the 
charge are common to all the Evan- 
gelists. The language of St Mat- 
thew and St Luke again, though 
this might be disputed, seems to im- 
ply that they have preserved re- 
spectively the two remaining forms 
of the trilingual inscription : eV^- 
f)r)Kav...T7]t> airLav avTov yeypafj.^- 
vqv Ovros kanv 'Irjcrovs 6 ^3curt\ei)s 
ruv 'lovSaluv (Matt, xxvii. 37) T\V 

ITT aur< '0 [3a<ri- 
\et>s TWV 'lovdaluv ovroy (Luke xxiii. 
38). If this natural conjecture be 
admitted, the difference is a proof 
of completeness, and not of discre- 
pancy. St Matthew would certainly 
preserve the Hebrew form in his 
original Gospel ; and the title in St 
Luke as given in Cod. Corb., Rex 
Juclaeorum hie est, seems like the 
scornful turn of the Latin title. 
However this may be, there is at 
least no possibility of shewing any 
inconsistency on the strictly literal 
interpretation of the words of the 

The difference between John xix. 
14 (^/CTT/) and Mark xv. 25, T/HTT; 
(cf. xv. 33 : Matt, xxvii. 45 ; Luke 
xxiii. 44), seems clearly to point to 
a different mode of reckoning (cf. 
John xviii. 28; Ewald, Christus, 
217). Again no one would find a 
contradiction in the following sen- 
tence : fiaaTaQiiv rov vravpov fi;rj\6ev 
...tepxofj.evot d evpov ZfyiwW TOV- 
rov fiyyapevffav 'iva apy TQV vravpov 
avrov (John xix. 17; Matt, xxvii. 32). 

1 In this sense the closing words 
of St John's Gospel, which are 
passed over too often as a mere 
hyperbole, contain a truth, which as 
it holds in a lower sense of the details 
of every human life, is absolutely 
true of the details of the Perfect 



cumstances the effects produced by the same outward 
phenomena, and the impressions which they convey 
to different persons in moments of great excitement, 
are so various, that we are in some measure prepared 
for apparent discrepancies in the recital of the facts 
which accompanied what was the new birth of believers 
no less than of the Saviour. At the same time we know 
so little of the laws of the spiritual world, and of the 
conditions under which beings of another order are 
revealed to men, that it is idle to urge as a final in- 
consistency the diversity of visions which, while truly 
objective, may still have depended in a manner which 
may be faintly conceived on the character of the wit- 
nesses to whom they were given. And besides all this, 
there are so many tokens of unrecorded facts in the 
brief summaries which are preserved, that no argument 
can be based upon apparent discrepancies sufficient 
to prove the existence of absolute error 1 . We have 
lost, so to speak, the setting of the history. When 
the narratives were composed much was universally 
known which is unrecorded now. The necessary result 
is partial obscurity or apparent divergence. But where 

has not detailed ; and the same ap- 
pearance seems to be referred to by 
St Paul (i Cor. xv. 5). St Paul (i 
Cor. xv. 6) helps us to distinguish 
the appearance to the gathered 
church in Galilee from the last ap- 
pearance to the Apostles (Luke xxiv. 
44 ff.), with which it has been con- 
founded ; and notices an appearance 
to James, which is elsewhere only 
recorded in Apocryphal traditions. 
If any further testimony to the mul- 
tiplicity and variety of the revela- 
tions of the Risen Lord is required, 
it is given in the widest terms by St 
Luke in Acts i. 3 (ev TTO\\OIS 

plOlS, OTTTCU'bfJ.fl'OS). 

Life anva. toy ypafrfrai KO.& 2v, 
ovS avrov olfiaL TOV /cocr/uoi' xupyaai 
ra ypa<f)6fj.ei>a /Si/3Xia. This percep- 
tion of the infinity of life makes the 
historian a true poet. 

1 For instance, from John xx. 7 
it appears that Mary Magdalene did 
not enter the Sepulchre at the first 
visit ; and this fact gives a clue to 
the explanation of the Angelic Vi- 
sions. In Matt, xxviii. 16 (oS 
^rd^aro ai)ro?s) there is a reference 
to other revelations of the Lord to 
the Apostles than that which the 
Evangelist has recorded. St Luke 
(xxiv. 34) notices incidentally an 
appearance to St Peter which he 



the evidence is confessedly imperfect, it may be wise 
to hesitate, but it is presumptuous to condemn ; and 
the possibility of reconciliation in the case of partial 
and independent narratives is all that the student of 
the Gospels requires. When it is seen that this pos- 
sibility is further combined with the existence of a 
special character in the separate accounts, the whole 
question will be presented in a truer and more instruc- 
tive form. We shall learn to acquiesce in the exist- 
ence of diversities which we cannot finally solve, when 
we find enough recorded to satisfy the individual de- 
signs of the Evangelists and the permanent needs of 

It is necessary to repeat these obvious remarks 
because the records of the Resurrection have given 
occasion to some of the worst examples of that kind 
of criticism from which the other parts of the Gospels 
have suffered, though not in an equal degree. It is 
tacitly assumed that we are in possession of all the 
circumstances of the event, and thus on the one hand 
differences are urged as fatal, and on the other ela- 
borate attempts are made to shew that the details given 
can be forced into the semblance of a complete and 
connected narrative. The true critic will pause before 
he admits either extreme. He will not expect to find 
in each Gospel, nor yet in the combination of them, 
a full and circumstantial record of a mere fact of com- 
mon history; and he will be equally .little inclined to 
bind down the possible solutions of the difficulties intro- 
duced by variations and omissions to one definite form. 
He will rather acknowledge the characteristics of the 
truth in narratives incomplete as historical relations and 
yet most perfect as lessons of divine truth embodied in 
representative facts. 



Regarding the recorded details of the Resurrection 
from this point of view, we can dismiss without any 
minute inquiry the various schemes which have been 
proposed for bringing them, as they stand at present, 
into one connected narrative. Whether the harmonist 
has recourse to a multiplication of similar incidents, 
or, with a truer insight into the style of the Scriptures, 
sees in the several accounts perspective views, as it 
were, in which several incidents are naturally grouped 
together 1 , we may accept the general conclusion with- 
out insisting on the several steps by which it is reached. 
It will rather be an object of study to realise each sepa- 
rate account as conveying a distinct image of the signs 
and results of Christ's victory. The fullest and truest 
view of the whole will then naturally follow. The most 
general will result from the most particular : the final 
impression from a combination of wholes, and not from 
a mosaic of fragments. 

The narrative of St Matthew is, as is commonly the 
case, the least minute. The great features of the history 
are traced with bold outline. Faith and unbelief, fear 
and joy, are seen together in the closest contrast ; and 
over all is the light of a glorious majesty abiding even 
unto the end. Heaven and earth are combined in one 
wide view 2 : Messiah reigns and the opposition of His 
enemies is powerless. The visit of the women, the 
Angelic ministry, a source of deadly terror to the 
guards, of great joy to the believing, the appearance 
of the Lord, the falsehood of the watch, the division 
among the disciples, the last Charge, combine to form 
a noble picture, yet so as .to convey no impression of 

1 This form of explanation is well 
followed out by Ebrard (Krit. d. 
Evang. Gesch.), though with his 

usual errors in taste. 
2 Matt, xxviii. 18. 



a complete narrative. But the peculiar traits in this 
brief summary are both numerous and important. St 
Matthew alone notices the outward glory of the Re- 
surrection, the earthquake, the sensible ministry of the 
divine messenger, the watch of enemies replaced by 
the guarding Angel. The vigilance of Roman soldiery 
and the authority of priestly power are seen to be 
unable to check the might of the new faith 1 . The 
majesty of the triumphant Messiah is shewn again by 
a fact which St Matthew has preserved as to the feel- 
ings of His disciples. He alone notices the humble 
adoration of the risen Lord before His Ascension 2 , and, 
as if with jealous care, traces to its origin the calumny 
currently reported among the Jews to this day. St Mark 
mentions the command to the disciples to go to Galilee, 
but St Matthew alone relates the final Charge to the 
assembly of believers, which was given in. solemn 
majesty, and it may be on the very mountain on which 
Christ first taught them 3 . Thus it was foreshewn that 
Jerusalem was no longer to remain the Holy City, the 
final centre of the Church. The scattered flock were 
again gathered together by their Master in the de- 
spised country from which they had first followed him 4 . 
The world-wide extent of His Kingdom is at once pro- 
claimed. Their commission is extended to all the na- 
tions ; and the highest mystery of the faith is conveyed 
in the words which are the passport into the Christian 

The narrative of St Mark is attended by peculiar 
difficulties. The original text, from whatever cause it 

1 Lange, Lcbcn Jcsu. 3 Matt, xxviii. 16, TO 6pos o* 

2 Matt xxviii. 9, 17. Contrast ITO^O.TO avrois 
Mark xv. 19. In Luke xxiv. 52 the 4 Matt 
words 7rpoffKvi>r)(rai'Ts O.\ITOV are very et's rrjv Y( 

W. G. Y 

Chap. vi. 

Matt, xxviii. 

Matt, xxviii. 
19, 20. 




Chap. vi. 

Mark xvi. 8. 

Mark xvi. 1 1. 

Mark xvi. 17, 


may have happened, terminated abruptly after the 
account of the Angelic vision 1 . The history *of the 
revelations of the Lord Himself was added at another 
time and probably by another hand. Yet in both parts 
of the record one common feature may be noticed, which 
seems to present the peculiar characteristic of the Gos- 
pel. The disciples hesitate before they accept the fact 
which surpassed their hope. There is doubt before there 
is faith. Thus as St Mark preserves an especial assu- 
rance of the reality of Christ's death, so he confirms 
most strongly the reality of His Resurrection. His 
narrative shews that the witnesses were not mere en- 
thusiasts who believed what they wished to be true. 
The women told nothing to any man when they had 
first seen the Angelic vision. The Apostles only yielded 
finally -to the reproof of their Master, when they had 
rejected in their bitter mourning the testimony of those 
to whom He had appeared. This gradual progress to 
faith exhibits that outward side of the history which 
is further illustrated by the details which the Evangelist 
has preserved from the Lord's last charge. The pro- 

1 Mark xvi. 8, e0o/3owro yap. It 
is vain to speculate on the causes of 
this abrupt close. That the verses 
which follow are no part of the ori- 
ginal narrative but an appendage is 
shewn by 

1 i ) The direct external evidence 
of NB and the statement of Eusebius 
which was probably derived from 
Origen, a combination which is not, 
I believe, ever in error in the Gos- 

(2) The indirect external evi- 
dence furnished by the existence of 
a duplicate ending in Lk. Syr. hcl mg . 

(3) The internal evidence of 
(a) The contents: v. 9 re- 
peats what has been already narra- 
ted in i ff. 

(/3) The style: vv. 9 20 are 
epitomatic and wholly alien from 
St Mark's general manner. 

(y) The connexion : it is im- 
possible to suppose that St Mark 
could have written consecutively l(j>o- 
fiovvTO yap' avacrras de Trpcoi. 

On the other hand the early evi- 
dence (Irenaeus) in favour of these 
verses seems to establish their Canon- 
icity, though they cannot be regard- 
ed as part of the original narrative 
of St Mark. There is no inconsist- 
ency between Mark xvi. 13 and 
Luke xxiv. 34, 35, but rather a most 
true trait of nature : cf. Luke xxiv. 
37. Nor is there any connexion of 
time in xvi. 15, Kal cl-rrev /c.r.A. 



mises of miraculous power assume in this a speciality 
and distinctness to which there is elsewhere no parallel ; 
and the brief clause in which the progress of the Church 
and the working of its ministers is described leads the 
reader to see on earth the present power of that mighty 
Saviour, who in this Gospel only is described as seated 
on the right hand of God 1 . 

St Luke presents many of the same details as St 
Mark, but at a greater length and apparently with a 
different object. He does not dwell directly on the 
majesty of the Resurrection as St Matthew, nor on the 
simple fact of it as St Mark, but rather connects it with 
the Passion, and unfolds the spiritual necessity by which 
suffering and victory were united. Thus it is that he 
records that part of the Angelic message in which the 
death and rising again of Christ were traced in His 
own words. And the Lord Himself, whether He talks 
with the two disciples or with the eleven, shews the 
necessity of those events by which their faith was shaken 2 . 
In this connexion the eucharistic meal at Emmaus gains 
a new meaning. That which was before clearly con- 
nected at least with the observances of the Jewish ritual 
is now separated from all legal observances. The dis- 
appearance of the Lord is as it were a preparation for 
His unseen presence; and at the same time the revela- 
tion to the eleven shews that He raised with Him from 
the grave and up to heaven 'all things appertaining 
'to the perfection of man's nature 3 .' The last view 
which St Luke gives of the office of the risen Saviour 
corresponds with the earlier traits in which he shews 
His relation to mankind. In St Matthew He is seen 

1 Mark xvi. 19. Cf. Matt. xxvi. iradew ; ver. 44, Set TrX-rjpudTJvai 
64: Luke xxii. 69; (Acts vii. 55, iravra. TO. yeypa.wj.tva. Cf. xxiv. 7. 
56;) Col. iii. i; Hebr. x. 12. 3 Luke xxiv. 36 ff. (aapKa. nal 

2 Luke xxiv. 26, ovxji raOra 5 <J<rr^a). 



Chap. vi. 

Luke xxiv. 
47, 48. 


John xx. 15, 

ohn xx. 


| as clothed with all power in heaven and on earth... present 
with the disciples to the end of the age. In St Mark He 
is raised to heaven to a throne of sovereign power, as 
One to whom nature does homage. In St Luke He is 
the High Priest in whose name repentance and re- 
mission of sins is to be proclaimed to all nations the 
Mediator who sends forth to men the promise of His 

There is yet another aspect in which the Resurrec- 
tion is presented in the Gospels, which can only be 
indicated now, though it presents lessons of marvellous 
fulness. St John traces its effects not on a Church, nor 
on an active ministry, nor on mankind at large, but on 
individuals. The picture which he draws can be com- 
pleted by traits taken from the other Evangelists; and 
if this be done, there is probably nothing else in the 
Gospels which gives the same impression of simplicity 
and comprehensiveness, of independence and harmony, 
of perfect truthfulness and absolute wisdom. The Re- 
surrection, then as now, is proved to be the touchstone 
of character. In the presence of this great fact the 
tliougJits of many hearts are revealed. Personal devotion, 
even if mistaken and limited, is received with a welcome 
of joy 1 . Hope, which had sunk by a natural and violent 
reaction even to despair, is cheered by a word of peace 
and strengthened to utter the highest confession of faith*. 
Silent love looks and believes 3 . To the eye of the 
beloved disciple the Lord was known when hidden from 
others ; and while some hastened to embrace or worship 
Him, it was his part to wait in patience, and in this 
sense also to tarry till the Lord came. 

1 Matt, xxviii. Q, Xcupere. Here crrevvcv. Cf. Luke xxiv. 12, which 
only in the Gospels. is a very ancient gloss if not a part 

2 John xx. 26, 28. of the original text. 

3 John xx. 8, /ecu etSe*' KCU liri- 


However incomplete the comparison between parallel 
Evangelic narratives which has been made in this 
chapter may be in some of its details, it seems impos- 
sible not to feel that it throws a striking light upon the 
individuality, the independence, and the Inspiration, of 
the Gospels. A more complete examination, which 
should take account of every shade of difference, such 
as could only be apprehended by personal study, would 
fill up an outline which is too plain to be easily mis- 
taken. The characteristic traits which have been noticed 
appear in the records of a series of incidents which have 
been selected for their intrinsic importance and not 
arbitrarily. They are so subtle that no one could at- 
tribute them to design ; and yet so important that they 
convey their peculiar effect to the narratives. Without 
any constant uniformity they converge towards one 
point; and even when their connexion is least apparent, 
they present a general impression of a definite law to 
which they are subject. Diversity of detail is seen to 
exist without contrariety; and the exhibition of a spi- 
ritual purpose with the preservation of literal accuracy. 

Individuality is a sign of independence. The more 
exactly any one compares parallel passages of the Gos- 
pels the more certainly he will feel that their likenesses 
are to be referred to the use of a common source and 
not to the immediate influence of one Gospel upon 
another. The general form is evidently derived from 
some one original type; the special elaboration of it is 
due to personal knowledge and apprehension of the 
events included in the fundamental cycle of teaching. 
The evidence of the Evangelists is thus one and yet 
independent. They do not reproduce one uniform 
history ; but give distinct histories according to the 
outlines of a comprehensive and common plan. 

Chap. vi. 

The results 
cf these cha- 

The indivi- 

ence, and 



Chap. vi. 

fif the Evan- 

We may proceed yet one step further. Individuality 
and independence, when presented in such a form as 
to exhibit complementary spiritual aspects of the same 
facts, are signs of Inspiration. From one side it is pos- 
sible to refer the phenomena which they offer to the 
mental characteristics of the Evangelists ; but it has 
been seen that the human element is of the essence of 
Inspiration. The Bible is divine because it is human. 
The Holy Spirit speaks through men as they are, and 
the fulness of their proper character is the medium for 
conveying the fulness of the truth. It follows then that 
in proportion as it can be shewn that there is a distinct- 
ness of purpose, though most free from the marks of 
conscious design, in the several Gospels in proportion 
that there can be shewn to exist in them significant 
differences consistent with absolute truth, there is a sure 
pledge of their plenary Inspiration in the truest and 
noblest sense of the words. Nothing less than the 
constant presence of the Holy Spirit, if we can in any 
way apprehend the method of His working, could pre- 
serve perfect truthfulness with remarkable variations; 
a perfect plan with childly simplicity ; an unbroken 
spiritual concord in independent histories. 




NOTE to p. 327. 

The difficulties connected with the chronology of the Paschal week are 
acknowledged on all hands to be very considerable, and the various solutions 
which have been proposed have tended to perplex the question still more by 
introducing uncertainty into the interpretation of the terms involved. The 
examination of these difficulties may be divided into two distinct parts, 
The determination (i) of the day of the month, and (2) of the day of the 
week, on which the Lord suffered. Of these the first includes the alleged 
discrepancy between the Synoptists and St John as to the time and charac- 
ter of the Last Supper : the second, on the other hand, is chiefly of interest 
for the interpretation of the Gospels. The two questions are quite inde- 
pendent, and will be considered separately. 

i. All the Evangelists agree as to the name of the day of the Crucifixion ; 
and in the absence of all evidence to the contrary, it is entirely unreasonable 
to suppose that the name is used in more than one sense. The day was 
The Preparation (17 irapaffKevrf), or rather A Preparation (irapaaKevq). 

Matt, xxvii. 62, rfj 8 tiratipiov yris earlv pera rty irapo.ffKv'iv. 

Mark xv. 42, ^Tret T\V Trapaa-Kewf}, 

Luke xxiii. 54, Kal -fj^pa T}V TrapaffKevrjs Kal 

John xix. 31, ^Trei TrapaffKevr) r,v (cf. ver. 42); ver. 14, rjv 6 TrapaffKVT] 
rou Tra^xa. 

What then was the Parasccue the Preparation? There can be no 
doubt that in early Christian writers, as in modern Greek, this was the 
name of Friday (Clem. Alex. Strom, vn. 877. 75, 77 Hapa<THVTJ,...tiri<f)ij- 
/ii'^ercu...?? 'A<f>podlTi]S. Cf. Polyc. Mart. 7, ry HapaffKevy, Setirvov wpa. 
Tertull. de Jejun. 14). Friday was indeed the preparation for the weekly 
Sabbath, and as such it was natural that the name should be used for it so 
commonly that at last it became the proper name of the day 1 . But the 
name and character of Sabbath was not confined to the weekly day of rest. 
There were other festival-days which had the same Sabbatic character, and 
foremost among them the first day of the feast of unleavened bread (Lev. 

1 The word appears, as it were, in a 
transition-state in a decree of Augustus 
preserved by Josephus: Ant. xvi. 6. 2: 

j o/aoAoysiy avrov; ey 
fj T/J irpb Tawnjs wapa<7xevj; dnb olpas 

Chap, vi 

i. As ti the 

day ofNi- 


i. Direct 


a. The Cru- 

cifixion on a 




Chap. vi. 


/S. The Pre- 
paration day 
fixed by St 

John as the 

Eve of the 


y. The Syn- 
optic dates 
reconcile a ble 
with this 

xxiii. 15, rd aa/3/3ara. Cf. ver. i r, Heir. verr. 24, 39) ; and thus the day be- 
fore these festival-sabbaths would likewise include a Preparation in the same 
way as that before the weekly sabbaths. All festivals did not partake in 
this Sabbatic character, and consequently the enumeration of days in Judith 
(viii. 6, evr)(TTevev ...%wpts 7r/)0(ra/3/3arwi> /cat <ra/3j8drwi', /cat Trpovov^vi&v /cat 
vovfj.-rji>iuv /cat eopr&v /cat xap / tto<rwwi> OLKOV 'IcrparjX) proves nothing as to the 
exclusive use of the word Trpocrdp[3aTov, by which St Mark explains irapa- 
<r/ceu77, for the weekly Preparation 1 . 

If it is allowed that there is nothing in the Synoptic Gospels, so far as 
the title of the day is concerned, which determines whether it is to be 
understood of the weekly or of the festival preparation, St John seems to 
leave no real room for doubt. In point of grammar, TrapacrKevr) rou 7rd<7%a 
the Preparation of the Passover might mean Friday in the Paschal 
week ; but it seems incredible, if we take into consideration the significance 
of St John's dates, that the Evangelist should reckon by the week and not 
by the symbolic feast of which he is recording the fulfilment 2 . In con- 
nexion with the whole narrative, the Preparation of the Passover cannot 
mean anything but the Preparation for the Passover, or in other words the 
1 4th Nisan, the eve of the Paschal supper, which was eaten at the beginning 
of the I5th Nisan according to the Jewish reckoning, i.e. after sunset of the 
1 4th according to our own 3 . 

The dates furnished by the Synoptists fall in with this interpretation. 
On the first day of unleavened bread, which is identified with the I4th 
of Nisan by the significant addition when they sacrificed the Paschal- 
offering (Mark xiv. 12, rrj Trpwrij ij^pg. ruv avpwv ore r6 TracT^a Zdvov' 
Luke xxii. 7, TJ r//*. r. df. ev 77 e'Set duecrOac TO irdcrx -' Matt. xxvi. 17, ry 5e 
7rpu>r?7 r&v d), the disciples inquired where they should prepare the 
Passover. Then follow in unbroken succession the Last Supper (Matt. 
xxvi. 20; Mark xiv.' 17, 6\f/ias yevofj-eisr/s' Luke xxii. 14, &Ve eyfrero TJ w,oa), 
the departure to Gethsemane (Matt. xxvi. 31; Mark xiv. 27, rrj vvtcri 
Tavrrj], the arrest, the examination (Matt. xxvi. 74, and parallels, dX^/crwp 
(j>ui>r)<rej>), the deliberation (Matt, xxvii. i, irpwlas yevo/jifvrjs), and the 
various steps of the Passion. Now it appears that the i4th was kept at a 
later time as a day of rest especially in Galilee (Mishna, Pesach. iv. i. 5; 
ap. Bleek, Beitr. I22 4 ), that is probably the natural day, excluding the 
evening. The fact supports the idea, which is probable in itself, that the 

1 M. Lutteroth, in an ingenious essay 
(Le Jour de la Preparation, Paris, 1855), 
has endeavoured to identify the Prepara- 
tion with the loth of Nisan, the day on 
which the offering was set apart. Luke 
xxii. 7 seems to be decisive against this 
supposition, and M. Lutteroth appears to 
feel the difficulty which the most forced 
interpretation is insufficient to remove. 

2 This will be felt at once if we translate 
John xix. 42 because of the Friday of the 

Jews (Bleek, Beitr. 117). 

3 In conformity with this the Jewish 
tradition represents ' the Eve of the Pass- 
over' as the time of the Crucifixion (Bleek, 
Beitr. 148). The connexion between the 
two uses of irapacntevTr) is well seen in the 
connexion of 3"W the eve of a feast, and 

Nrp-'py. Friday (Buxt. Lex. p. 1659). 

4 Sapientes dicunt, in Judaea operaban- 
tur vespera Paschatis (DTIDB 


question of the disciples was asked immediately upon the sunset of the I3th. 
The preparation is evidently contemplated as foreseen by the owner of the 
house, and need not have occupied much time 1 . The evening of the Supper 
would thus be as St John represents it, the evening at the beginning of the 
1 4th. The same day after sunrise next morning is rightly described as a 
Preparation-day the Preparation of the Passover, though the Preparation, 
in the strictest sense of the term, was limited to the last three hours, from 
the ninth how. 

This view of the time of the Last Supper is supported by a variety of 
indirect arguments, common to St John and the Synoptists, which appear 
to be so cogent in themselves that many critics who affirm the inconsistency 
of the two forms of the narrative assume that the original basis of the Syn- 
optic Gospels presented the same chronology as St John, and that these 
coincidences spring from the partial preservation of the first text. 

But before noticing these less distinct intimations of the date, there are 
yet two other passages of St John which seem to leave no room to doubt 
his meaning, if it be not clear already. On the morning of the day of the 
Crucifixion the Jews, as he writes, would not enter the judgment-hall of 
Pilate, that they might eat the Passover (John xviii. 28, 'iva. (pd-yucn TO 
TraVxa 2 ). Nothing but the determination to adapt these words to a theory 
could suggest the idea that eating the Passover applies to anything but 
the great Paschal meal 3 . Our ignorance as to the custom of the Jews at 
the time makes it impossible to determine the extent of impurity contracted 
by entering the house of a heathen, but it would at any rate last till sunsetj 
in which case the person thus impure could not be present at the sacrifice of i 
the offering in the Temple. Nor is it less decisive on the point that towards ! 
the close of the evening on which the Last Supper took place, and when it i 
was nearly ended, the disciples thought that Judas was dismissed that he i 
might buy the things which were needed for the feast (John xiii. 29, c5j 
Xpeiav -)(o^ v et>s rr ?" &V 7 "? I ') which was already defined as the feast of the 
Passover (xiii. i, irpb 5c T??S foprrjs TOU Traced). On the I5th such purchases 
would have been equally illegal and impossible. 

This passage leads to the series of other passages already alluded to 
which so far determine the day of Crucifixion as to shew that it was not 

usque ad meridiem. Sed in Galihea iiihil 
omnlno operabantur i et nocte schola 
Schammai vetat, schola Hillelis permittit 
usque ad scintillationem soils. Cf. 6. 
The whole chapter is worthy of study in 
illustration of the care with which even 
the igth Nisan was observed. Cf. Pesach. 
Vol. i. p. 150. 

1 Mark xiv. 15, 5eiei aWyaiop ft-tya. 
effTpwjueVoi' eroi/xov. 

. 2 The phrase occurs in the account of 
the institution of the Passover, Exod. xii. 

21, 0vVaTe TO irda-xi, and though the words 
might perhaps be extended to the keeping 
of the whole rite, yet they properly de- 
scribe the sacrificial act as distinguished 
from the entire festival (iroifiv TO ird<T\a, 
Num. ix. 2, 6, 10, &c.). Cf. Dent. xvi. 2, 5, 
6; Ezra vi. 20, 21, e<r<}>aav TO ffa<rxa...cai 
e<f>ayov TO iraV^a. 

3 The passages quoted in support of the 
rendering ' celebrate the feast by eating 
1 the Chagiga ' fail in true parallelism 
(Bleek, Beitr. 109 ff.). 


Chap. vi. 

2. Indirect 

a. St John 
implies that 
tke Paswer 
was not 
eaten OH the 

ft. St John 
ami t/if Sy- 
noptists iin- 



Chap. vi. I5th Nisan. This day the first day of unleavened bread was a Sabbath, 
on which the Sabbatic law of rest was specially binding (Exod. xii. 16; 
Lev. xxiii. 7). Now the Synoptists and St John alike exclude the notion 
that the day of the Crucifixion was such a Sabbath. Apart from the extreme 
improbability that such a festival as the first day of unleavened bread 
would be described as Friday or Preparation-day, everything is done with- 
out scruple which would have been unlawful on a Sabbath. A commission 
to make purchases is regarded as natural (John xiii. 29) ; the Lord and 
His disciples leave the city contrary to the command (Exod. xii. 22); 
men come armed for the arrest of Christ 1 (Luke xxii. 52); the Jewish 
council meets iv* judgment; Simon comes (as it appears) from his ordinary 
work (Mark xv. 2 1 ; Luke xxiii. 26, IpybfUifW air' aypov) ; the condemned 
are executed and taken clown from the crosses, and at the close of the day 
spices are prepared for the embalming of the Lord (Luke xxiii 55), and 
because of the Preparation (that is, of the approaching Sabbath) He is laid 
in a tomb which was near (John xix. 42), whereas if it were the i5th, the 
day itself was a Sabbath 2 . To those familiar by experience with Jewish 
usages, as all the Evangelists must have been, the whole narrative of the 
Crucifixion, crowded with incidents of work, would set aside the notion 
that the day was the isth. Where the idea was excluded by facts, there 
would be no need of words and no fear of ambiguity; and if we keep 
clearly in view the Sabbatical character of the I5th, we shall be satisfied 
that all the Evangelists equally forbid us to place the Crucifixion on such 
a day. 

One or two allusions, which perhaps cannot be urged as arguments 
without claiming greater authority for the symbolic meaning of Holy 
Scripture than many would concede, seem to point clearly to the result 
which has been thus obtained from the positive evidence in favour of the 
1 4th Nisan, and the negative evidence against the isth. St John, by 
applying to our Lord words from the institution of the Passover 3 , evidently 
contemplates Him as the true Paschal Lamb, and the harmony of the nar- 
rative is completed by the supposition that the time as well as the mode of 
the Lord's death coincided with that of the typical victim 4 . St Paul 
repeats the same idea more distinctly, I Cor. v. 7, TO irdvxa -?ip.uv eTvdrj 
X/>t<rr6s' wWe eopTa.awfj.fv K.T.\. ; and it has been argued with great plausi- 
bility that if he had regarded the institution of the Eucharist as taking place 
at the Paschal meal he would not have said simply fv Trj VVKTI y TrapedideTo 
(i Cor. xi. 23). Nor is it to be forgotten that these references of St Paul 
are the more important as proceeding from a distinct source. 

1 And this, it may be noticed, when the acquainted with the Jewish law. 

rulers determined to avoid the feast (Matt. 3 Johnxix. 36compared with Exod. xii-46. 

xxvi. 5 ; Mark xiv. 2, /mj ei> TTJ eopTJj). 4 In this aspect the time, the ninth 

2 Bleek (I.e.} quotes authorities to shew hour (Matt, xxvii. 46; Mark xv. 34; Luke 
the illegality of doing the several acts xxiii. 44), is very important. This was the 
mentioned on the Sabbath ; the enumera- beginning of the solemn Preparation (comp. 
tion itself seems sufficient for any one p. 343, n. i). 



On such a point historical tradition may seem to some to be of no great 
weight, but it is evident that the tendency of any change in the tradition 
would be towards the identification of the Last Supper with the Paschal 
meal, and not towards the distinction of the two, if they had been original!) 
connected. Now, as far as appears, early tradition is nearly unanimous in 
fixing the Crucifixion on the i4th, and in distinguishing the Last Suppe 
from the legal Passover 1 . This distinction is expressly made by Apolli 
naris 2 , Clement of Alexandria 3 , Hippolytus 4 , Tertullian, Irenoeus 5 , who 
represent very different sections of the early Church. Origen, according to 
the Latin Version of his Commentary on St Matthew, seems to identify the 
Supper with the legal Passover, but the passage is confused 6 . From 
the time of Chrysostom the meal was generally identified with the Pass 
over 7 ; but Photius expressly notices that two writers who differed widely 
on other points of the Paschal controversy agreed in fixing the Passion 
on the i4th, contrary to the later opinion of the Church, and therefore 
reserves the question for examination 8 . The Quartodeciman controversy 
itself has no decisive bearing on the date. The evidence as to the point 
on which the controversy turned is too meagre and ambiguous to allow 
of any satisfactory conclusions being drawn from it 9 . 

But in answer to all these arguments which are drawn from direct and 
indirect evidence of every kind, it is said that the Synoptists plainly speak 
of the Last Supper as the Paschal meal. It might perhaps be enough to 
answer that they define the day of the Crucifixion at least as plainly, and 
that St John, who is in perfect harmony with them as to the day, shews 
that the meal was not the Paschal meal, as indeed it could not be if it 
was on the Preparation-day. Either then they must include a gross con- 
tradiction in their narrative, or we must misinterpret their meaning as to 
'the day or the meal ; and certainly not as to the former, because that is 
fixed by a complicated chain of evidence, while the other is expressed in 

Chap. vi. 

. Historic 

1 Cf. Routh, Rell. Sacr. i. 168. 

2 Fragm. n. ap. Routh, i. p. 160 : 
\eyovviv [ot SC dyi/oiav </>iAoi'eiKOu<ri Trepl 
TOU'TWV] OTI TJJ 18' TO wpo|3aTOi> jutera Ttav 
/maflrjTwy efyayev 6 Kvpioj, TTJ 8e fj.eyd\j] 
rj/xe'po rwf dv(J.<av auros enaOev' KOI Sirj- 
yovvrai Marflatov OUTW Ae'-yei 

(Ttv. 'odev txau/i^wi/os re vo/xa> 17 
aurwi', /ecu <TTao'ia.eiv So/cei tear' avVovs roi 
evayye'A.ia.. This fragment is specially im- 
portant as pointing to what may have 
been the source of the confusion, the dif- 
ferent reckoning of the Jewish ecclesias- 
tical and natural days : the evening at the 
beginning of the i4th seems to have been 
confounded with the evening at the end of 
the i4th (the natural day), * *. the evening 
of the isth and the time of the Paschal 

Apollinaris (in Fragm. m.) elsewhere 
states distinctly that the Lord, the 'great 
' sacrifice,' was crucified and 'buried on the 
'day of the Passover,' the i4th, the 'true 
'Passover of the Lord.' 

3 Clem. Alex. Fragm. p. 1016, Pott. 

4 Hipp. Fragm. i. n. (p. 869, ed. 

s Tertull. adv. Jud. 8; Iren. iv. 10. 
1 ( 2 3) (quoted by Browne, Ordo Sieclorum, 
p. 66). Yet Irenasus calls the meal a Fass- 
over(ii. 22. 2). 

6 Orig. Comm. in Matt. 79. 

7 The interesting Catena on St Mark 
published by Cramer contains both opi- 
nions (Cram. Cat. in Marc. pp. 420, 421), 
the second with a reference to St John. 

Phot. Cod. 115, 116. 

Cf. Bleek, Beitr. 156 ff. 



Chap. vi. one or two phrases which admit readily of a different sense, when once we 

reflect that the very circumstances of the case must have put out of ques- 

j tion for Jews what appears to us to be their most natural meaning. It is 
said that the disciples speak of preparing for eating the Passover (Matt. 
xxvi. 17; Mark xiv. 12; Luke xxii. 9); that Christ himself proposes to 
eat it (Matt. xxvi. 18; Mark xiv. 14; Luke xxii. 8); that the disciples 
actually prepared the Passover (r l ToLp.a<ra.v TO Trdcrxa, Matt. xxvi. 19 ; 
Mark xiv. 16; Luke xxii. 13); that in the course of the meal which fol- 
lowed immediately afterwards the Lord said / desired to eat this Passoz<er 
with y 'ou (^TTdu/j,r](Ta TOVTO TO 7ra<r%ct <payeiv fteO' V/JLUV, Luke xxii. 15). If 
these words stood alone, there can be no doubt that we should explain 
them of the Paschal meal taken at the legal time ; but the Evangelists who 
use them exclude this sense by their subsequent narrative, and we find in 
the contexts indications of the sense in which they must be taken. The 
Lord, in sending His disciples to make the preparation, said My time is 
near (Matt. xxvi. 18), as if to explain something unusual in His com- 
mand. He sent, as the words imply, to a disciple who was expecting 
Him, and speaks with authority as the Master (d StSotcr/caXos, Matt. xxvi. 
18; Mark xiv. 14; Luke xxii. n). May we not then suppose that the 
Preparation which the disciples may have destined for the next day was 
made the preparation for an immediate meal which became the Paschal 
meal of that year, when the events of the following morning rendered the 
regular Passover impossible 1 ? If this seems a forced sense, we must 
remember that while the memory of events was still fresh, as it was when 
the oral Gospel was fixed, statements which are perplexing to us may have 
been readily intelligible from a knowledge of the connecting facts. Nothing 
at least can be more unlikely than that the narratives should be severally 
inconsistent with themselves. Ritual difficulties, which we can feel only 
by effort and careful study, would be felt instinctively by the Evangelists. 
They and their first readers could not have referred the events of the 
Crucifixion-day to the Sabbath on the I5th, and consequently could not, 
as we might do, refer the words which describe the Supper preceding it to 
the legal Passover. 

It remains for us to notice very briefly the second point of inquiry. Long 
use and tradition seem to have decided this already, but it may be ques- 
tioned whether there are not grounds for doubting the correctness of the 
common opinion. In the record which St Matthew has preserved of the 
saying of the Lord as to the sign of Jonah, it is stated that the Son of 
Man shall be three days and three nights in the heart of the earth (Matt. 
xii. 40, Tpeis -rjfj.tpas Kal -r/oets z/y/craj). Admitting that the parts of the days 
of the Burial and the Resurrection are to be reckoned as days, yet even 
thus the period from Friday till Sunday is only three days and two nights. 

1 Hippol. Fragm. I. p. 869 : OVTOS -yap r}i> 
TO ird<T\a TO irpoKeKfipvyi^fVOV Kal TeAeiou- 
Hevov TTJ aJptcr/aeVfj ijfxt'p?- The use of nda-\ct 

for the Christian Eucharist would render 
the confusion easier in after time: cf. 
Mingarelli, Did. de Trin. n. 16. 


Are we then to conclude that the separate enumeration of days and nights 
is without any special force, and strictly speaking inaccurate? or to suppose 
that the term Preparation- day has led to the very natural but erroneous 
identification of the day of the Crucifixion with Friday? The evidence on 
both sides is but slight. On the o'ne hand it may be said that St John 
spoke of the Sabbath which followed the Preparation as being of special 
solemnity (John xix. 31, yv yap fjieydX-r) T? r)/j.tpa eKdvov rov <ra/3/3aTov), and 
this would certainly be the case if the isth of Nisan, a festival Sabbath, 
coincided with the weekly Sabbath ; and so also St Luke appears to mark 
only one day as intervening between the Burial and the Resurrection (Luke 
xxiii. 54, 56, <rdf3(3arov fTr^<pw<TKfv...rb [j.v <ra/3/3aroj' i]<rijx affav }' But St 
Matthew describes the day after the Crucifixion in so remarkable a manner 
as to lead to the belief that he did not regard it as the weekly Sabbath: 
The next day that followed the day of the Preparation the Chief Priests 
came to Pilate (TT/ 5 eTratipiov TJTIS karlv fj.era rrjv TrapaaKevrjv, Matt, xxvii. 
62). Such a circumlocution seems most unnatural if the weekly Sabbath 
were intended ; but if it were the first day of unleavened bread, then, as the 
proper title of that day had been already used to describe the commence- 
ment of the Preparation-day (Matt. xxvi. 17, TT; 5 irpurri TUV a.vnwv), no 
characteristic term remained for it. Moreover the day in itself was a 
great Sabbath, and could be described as such by St John, without sup- 
posing any coincidence of the weekly and festival Sabbaths. And the whole 
Sabbatic period, extending from the beginning of 'the i5th of Nisan to the 
dawn of the first day of the week might perhaps without violence be called 
a Sabbath ; or at least the rest on the i5th might be implied in the state- 
ment of the rest observed on the Sabbath. Such a period would completely 
satisfy the term fixed by the sign of Jonah, and the text of the Gospels 
(with the exception of the one passage in St Luke, which forms an apparent 
difficulty) leaves the length of the entombment undetermined, except so far 
as it is fixed by theyfrj/ day of the week, and the legal resting-time which 
interrupted the preparations of the disciples 1 . 

But without pursuing the question further at present, what has been 
said may be sufficient to direct attention to the investigation, which seems 
to call for more notice than has been hitherto given to it. 

1 The other dates which refer to the 
interval are: (i) Matt, xxvii. 63, etn-ti/... 
/itera rpeis TJ/xe'pa? iyeipofiai, K\evcrov 
odv d<T<^a\Lff9qi/at rov TOL^OV us TIJ? tpi- 
TTJS T)/bLe'pa. Cf. Mark viii. 31, Si...jxeTa 
rpets 7};u.epas"rr l va.c Mark ix. 31, 
x. 34. (2) John ii. 19, AuaaT* TOP vaov 
TOVTOV Kai [ey] rpialv ij/ae'pai? eyepaJ av- 
TOI'. Cf. 8ia rpiaJp jj/aepwc, Matt. xxvi. 61, 

Mark xiv. 58, if rpirriv >J/xe'pai?, Matt, 
xxvii. 40, Mark xv. 29. (3) 777 TpiV w ^ep ? 
aVacrnji/ai, Matt. xvi. 21, xvii. 23, xx. 19, 
Luke ix. 22, xviii. 33, xxiv. 7, 46. (4) rpirriv 
TavTTji/ TjVe'pav dyei, Luke xxiv. 21. It will 
scarcely be denied that the obvious mean- 
ing of these phrases favours the longer in- 
terval which follows from the strict inter- 
pretation of Matt. xii. 40. 


Chap. vi. 


The Differences of A rrangement in the Synoptic 

Le coeur a son ordre, 

' Chap. vii. 

cal arrange- 
ment not to 
be expected 
in. the 

r THHE differences of arrangement in the Synoptic 
JL Evangelists are more obvious and not less impor- 
tant than the differences in detail. Numerous groups of 
events present the same arrangement in every case, but 
other events are transposed, so as to convey a new les- 
son from the new position in which they stand. While 
there is very much which is common to all the Synop- 
tists, the incidents peculiar to each produce the same 
kind of individuality in the whole narratives as the special 
details impart to the separate elements of which they 
are composed. Each Evangelist has a characteristic 
arrangement, coincident up to a certain point with that 
of the others, and yet so far different that harmonists 
are commonly driven to violent expedients assump- 
tions of the repetition or confusion of similar events 
to bring all into agreement. But before taking recourse 
to such solutions of the difficulty we may fairly ask 
whether the order of the Evangelists is a violation or an 
abandonment of chronological sequence? If the succes- 
sion of time is subordinated to the succession of idea, 


then it is but lost labour to seek for a result which our 
materials are not fitted to produce. The object of the 
student will be to follow out the course of each reve- 
lation of the Truth, and not to frame annals of the 
Saviour's Life. There are indeed times marked out by 
marvellous coincidences and significant relations in which 
we may see something of the symmetry of the Divine 
plan of history, but evidence is wanting to justify the 
extension of a system of minute dates to the teaching 
of the Lord. If what has been already said of the frag- 
mentariness of the Gospels be true and the character 
and express language of St John's Gospel seem to be 
conclusive on this point then it is from the first un- 
likely that writings which do not aim at completeness 
should observe with scrupulous exactness the order of 
time. Selection is in. the one case what arrangement is 
in the other. The first was guided by an instinctive 
perception of representative facts: the other by an in- 
stinctive perception of their relation to a central idea. 
An inspired order is the correlative of an inspired abridg- 
ment. The existence of the one suggests the existence 
of the other, or at least removes any presumption against 
the disregard of the common rule of composition. 

If however the text of the Gospel bear clear traces 
of a systematic attention to chronology, the argument 
based on a mere analogy which might be expected to 
hold between matter and form must be set aside. But 
in fact it is not so. The examination of a few chapters 
of the Synoptic Gospels will leave little doubt that 
temporal sequence was not the standard of their ar- 
rangement. Their whole structure, as well as their con- 
tents, serves to prove that they are memoirs and not 
histories. Definite marks of time and place are ex- 
tremely rare ; and general indications of temporal or 


Chap. vii. 

local connexion are scarcely more frequent 1 . The or- 
dinary words of transition are either indefinite or are 
disjunctive 2 . Outwardly at first sight the Synoptic 

of events ; nor are the ambiguities 
removed by taking into account the 
notices that some events followed 
others: Matt. ix. 9, 27; xii. 9, 15; 
xv. 21, 29. 

It may be observed that the style 
of St Matthew presents the greatest 
appearance of continuity, though 
probably he offers the most nume- 
rous divergences from chronological 
order. Cf. Matt. viii. i, 6%/\ot 
TroXXoL' 2 4, Kal t r)dei>l e'i- 
""S 5 ' 5> eif^\6ovTOs' 14, /cat eXduiis' 
1 8, idwf fie' 23, Kal fj.^dvTL' xiv. 
13, 14. vSt Luke, on the other 
hand, is the least connected. The 
great series of events which he con- 
nects with the last journey to Jeru- 
salem (xi. xvii.), is at once one of 
the strongest arguments against the 
observance of time by the Evange- 
lists, and the most striking illustra- 
tion of their mode of connexion. 

2 In this respect the usage of each 
Evangelist is peculiar. The follow- 
ing connecting phrases may be no- 
ticed : 

(i) In St Matthew: (a) Tore at 

that time: no close sequence : 

the word does not occur in 

this manner in St Mark; cf. 

Luke xxi. 10 iii. 5, 13; (iv. 

i); ix. 14, 37 (cf.^ ver. 35); 

xi. 20; xii. 22, 38; (xiii. 36); 

xv. i, 12; xvi. 24; xviii. 21; 

xix. 13, 27; xx. 20; xxiii. i. 

In iv. i and xiii. 36 it marks 

a direct sequence. 
(/?) de, iv. 1 8 ; v. i; viii. 18; 

xi. 2; xv. 32; xvi. 13. 
(y) /cat, iv. 23; viii. 14; ix. 

2, 9, 27, 35; x. i; xii. 9; 

xv. 21 ; xvi. I, 5. 

1 From the time of the Tempta- 
tion to the Transfiguration I have 
noticed only the following distinct 
connexions of detailed events : 

(1) Matt. viii. 18, 34. The storm 
stilled; the Gadarene demo- 
niacs ; the return. So Mark iv. 
35 ff. (connecting these events 
with the great day of Para- 
bles : cf. Matt. xiii. 53) ; Luke 
viii. 22 ff. 

(2) Matt. ix. 1 8, ravra avrov Xa- 
XOVVTOS. Of the new and old ; 
Jairus' daughter. Cf. Mark 
v. 22; Luke viii. 41, Kal idov' 
fixing no connexion of time. 

(3) Matt. ix. 32, avruiv d eep- 
Xofj-evuv. The healing of two 
blind ; the healing of a dumb 
man (peculiar to St Matthew). 

(4) Matt. xii. 46, eri avrov Xa- 
XOVVTOS' xiii. r, ev rr) r/jmepa 
tKtlvrj (yet cf. Acts viii. i); 
Mark iv. I, /cat TraXif. Luke 
viii. 4, ffvitLovTos de 6xXov. The 
blasphemy of Pharisees ; the 
true kindred; the day of Pa- 
rables. Compare No. (i). 

(5) Matt. xiv. 22; Mark vi. 45, 
evBews r)vd-yK.a.ffev. The Walk- 

. ing on the Water immediately 
after the Feeding the 5000. 

(6) Matt. xvii. i ; Mark ix. 2, 
fj.ed' r/fj.epas e. Luke ix. 28, 
wcret r}/j.pat 8/crw. The Com- 
ing of the Kingdom ; the 

(7) Mark i. 29, /cat ei)0i>s eeX- 
66i>TS. Luke iv. 38, dvaffras 
de (Matt. viii. 14, /cat eXddiv... 
no connexion : cf. v. 23 ; Mark 
i. 39). The Demoniac in the 
Synagogue ; Peter's wife's 
mother cured. 

(8) Luke vii. n, ev ry e?js (al. 
rip e^rjs). The Centurion's 
servant ; the widow's son. 

These data are evidently insuffi- 
cient to determine one certain order 

(5) iv eKeivij} T /catpy, xi. 25 ; 
xii. i; xiv. I, tv e/cetj/j; rrj 
w/>a, xviii. I, ev e/cetz>ats ratj 
7?/ne/3ats, iii. I, ev rrj r/ 
^Keivr], xiii. i. 

(e) To these may be added the 



Gospels are more like collections of anecdotes than his- 
tories. If we compare any series of incidents which 
they contain with a similar series in any historian ancient 
or modern, we shall find at once that apart from all 
other differences there is a fundamental distinction in 
the way in which the incidents are put together. In 
the one the circumstances of time and place rule the 
combination: in the other the spiritual import, not in- 
dependent of these, but yet rising above them, is dis- 
tinctly predominant. 

But while it is maintained that the separate Gospels 
are not to be forced into any chronological harmony, 
that the law of their composition is moral and not tem- 
poral, that there is a progressive development in the 
several histories, to neglect which is to lose the very 
outline of their divine meaning; yet the order of time, 
so far as it can be ascertained, is not to be neglected. 
The occasion frequently gives its character to the action. 
A marked connexion brings out with unerring power 
some latent trait which might otherwise have been over- 
looked 1 . Thus it is that particular days seem to stand 

use of exeWtv, ix. 9, 27; 
xii. 9, 15; xiii. 53; xv. 
21, 29. 

(2) In St Mark: (a) Kal...Trd\u>, 
ii. i, 13; iii. i ; iv. i (Kal ira- 
^iv)', vii. 31 (KO.I TraXiv); viii. 
I, ev eKeivcus rats 77/x.^pcus 

(/3) Kal, i. 21, 40; ii. 18, 23; 
iii. 7, 13, 20, 31; iv. 21, 24, 
26, 30; vi. i, 7, 14, 30; 
vii. i, 23; viii. 22, 27. 

(3) In St-Luke: (a) Kal tytvero or 
eyfrero 5 occurs in St Luke 
42 times; in St Mark 4 times; 
in St Matthew, Kal tytvero 
6're rt\e<rei> (ffwer. vii. 28), 
five times; else once, ix. 10) 
v. i. 12, 17; vi. i, 6, 12; 

W. G. 

vii. ii ; viii. i, 22; ix. 18; 
xi. i ; xx. i ; &-Y. 
(/3) /cat, iv. 16, 31; vii. 18; 

viii. 26; ix. 10, 57 ; x. 25. 
(7) 5<f, vii. 36; viii. 19; ix. i; 

7, 43, 46; x. i, 17. 
The connexions of xi. xvii. will 
be noticed afterwards. 

1 The healing of the woman with 
the issue, which in all the accounts 
interrupts the history of the raising 
of Jairus' daughter, offers the most 
remarkable illustration of this. The 
beginning of the woman's plague 
was coeval with the maiden's birth. 
The one had suffered for twelve 
years when she was made whole; 
the other had lived for twelve years 
when she fell asleep to receive a new 

Chap. vii. 

The order of 
time gene- 
rally coin- 
cident with 
a spiritual 


Chap. vii. 

The Har- 
tnony of the 
Gospels to be 
sought in the 
of the pur- 
poses which 
they work 

out with signal prominence in the history of Christ, as 
portraying a crisis of faith and unbelief in a rapid con- 
currence of events 1 . The days themselves stand iso- 
lated, while as distinct wholes they have an internal 
unity. But beyond such a limited influence of time as 
this, there is an influence which extends to a much wider 
range. In the perfect life all succession proceeds by a 
supreme law. The progress in the lessons which it un- 
folds will answer absolutely, as among men partially, to 
its outward development. It is then impossible but 
that there should be some broad lines of agreement in 
order between records of Christ's work based on its 
varied spiritual meanings. General agreement will be 
diversified by characteristic divergencies. The agree- 
ment will be sufficiently wide to convey to us some 
sense of the infinite harmony of every part and relation 
of the hufhan Life of the Saviour: the divergence suffi- 
ciently striking to save us from sacrificing the manifold 
bearings of eternal truth to a rigid order of time. 

If this view be cdrrect the technical work of the har- 
monist is limited to a narrow compass. When he has 
shewn that the few incidental fixed dates in the Gospels 
are consistent with one another, all objections drawn 
from the discordant order which they otherwise present 
fall to the ground. He is then free to interpret the 
letter by the spirit; and to lay open that inner harmony 
which springs out of the union of various purposes, and 
leads to the full portraiture of a divine work. The 
reality of such a harmony is involved, as we have seen, 
in the very idea of Inspiration, and it is perhaps a 

life. It is impossible not to recog- 
nise in this a typical meaning. The 
faith of the Gentiles seizes the gift 
which is destined for the Jew. This 
is beautifully brought out by Hilary, 

in Matt. ix. 6. 

1 Two such days may be noticed : 
Luke iv. 3342, a day of faith; 
Mark iv. i v. 20, a day of opposi- 
tion, warning, power. 



corollary from the existence of a fourfold record. Yet 
it is to be felt rather than analysed. The subtlest signs 
by which it is characterized vanish in the rude process 
of dissection. To present it clearly, and even then very 
inadequately, would be to write a commentary on the 
Gospels; and for the present it must be enough if we 
can determine some of the great features by which it 
appears to be distinguished. 

We have already seen that St Matthew connects the 
beginning of the Gospel-history with the glories of the 
typical kingdom and the hopes of the first covenant. At 
the very outset he announces the Messiah as the son of 
David and the son of Abraham, the branch and seed to 
which all Prophecy looked. The Genealogy, confined 
within the limits of the national promise, is the intro- 
duction to his narrative: the birth of the Christ 1 his first 
subject. The inner scope of the whole Gospel is directed 
to the development of this idea in the light of ancient 
Revelation 2 . The fear of Joseph is connected with the 
righteousness of the law; and the imperfection of this 
righteousness is at once intimated by the reference to 
the sins of the people from which Christ should save them. 
But the holy name Jesus symbolical at once of the 
ancient triumphs of Israel and of the future triumphs 
of the Church is merged for the moment in that mys- 
terious title which was consecrated by the memory of 
an ancient deliverance. The sense of God's personal 
presence, which when shadowed forth in former times 
had sustained the king of Judah against the armies of 
Syria and Damascus, is at length confirmed by a literal 
fulfilment of the symbol. Immanuel is no longer a figure 

1 There can be little doubt that 
the correct reading in Matt. i. 18 is 
TOU 8t X/rtoToO 77 yfreeis ou'rws TJV. 

2 See Note A at the end of the 
Chapter for an Analysis of the 

Z 2 

St MAT- 

The Intro- 
duction, (i. 

Matt. i. iS. 

Matt. i. 21. 


but a truth. The Parable becomes a fact: the word of 
hope a confession of faith. 

The first chapter declares the title of Messiah, the 
second foreshews His reception. Adoration on the one 
side, persecution on the other : the ministry of the 
powers of heaven, the tyranny of the powers of earth: 
bloodshed, and flight, and exile : such are the begin- 
nings of the Kingdom. He who is saluted by Prophets 
as God with us, is, according to the tenour of their 
teaching, a Nazarene poor and despised in the eyes 
of men. 

So far we have a preface to the Gospel, pregnant 
with symbolic facts. Next follows a brief summary of 
Messiah's work, presented in a rapid contrast between 
His preaching and the preaching of His Herald. Both 
proclaim the same message 1 . Both choose the field of 
their labour according to the declarations of Prophecy. 
But with this the resemblance ends. The work of John 
is that of the Law, to awaken and convict. He con- 
fronts the two great sections of the Jewish Church 2 with 
terrible denunciations against the prescriptive holiness 
of descent and ritual. For hope he points only to Him 
who should come. In act, if not in word, he acknow- 
ledges the fulfilment of his office in the recognition of 
Messiah 3 . And then the scene changes. The wilder- 
ness, which was the place of John's teaching, is the 
place of Christ's Temptation. When John is cast into 

1 Matt. iii. 2; iv. 17, Mera^oetre, 
rjyyiKev yap 77 jSaatXeta ruv ovpav&v. 
It may be doubted whether the true 
reading in the second case is not 
simply "llyyinev T\ fiaff. r. ovp. See 
Tisch. ad loc. 

a Fro'm not observing the point 
of this, some have felt a difficulty 
at the mention of these sects. St 

Matthew gives the relation of the 
religions parties of the Jews to 
John, as St Luke of each social 
class. Both form together a whole : 
TUV 3>ap. K.0.1 Sa55. 

3 Thus he yields to the words 
TrXrjpwcrai Traffav 8LKa.LOffvvrjv (Matt. 
iii. 15). Compare John i. 31. 



prison, Christ definitely begins his work 1 . Instead of 
repelling or dismissing men, Christ calls them to follow 
Him and share His labour. He announces in the Syna- 
gogue the Gospel of the Kingdom*, and confirms His 
word by signs of power and love. 

From this point we are led to regard our Lord more 
in detail under His different offices, as Lawgiver, Prophet, 
and King. One trait prepares the way for the other, so 
that it is difficult to make a very definite line of demar- 
cation between the different sections of the history; but 
while the transitions are gradual, the general progress of 
idea is beyond question. The beginning is a counter- 
part of the revelation from Sinai : the close a fulfilment 
of the covenant with David 3 . 

In this aspect the Sermon on the Mount is first seen 
in its true bearing on the scope of St Matthew. That 
which was for St Luke but as one discourse among 
many was for St Matthew the introduction and key to 
all 4 . The phrase with which it is opened marks the 
solemn majesty of its delivery 5 . Words of blessing are 
the preface of the new dispensation 6 . Step by step the 

highest peak (/ami/Sets), such as 
would naturally be chosen for ad- 
dressing a multitude. I see no con- 
tradiction between tarr) in Luke vi. 
17, and Kadicravros avrov in Matt, 
v. i. The words refer to different 

1 Matt. iv. 12, 17. Yet He had 
taught before : John iii. 22 ff. 

2 Matt. iv. 23, TO cvayytXiov TTJ<S 
/3a<n\eias. The phrase is character- 
istic of St Matthew, ix. 35 (a re- 
markable parallel) ; xxiv. 14. In 
Mark i. 14 it is a false reading. 

3 Matt, xxviii. 18, 20. 

4 There cannot I think be any 
reasonable doubt that the discourse 
related in Luke vi. 20 ff. is the same 
as that related by St Matthew. The 
differences on which some have laid 
stress vanish upon an accurate ex- 
amination of the text. The scene 
in St Matthew is TO 6po<s (v. i), a 
word of general meaning : St Luke 
defines the spot more precisely as 
TOTTOS iredivos (vi. 17, not irediov), a 
plateau on the mountain, below its 

moments, and St Luke preserves a 
trait of the latter in vi. 20, tira.- 
pas TOI)S (J00a\yitoi)s ai5roG els robs 

5 Matt. v. i, avotgas r6 OTO.UO (cf. 9). Spanheim, Dub. Erang. 
III. p. 375. In ver. 21 ff. TO?S ap- 
Xalois is certainly (as apparently all 
the ancient Versions) to (not by) the 
men of old. Cf. Rom. ix. 12 (ix. 20 
LXX); Gal. iii. 16; Apoc. vi. n; 
ix. 4; Matt. xxii. 31. 

6 It is worthy of remark that the 
Kingdom is noticed in the first and 



nature of Christ is unfolded as the consummation of the 
Jewish Theocracy 1 . The great features of the Christian 
commonwealth, the character and influence 2 of its citi- 
zens, the principles of the Christian law, and the practice 
of the Christian life, are deduced from the ordinances, 
and often expressed in the words, of the Old Testament. 
The voice which speaks is one of absolute authority, but 
it proclaims everywhere not abrogation but fulfilment. 

The promulgation of the new Law is followed by the 
record of a series of Miracles 3 which enforce and explain 
the true position and authority of the Lawgiver. He 
fulfils the spirit of the Law and acknowledges its claims, 
while He violates the letter 4 : He points to faith and not 
inheritance as the basis of His kingdom: He shews that 
active gratitude for God's mercies is unrestrained by 
ceremonial injunctions 5 . Or to regard the subject from 
another point of sight, the same Miracles indicate in 
succession the certainty, the spirituality, and the com- 
pleteness, of His works ; and if we turn from the works 
themselves to those for whom they were wrought, we 
notice resignation as the true mark of the suppliant ; 
faith of the intercessor ; service of the restored. Out- 
cast, stranger, and friend, are alike heard. All is indeed 
infinite because it is divine. The significance of the 
signs deepens as we look to their different bearings. 

The common relation of Christ to the people being 
thus indicated, He is seen in a clear relation to His dis- 
ciples. He claims perfect self-denial; and He exhibits 

last (v. 3, 10); nor would it be diffi- 13, 14, will appear very striking. 

3 For a classification of the Mira- 
cles in St Matthew see Note C at 
the end of the Chapter. 

4 It was unlawful to touch a 

cult to point out a relation observed 
in the order of the blessings. 

1 For an outline of the Sermon 
on the Mount, which will make this 
clearer, see Note B at the end of 
the Chapter. 

2 If we represent to ourselves the 
company, the emphatic v/j.eis in ver. 

leper: Matt. viii. 3; Lev. v. 3. 

5 Matt. viii. 16 indicates that the 
Miracle was wrought on the Sab- 
bath. Cf. Lukeiv. 31, 38. 



perfect power and mercy and wisdom. The material 
and spiritual worlds obey His voice: the bands of sin 
are loosed by His word. But at the same time faith 
is exhibited as the measure of man's blessing, and the 
means whereby he may recognise the presence and the 
power of God. The outward cure is the image of. an 
unseen salvation. The blind do not see till they be- 
lieve : and when utterance is given to the dumb, the 
Pharisees can say that the devil is cast ozit through the 
prince of tlie devils. 

The character of the Lawgiver next passes into that 
of the Prophet. The mission of the Apostles is the 
public establishment of the Kingdom of which the na- 
ture and authority are already declared. Discourses pre- 
dominate largely over miracles. The facts are construc- 
tive and not initiatory. The great charge is placed in 
vivid juxtaposition with a portraiture of the people 
among whom the Apostles should work. Woes are 
balanced by thanksgivings. The true disciples are 
shewn to be not the wise but the simple, not the specta- 
tors of mighty Miracles but the meek and lowly of 
heart. Then follows a contrast which penetrates the 
whole range of life. The letter and the spirit of the Law 
are contrasted by the light of Scripture 1 , of reason, of 
Miracle : the kingdom of Satan with the kingdom of 
God : the sign of Jonas with the questionings of the 
Jews : the kindred of blood with the kindred of the 
spirit. And at this point, while the multitudes press to 
hear, the formation and growth of the Kingdom in its 
widest relations is explained by analogies from the 
natural world 2 , rich in instruction for the believing, and 

1 The remarkable passage, xii. 
5 7, is peculiar to St Matthew. 
3 For a classification of the Para- 

bles of St Matthew see note D at 
the end of the chapter. 

Chap. vii. 

Matt. ix. 29. 

Matt ix. 6, 


Matt. ix. 28. 

Matt. ix. 34. 

(y) The Com- 

Matt. x. 

Matt. xi. i 
19; 2030. 

(5) TJte Con- 
Matt. xii. i 

Matt xii. 22 
37; 3845- 

Matt. xii. 46 

(e) Parables 
of the King- 

Matt. xiii. i 


Chap. vii. 

Matt. xiii. 

iii. TJieMes- 
siah as King. 
Matt. xiv. 

a) The cha- 
racter of the 
King as com- 
pared isjith 
earthly and 

Matt. xiv. i 

Matt. xv. i 

mere riddles for the faithless 1 . We read of the Divine 
power which founds it, and of the simultaneous influ- 
ence of evil 2 : of its outward majesty and of its inward 
power : of its objective value and of its subjective 
claims 3 : and lastly, of its universality. On earth con- 
fusion and error prevail to the last, but there will be a 
day of final separation. Christ Himself is no Prophet 
in His own country. He does there few mighty works 
because of their unbelief; and yet He is preparing to 
claim His royal inheritance. 

The royal dignity of Messiah is introduced by an 
incident, which but for this connexion appears to break 
the tenour of the history. The tyranny of an earthly 
sovereign the banquet of Herod and the death of 
John stands in clear opposition to the love of Him 
whose compassion was moved by the sight of the 
gathered multitudes, so that He healed and fed them in 
the wilderness. Herod, though grieved, works murder ; 
Christ saves even beyond the extent of man's hope. 
Temporal dominion presents one side of the contrast: 
hierarchical dominion the other. The tradition of the 
Elders is set aside as opposing the Law of God; and 

1 St Matthew alone expressly 
gives Christ's reference to Prophecy 
as explanatory of His teaching, xiii. 
14, 15. It is implied in the other 

2 The real force of this Parable 
(24 30) seems to have been lost by 
not attending to the word ujjt.oiu,6r) 
as distinguished from o/iot'o, eari. 
The Church is subject to outward 
influence : it is made like to some 
things, as it is like to others. Cf. 
xviii. 23; xxii. 2; xxv. i. The full 
force of ftfaVia, which had the sem- 
blance but not the fruit of wheat, is 
well given in the words of Origen : 
Non solum est sermo Christus, et 
estsermoAntichristus : veritas Chris- 

tus, et simulata veritas Antichris- 
tus : sapientia Christus, et simulata 
sapientia Antichristus . . . quoniam 
omnes species boni quascunque ha- 
bet Christus in se in veritate ad 
sedificationem hominum, omnes eas 
habet in se diabolus in specie ad 
seductionem sanctorum. (Comm. in 
Matt. 33.) 

3 xiii. 45, ofj.ola...dv0pu}TT(f} ...fy- 
TOVVTI, not 6fj.oia /mapyapirrj as in 
ver. 44. The spirit of the King- 
dom works in the man. In 44, 45, 
47, a threefold form of image is 
given, corresponding to a three- 
fold aspect of the operation of 
the Gospel (9rj<ravpq), wdpuTrip, <ra- 


the blessings extended to Jews are now 
assured to Gentiles as citizens of the future kingdom. 
The faith of the Canaanite and the patience of the wait- 
ing multitude win the help which excites the surprise 
of the disciples. Yet even thus it is not given to all to 
see Christ. The signs of the times are unintelligible 
to the blind of heart ; while to the faithful God Himself 
reveals the deepest mysteries. 

St Peter's inspired confession opens the way to further 
glimpses of the Kingdom. Yet the earliest manifesta- 
tion of Christ's glory, like the splendour of the eastern 
sky, betokens the coming storm. The announcement of 
shame and sorrow and death is the introduction to the 
vision of majesty. The Transfiguration of Messiah is 
connected with the first distinct announcement of His 
sufferings, with the prospect of His human conflict and 
the vindication of His divine right. Thenceforth He 
speaks more in detail of the citizens of the Kingdom : 
of their moving principles, obedience, humility, unselfish- 
ness, forgiveness; and of their social characteristics, of 
the rights of marriage as a religious bond, of the duties 
of wealth as a blessing derived only from God. Yet all 
claims of merit are excluded. Many first shall be last. 
The warning voice of the Parable which closes the sec- 
tion shews that our reward rests in God's good pleasure. 

The journey to Jerusalem presents once again the 
conflict between the hopes of the disciples and the work 
of Christ. Their prayer for dignity is answered by the 
foretelling of suffering ; and on the other hand the eyes 
of the blind are opened, though the multitude rebukes 
them, as they cry for mercy to the Sou of David 1 . 

1 It is worthy of notice that this ix. 27. We may feel that the act 

phrase is used in the one other place of faith which acknowledges Jesus 

in which sight is restored to the as the Messiah restores true vision 

blind at their own prayer : Matt. to man. In Mark viii. 22 sight is 



The title of Messiah with which the Gospel began is 
thus resumed at its close 1 . In virtue of His royal 
power He purifies the temple of God, and marks by 
a type the national barrenness of Israel, a disobedient 
and faithless people. Then follows the conflict. The 
question of cavillers is followed by a portraiture of their 
character. The political objections of the Herodian, 
the intellectual difficulties of the Sadducee, the legal 
disputes of the Pharisee, are answered 2 . A counter 
question closes finally this second Temptation ; and a 
triple judgment pronounced on the Teachers, on the 
City, on the World, prepares the way for the Passion. 
The record of the public ministry of Christ ends where 
it began, in the teaching of the Law. But woes answer 
to blessings : the sentence of the Scribes to the Sermon 
addressed to the multitudes : the first had declared the 
fulfilment of the spirit of Judaism, the last exposes the 
corruption of its practice. And when Christ turns to 
His disciples the words of judgment still remain. He 
destroys their present hope of an earthly kingdom by 
prophesying the destruction of Jerusalem : and, yet 
more, He passes onward to the end of the outward 
Christian Church, to that final day when the Son of man 
shall sit on the throne of His glory, and judge all nations 
as their King 3 . 

The narrative of the Passion, like so much else in 

restored by intercession; in John 
ix. 3, 4, by a direct act of divine 
mercy; so many are the ways in 
which God enlightens us. Cf. Matt, 
xii. 23; xv. 22; xxi. 9, 15. 

1 Ihe multitudes and afterwards 
the children cry Hosanna to the 
Son. of David (Matt. xxi. 9, 15). 
This salutation does not occur in the 
other Gospels. 

xxii. 1 8, 7J>oi>s TT]V irovripiav. Mark 
xii. 15, elduis TTJV VTroKpicriv. Luke 
xx. 23, KaTavorjcras ryv iravovpytav. 

3 Matt. xxv. 31. The whole dis- 
course is peculiar to St Matthew; 
and this is the only place in which 
our Lord assumes the title of King. 
Cf. Matt. v. 35, xxi. 5; Luke xix. 
38 ; John xix. 27. The reader of 
Plato will call to mind the mag- 

a The variety of the language of nificent myth of Er the Armenian 
the Evangelists gives a full picture of (Zoroaster, Clem. Alex. Strom, v. 
the spirit of Christ's enemies : Matt. 164) : Resp. x. pp. 614 ff. 



the Eternal 
(a) The Pas- 

Matt, xxvii. 

O) The 

St Matthew, proceeds by contrasts. Calm foreknow- chap.vii. 

ledge and restless craft, devotion and treachery, the 

advance to death and the rash promise, the inward 

agony and the outward desertion, heighten the effect 

of a picture which only familiarity can weaken. And 

the contrast does not end even here. The confession 

of the Lord and the denial of the servant ; the death 

of Judas and the death of Christ ; the care of friends 

and the vigilance of enemies, carry it on to the last with 

a divine power. Love still lingers by the grave which 

seemed to be closed over all hope. 

The history of the Resurrection completes the lesson 
of the whole Gospel. We have passed from the spirit 
of the Mosaic Law to the foundation of the Church and 
the inspiring strength of the Atonement. The temporal 
hopes of the ancient people have been gradually replaced 
by their spiritual antitypes : the costly offerings of the 
Magi by the precious ointment of a believing woman : 
the adoration of sages by the simple faith of a despised 
Canaanite. Yet once again the Lawgiver of the New 
Covenant addressed His disciples from the Galilaean 
mountain, but He dwelt no longer on the People of the 
Past, but on the Church of the Future : the command- 
ments to the men of old were fulfilled in the teaching 
of Christianity. Once again the promised King ap- , Matt. 
peared and received the homage of His subjects, but it I 
was as the Lord of heaven and eartJi, and not as the | 
Prince of Israel. Once again the Prophet of our Faith ' ver. 2 < 
spoke comfort to His Apostles while He assured to 
them the essence of the theocratic rule in the promise j 
of the abiding presence of Immanuel : Lo all the days 
I am with yon nnto the end of the world 1 . 

Matt, x? 
16, 19. 

1 The Gospel of St Matthew is 
not very broadly characterized in 

language or construction. The style 
is not nearly so Hebraizing as that 

;6 4 


chap. vii. | The Gospel of St Mark offers a great contrast to 
;. .5v MARK, i that of St Matthew in its general effect. The peculiari- 
ties of language and minuteness of detail which are least 

ing among 

of St John, nor is the language so 
rich as that of St Mark. Yet there 
are some words and phrases which 
mark the Hebrew Evangelist. A- 
mong these the following are the 
most important : 

(1) 'H /3acriXeta. TUV ovpavuv 
(DW1 flti?0) The king- 
dom of heaven ; which phrase 
occurs 32 times in St Matthew, 
and not in the other Evangel- 
ists, who use in parallel pas- 
sages i] /3<z(rtAeta TOU Oeov, the 
kingdom of God (Matt. vi. 
33; xii. 28 ; xxi. 3^43)- 

(2) 6 Trarrjp o ev oupavcis (6 ovpd- 
VLOS), which occurs 15 times in 
St Matthew, twice in St Mark, 
and not at all in St Luke (in 
xi. 2 it is a false reading). 
Generally it will be observed 
that 01 oupavoi is the seat of 
the heavenly powers ; 6 ov- 
PO.VOS the physical heaven. 

(3) Ttos AauetS, seven times in 
St Matthew, three times each 
in St Mark and St Luke. 

(4) 77 ' ayia 7r6Xis, the Holy City, 
Matt. iv. 5 ; xxvii. 53. Not 
in the other Evangelists. Cf. 
Matt. xxiv. 15, TOTTOS ayios. 
Apoc. xi. 2 ; xxi. 2 (77 TroXts 77 
ayia); xxi. 10. 

(5) 77 ffWT\La rou cu'c3z/os, the 
consummation of the age (the 
end of the ivorld). Matt. xiii. 
39 (ffvvr. at'.), 40, 49 ; xxiv. 3; 
xxviii. 20. Hebr. ix. 26, <rvv- 
T^Xeta TUV aiuvuv, the meeting 
of the Old and New. Cf. Job 
xxvi. 10 LXX ap. Schleusn. 

(6) iva (OTTWS) TrXrjpwdrj TO pTjdtv, 
eight times in St Matthew. 
Not elsewhere in this form. 
In St John, tva 7r\r)pw6r) 6 
\byos (77 7/300??) ; in St Mark 
once, Iva. ir\. at ypa<pat. 

(7) TO p-r\6iv twelve times (6 prj- 
0eis, iii. 3) ; epprjdT) six times. 
Not elsewhere of Scripture 
(Mark xiii. 14 is a false read- 
ing). Cf. Gal. iii. 16. St 
Matthew always uses TO prjOev 
when quoting Scripture him- 
self. In other quotations he 
has ytypairTat, like the other 
Evangelists. He never uses 
the singular ypa<p-f). 

(8) Kal I8ov (in narrative) in St 
Matthew 2 3 times; in St Luke 
1 6 ; not in St Mark. 

(9) (irapeyevovTo} ... \eyovTes ab- 
solutely, without the dative of 
person. Cf. Gersdorf, Beitrage> 

95 f- 
(ro) edinKos, Matt. v. 47; vi. 7; 

xviii. 17. Cf. Gal. ii. 14. 
(u) ofAvvfiv ev, twelve times in 

St Matthew. Cf. Apoc. x. 6. 
Several other peculiarities collected 
by Credner (Einl. 37) and Gersdorf 
establish the unity of authorship, 
but do not appear to be obviously 
characteristic of the position of the 
author, e.g. &os ou, Tras 6'<ms, Ta0oy, 

fi'a, eyeipeadat dir6, the position 
of the adverb after the verb, &c. Cf. 
p. 357, n. 2. 

Still more characteristic is the in- 
troduction of Prophetic passages by 
the Evangelist himself (cf. p. 229 n.) : 
i. 23 || Is. vii. 14 
ii. 15 || Hos. xi. i_ 
ii. 18 || Jer. xxxviii. 15 
ii. 22; iv. 15, 16 j| Is. ix. i, 2 
viii. 17 || Is. liii. 4 
xii. i8jf. || Is. xiii. iff. 
xiii. 35 || Ps. Ixxvii. 2 
xxi. 5 || Zech. ix. 9 

xxvii. 9, 10 || Zech. xi. 13 
The general references to Messiah's 
work (distinguished by italics) de- 
serve especial notice. 


observable in St Matthew are most obvious in St Mark ; 
and conversely St Mark offers nothing which answers 
to the long expositions of the Lord's teaching in St 
Matthew. This fundamental difference is seen at once 
in the relative proportion in which the records of Miracles 
and Parables stand to one another in St Mark. The 
number of Miracles which he gives is scarcely less than 
that in the other Synoptic Gospels 1 , while he relates 
only four Parables 2 . Like St Peter 3 , he is contented 
to lay the foundation of the Christian faith and leave 
the superstructure to others. It is enough that Christ 
should be presented in the most vivid light, unfolding 
the truth in acts rather than in words; for faith will 
translate the passing deed into an abiding lesson. 
Everything centres in the immediate facts to be noticed. 
Without drawing a complete history, St Mark frames 
a series of perfect pictures. But each is the representa- 
tion of the outward features of the scene. For this 
reason the Evangelist avoids all reference to the Old 
Testament 4 . The quotations which occur in the Lord's 
discourses remain, but after the Introduction he adds 
none in his own person. The living portraiture of Christ 
is offered in the clearness of His present energy, not as 
the Fulfilment of the Past, nor even as the foundation 
of the Future. His acts prove that He is both ; but 

1 For a classification of the Mira- 
cles in St Mark see Note E at the 
end of the Chapter. 

- They are the following : 

(a) Parables of the growth of 
the Kingdom. 
The sower (iv. i 20). 
7" he seed growing secretly 
(iv. 26 29). The mus- 
tard seed (iv. 30 32). 
(/3) Parable of Judgment. 

The husbandmen (xii. 

3 Dean Stanley's Sermons on the 
Apostolic Age, \>. 102. 

4 The quotation in Mark xv. 28 
is an interpolation. The quota- 
tion in i. 2, 3 seems to shew that 
the Evangelist purposely avoided 
references to the Prophecies after- 
wards. It may be noticed that 
the word >6/*os never occurs in St 
Mark ; it is* frequent in the other 

Evangelists, but it is not found in 
St Peter. 

Chap. vii. 

The Gospel 
of net ion. 


The charac- 
teristics of 
StMark to 
be sought in 

which skew 
direct infor- 

this is a deduction from the narrative, and not the sub- 
ject of it. 

It follows from what has been already said that the 
chief point for study in St Mark's Gospel is the vivid- 
ness of its details and not the subordination of its parts 
to the working out of any one idea. The narrative does 
not indeed vary considerably in its contents from the 
other Synoptic Gospels, and offers several broad divi- 
sions which mark successive stages in the work of 
Christ 1 . But turning from the construction of the whole 
record to the characteristic treatment of separate inci- 
dents, we are at once struck by the extent and import- 
ance of the minute peculiarities which St Mark presents. 
There is perhaps not one narrative which he gives in 
common with St Matthew and St Luke to which he 
does not contribute some special feature. These pecu- 
liarities are so numerous that they prove his indepen- 
dence beyond all doubt, unless we are prepared to admit 
the only possible alternative, that they are due to the 
mere fancy of the Evangelist ; a supposition which is 
sufficiently refuted by their character. The details point 
clearly to the impression produced upon an eye-witness, 
and are not such as would suggest themselves to the 
imagination of a chronicler. At one time we find a 
minute touch which places the whole scene before us 2 ; 
at another time an accessory circumstance such as often 

1 For the plan of St Mark's 
Gospel see Note F at the end of 
the Chapter. 

2 In the enumeration of the chief 
peculiarities of St Mark given in the 
following notes, I have not attempt- 
ed more than a rough classification. 
The erroneous views commonly held 
as to the epitomatory character of 
his Gospel invest these details with 
peculiar interest, and they will re- 
pay careful study. 

iv. 37, 38, TCC KV/ACLTO, e7re/3aAXej' 
j TO ir\oiov...K.a.l avrbs r\v v rrj 
v^vri trl TO 

vi. 38. 

vi. 48, KO! 

ix. 3- 

ix. 14 16. 

x. 50, 6 5 dTro(3a\ut> TO 
O.VTOV dva 

xv. 44. 

Trape\dtiv av- 



fixes itself on the mind, without appearing at first sight 
to possess any special interest 1 : now there is a phrase 
which reveals the feeling of those who were witnesses of 
some mighty work 2 ; now a -word which preserves some 
trait of the Saviour's tenderness 3 , or some expressive 
turn of His language 4 . Other additions are such as 
might have been made for the sake of clearness, even 
by one who had no immediate information as to the 
events recorded 5 ; but besides these there are some 
which indicate yet more distinctly the Apostolic source 
of the peculiarities of St Mark. He alone describes on 
several occasions the look and feeling of the Lord 6 , and 

1 Mark i. 20, /nerd r&v 
iv. 36, Kal a\\a d TrXota 

vi. 41, Kal TOVS Svo ix 

iv. ir, eKelvois rots 2w. 
vii. 8, 'd(p^TS rrjv evro\riv rov 
0eov Kparelre rr\v irapadoatv TUV 

xiv. 51, 52. Cf. pp. 234, 330. 

xiv. 3, ffvvrptyaffa rr^v dXd/3a<r- 

2 Mark vi. 52, ov yap avvTJKav eirl 
ro?s aprons' yv yap avruv i] Kapdia 

viii. 38, ev rrj yeveq. ravrrj 
Oi^aX^Si Kal 
ix. 12, Kal 
ix. 39, oi) 

viii. 32, Trapprjffla rbv \6yov e\d- 


ix. 10. 

x. 24, ol d /j.a6rjTal eda^ovvro 
eirl rots \6yoLS aurov. 

x. 32, rj v rrpodywv avrovs 6 '!?;- 
<roOs, Kal eda^oCvro, ol dt a/coXou- 

00VVTS <poj3oVVTO. 

xi. 10, Ev\oy7j/jt.{vr} 77 tpx<>/J.tvr] 
/SacrtXe/a rov Trarpos -fjfj.<jov Aaye/5. 

Cf. vi. 3, 6 TKTWV. 

3 Mark vi. 31, Aeirre vptis avrol 
K-ar' idiav et'j kprjiMov rbirov Kal ava- 
irauffacrBe 6\tyov. 

vi. 34, crir\ay'xy' l -0Q'n 
on TJffav us 7rp6/3ara ^117 

x. 21, apas rov aravpov. 

x. 30. 

xi. 17, ot/cos trpoffevxfy K\rjd-r]ffrai 

cfLV rots ZQveviv. 
xi. 24, 7ri<rreu'ere on eXcijSere 

l <rrai vfj.iv. 

xii. 6, ^'rt &/a elxf vlov ayairtirbv. 
xiii. 32, ov5 6 fids. 
xiv. 1 8, 6 effdiwv fj-er" 1 e.uov. 
xiv. 37, St/twv KadcvSfis ; 
5 Mark iii. 14, tVa c5<ru' ^ier' aurou 
i tVa dTrocrTAXT/ auroi>s 

iii. 30, 6'rt ZXeyov Hvevua aKadap- 

viii. 3, Kal TLVCS avruv dirb fj.aKp&- 
dev dffiv. 

ix. 21, 25, 27. 

x. 3, 4. 

4 Mark i. 15, 7re7rX?7/xmu 6 


v. 26, /JLyStv u(p\T)&'i(ra a X X a 
fjLa\\ov els rb x^pof \0oO(ra. 

v. 20. 

vii. 2 4. 

xi. 13, 6 ^dp Kcupbs OVK r,v GVKUV. 

Cf. vi. 13, -)j\ei<j)ov eXat'y 7roXXoi>s 
appaxTTOus. v. 4, 5. 

6 Mark iii. 5, [*cai irepiftXeif/d/Aevos 
ai)roi)s] /xer' dpyrjs, <rv\\VTrov/j.ei>os 
tirl rg Trwpwaec T?)S KapStas X^et... 



preserves the very Aramaic words which He uttered 1 . 
He records minute particulars of persons, number, time, 
and place 2 , which are unnoticed by the other Evange- 
lists. His language and style correspond with this 
particularity of observation. His phrases of transition 
are lively 3 . In narration he frequently adopts the 
present for the historic tenses 4 , and introduces a direct 
for an indirect form of expression 5 . He couples to- 
gether words or phrases of similar meaning to heighten 

xvi. 7, ry Jlerpy. 

((3) Number: v. 13, cJs cJicrxtXtoi. 
vi. 7, dVocrreAAeu' dvo duo. 
vi. 40, dvtireaav Trpaffial Trpacriai, 
/card eKarov Kai Kara TrevTr/KOVTa. 
xiv. 30, irplv rj 5h d\KTOpa (fiuvrj- 
cai rpts /jt, cnrapvriffrj. 

(y] Time: i. 35, irpul eWuxa Ai'ai/. 

Cf. Xvi.^ 2. 

iv. 35, tv fKelvrj T% -fj^pa oi/'tas 

iii. 34, 7repi j 3Xei/'d/iez'os /cikXy TOVS 
?re/H avrbv KaOr/uevovs \eyet... 

v. 32, 7re/He/3X^7rero (not aor.) 
TT]v TOVTO Troir/crao'aj'. 

vi. 6, did Trjv a 

x. 21, 6 oe 'lyffovs e/A/SXei/'cts aOry 
rjydrrriarev avrov... 

x. 23, Ko.1 7rept/3Xei/'d / uefos 6 'Ir]- 

(70V S... 

xi. u, Kal 7rept/3Aei/'d ) uej'os Travra... 

Cf. i. 41, 43; (x. 22). 

1 Mark iii. 17, Boaisr/pyts, o ecrnv 
viol f3povTr/s. 

v. 41, TaAt0a Kovfju, o e<?Tiv pedep- 
fj.T]vevb/Ji.ei>oi>, T6 Kopdffiov aol X^w 

vii. n, Kop/3Sf, o kvriv d&pov (Cf. 
Matth. xxvii. 6). 

vii. 34, 'E00a0c, o tariv Atavot- 

xiv. 36, 'A/3/3S, 6 iraTrjp. 

Cf. ix. 43 ; x. 46. 

2 (a) Persons: i. 29, /cai 'Avdptov 

fj.. 'Ia/c. /cai 'Iwd?'. 

i. 36, Ka.Tediu^ai' avrbv St/tw^ /cai 

oi /ier' auroi}. 

ii. 26. 

iii. 6, /xerci rwv 'Hpa>5ia'wi'. 

iii. 22, ot ypa/j,/j.aTe'i$ ol diro 'lepo- 

v. 2, yevofj<v 
xi. ii, 01/aas ^'S?; oticrris. Cf. xi. 19. 
xiv. 68. 

xv. 25, 17 J> c) wpa rplrrj. 
(5) Place : ii. 13, Trapd TTJV 6a\acr- 
cav. Cf. iii. 7; iv. i; v. 21. 
v. 20, cv rrj Ae/ca7r6Xet. 
vii. 31, ct^d ^iaov rQ>v opluv Ae/ca- 

TOV yafa(pv\a- 

vii. 26. 

xi. n, /j-erd rcDv 5u'5e/ca. 

xi. 21, dva/j.vrja6fls 6 IT^rpos. 

xiii. 3, ^Tn/pcura auroj/ /car' 

Ilerpos Kai 'I. nal 'I. /cal 'A. 

xiv. 65, ol virrjptTai.. 

xv. 7. 

xv. 21, Toy Trarfya 'A. /cal'P. 

(viii. 10). 

xii. 41, 


xiii. 3, KcurevavTi TOV iepov. 

xiv. 68, ets To'irpoavXioi*. 

xv. 39, 6 TTapearTj/cws 

xvi. 5, /ca^. ev ro?s 5e^to?s. 

3 Thus Kai evdvs occurs probably 
twenty-seven times (the reading is 
often uncertain) in St Mark, eight 
times in St Matthew, and twice in 
St Luke. 

4 i. 40, 44; ii. 3 ff.; xi. i ff.; 
xiv. 43, 66, &c. 

5 Mark iv. 39, SIWTTCI Tre^t'jtccocro. 
V. 8, "EeX$e TO Tr^euyua TO d/ca#a/j- 


vi. 23, 31 ; xii. 6, &C. 

57* MARK. 


or define his meaning 1 . Like St John, he repeats the 
subject in place of using the relative 2 . And in many 
cases he uses terms of singular force which do not occur 
elsewhere in the New Testament 3 . 

The few incidents which are peculiar to St Mark 
illustrate, as might be expected, the general character 
of his Gospel. The one Parable which he alone has 
preserved turns our attention to God's presence in the 
slow and silent operations of Nature as typical of His 
constant presence among men in their daily life. Of 
the two peculiar Miracles, one lays open the gradual 
process of the cure wrought 4 ; and the other exhibits 
a trait which seems to reveal something of the agony 
of the Redeemer's work, as leading to the last Agony 
at Gethsemane, when Hz looked tip to heaven and groaned 
(ecrreW^e) in contemplation of the wreck which sin had 
wrought in man, who is ever dull in hearing and slow in 
praising God 5 . The connexion of these three special 
lessons is surely most significant. Without taking away 
the attention from the outward act, they lead us to look 
at the inmost processes which the outward act reveals. 
Together they give hope and strength for all labour. 
A Saviour sorrows over man's sufferings and unbelief, 
and meets each advance of faith : a Spirit works within xiii. ii. 
<rvvd\lfieiv y v. 24, 31. 
4 viii. 22 26, CTrtflels rds 

1 i. 13, r qv [e/cet] ei/ TTJ ep-fjfj. 

ii. ?o, roTe...h CKclv-ij rf; 

iii. 29, CVK d'0e<rtz' els rov 

aiuva. d\Xd 


iv. 33. 34; v - *6i &c - 

vi. 25, ei}0i)s yuerd <T7roi/5/}s. 

vii. 21, tffwOev ...K rrjs /ca/aSiaj, c. 

2 ii. 19, 20, 27; iii. i, 3; iv. 15 
(cf. Mt. and Lc.); v. 41, 42; vi. 17, 
jS (cf. Mt.); x. 13 (cf. Mt. andLc.); 
xiv. 66, 67 (cf. Mt. and Lc.). 

3 CK0anpe?ffd(u, ix. '15; xiv. 33; 
xvi. 5, 6. 

, ix. 36; x. 16. 

5 vii. 31 37. Cf. John xi. 35. 
It is remarkable that in both these 
Miracles our Lord took the sufferer 


Aoir v. 23, J;r)vtyKev 

One other circumstance in con- 
nexion with Christ's miracles is no- 
ticed by St Mark, that even those 
who touched the border of His gar- 
ment ivcre made zc/ic/t' (Mark vi. 56; 
cf. Luke vi. 19, viii. 46; Actsxix.i2). 


Chap. vii. 


Mark iv. 26 


Chap. vii. 

traits in 
common in- 

Mark i. 33. 
Mark ii. 2. 

Mark i. 45. 

Mark vi. 33. 

Mark vi. 55, 

us, bringing to maturity by hidden steps the seed which 
God has planted. 

The smaller variations in the narrative offer several 
features of interest in addition to those which have been 
already noticed. One of these characterizes the whole 
Gospel. St Mark more than any other Evangelist re- 
cords the effect which was produced on others by the 
Lord's working. Just as he follows out the details of the 
acts themselves, he mentions the immediate and wider 
results which they produced. From the beginning to 
the end he tells us of the wonder and amazement and 
fear 1 with which men listened to the teaching of Christ. 
Everywhere multitudes crowd to hear Him 2 , as well as 
to receive His blessings. When He was in a house, the 
whole city was gathered to the door, and even then the 
crowd could find no room. So great at times was the 
excitement that He could no longer openly enter into the 
city ; and it is said twice, that as many came and went, 
He could not even eat*, so that He seemed to His kindred 
to be beside Himself. Those who were healed, in spite 
of His injunctions, proclaimed abroad the tidings of 
His power 4 . And in His retirement, men from all the 
cities ran together on foot to see Him ; and wherever He 
went, into villages or cities or country, they placed their 
sick before Him ; and as many as touched Him were 
made whole. 

ii. 14, 15); iv. r, o'%Xoj TrXeio-ros' v. 
21, 24, 34; x. i; xii. 37. 

3 iii. 20, 21, aWe fj.r] diivaadat, 
avTof/s (j.7)8 aprov (frayeiv /ecu d,Kov- 
cravTes ol Trap' avTov... i-Xeyov OTL e^- 
CTTT?. vi. 31, ->j(Tav of epxb.u-evoi Kal 
ol uTrdyovres TroAAo/, /ecu ov8 (payew 

4 i. 28, 45, 7}p^aro KypixrcreiV TTO\- 
Xd Kal dia<pT)/Jii'eii> TOV \6yov. v. 20; 
vii. 36. 

1 Mark i. 22 (QtiihyGcovTo), 27; 
vi. 20; xi. 18; vii. 37 (vir epne pure ws 
ee7rA.); x. 26 (Trepurcrws t'e7r\.). 

v. 20 (edav/jiaov}; ix. 15 (e 
(3r]6r)<Tai>); x. 24 (eda/j-jSovvro). 

v. 42 (e&crT-rjffav e/ccrrdcret fj.eyd\r;); 
vi. 5 1 (Xfttf CK 7repi(r<rov 

iv. 41 (e(poj3rjOr)aa.v (p 
v. 15 ; (ix. 6) ; ix. 32. 

2 Mark ii. 13, Trds o o'x\os 

Trpos avrdf Kal eSt'Scur/cej' avrovs (cf. 



In substance and style and treatment the Gospel 
of St Mark is essentially a transcript from life 1 . The 
course and issue of facts are imaged in it with the 
clearest outline. If all other arguments against the 
mythic origin of the Evangelic narratives were wanting, 
this vivid and simple record, stamped with the most 
distinct impress of independence and originality, totally 
unconnected with the symbolism of the Old Dispensa- 
tion, totally independent of the deeper reasonings of 
the New, would be sufficient to refute a theory subver- 
sive of all faith in history. The details which were ori- 
ginally addressed to the vigorous intelligence of Roman 
hearers 2 are still pregnant with instruction for us. The 
teaching which ' met their wants ' in the first age finds 
a corresponding field for its action now. It would be 
worse than idle to attempt any general comparison of 
the effects which the several Gospels may be supposed 
to work upon the Church, but it is impossible not to 
see some significance in the circumstance that the his- 
toric worth of the Gospels was then most recklessly as- 
sailed when St Mark was regarded as a mere epitomator 
of the other Synoptists. We cannot gain a full percep- 

1 The following passages may be 
taken as examples of St Mark's 
style in connexion with the parallel 
accounts : vi. 30 43 (the feeding 
the 5000); ix. 14 29 (the healing 
of the Lunatic); and vi. 14 29 (the 
feast of Herod). In each case we 
have I believe the testimony of an 
eye-witness. In the last some friend 
of John the Baptist may have been 

2 Euseb. //. E. in. 39. Cf. pp. 
1 86, 235. 

One peculiarity of St Mark's 
language not yet noticed seems to 
point to this Roman origin, his 
use of several Latin forms which 
do not occur in the other Gos- 

pels: KevTVptwv, xv. 39, 44, 45 
(elsewhere eKaTovrapxos, -X 7 ?*) > K0 ~ 
5pdi>TTjs, xii. 42 (Matt. v. 26); <nre- 
Kov\drup (vi. 27); TO IKOLVOV Trotijaai 
(xv. 15 : cf. Acts xvii. 9). To 
these may perhaps be added ^crnis 
(vii. 4, 8); K/>d,d/3aros (in St John 
and Acts). Other words he has 
in common with one or more of 
the other Evangelists : drjvapitiv (all); 
Krjvffo* (Mt.); X7iwv (Mt Lc.)'; 
irpa.iTupi.ov (Mt. Joh.) ; (ppayeXXovv 

In all these notices of St Mark's 
language I have derived great help 
from Credner (Einl..% 49), though 
his large collections require careful 

AA 2 



Chap. vii. 

iii. .SYLuKE. 
Christ the 


Luke i. 45, 


Luke i. 79. 

iv. 15- 

i. The re- 
cord of the 

tion of the truth till the form of its outward revelation is 
surely realized. The form is not all, but it is an element 
in the whole. The picture of the sovereign power of 
Christ battling with evil among men swayed to and fro 
by tumultuous passions is still needful, though we may 
turn to St Matthew and St John for the ancient types 
or deeper mysteries of Christianity or find in St Luke 
its inmost connexion with the unchanging heart of man. 

For the ' Gospel of St Paul ' is in its essential cha- 
racteristics the complementary history to that of St 
Matthew. The difference between the two may be seen 
in their opening chapters. The first words of the He- 
brew Evangelist gave the clue to his whole narrative; 
and so the first chapter of St Luke, with its declarations 
of the blessedness of faith and the exaltation of the 
lowly, leads at once to the point from which he con- 
templated the life of Him who was to give light to them 
that sit in darkness and in the shadow of death. The 
perfect manhood of the Saviour and the consequent 
mercy and universality of His covenant is his central 
subject, rather than the temporal relations or eternal 
basis of Christianity. In the other Gospels we find our 
King, our Lord, our God ; but in St Luke we see the 
image of our Great High Priest, made perfect through 
suffering, tempted in all points as we are, without sin, 
so that each trait of human feeling and natural love 
helps us to complete the outline and confirms its truth- 
fulness 1 . 

The pictures of the Infancy, to which the Temple 
forms the background, typify in a remarkable manner 
this human and priestly aspect of the life of Christ. The 
circumstances and the place equally turn the thoughts 

1 For an outline of the Gospel see note G at the end of the Chapter. 



of the reader to the realities shadowed forth in the old [ 
Law of sacrifice. The Saviour Himself the perfect j 
Victim and the perfect Priest received the seal of the first ! 
Covenant, and in due time was presented in the Temple i 
and redeemed from its service. The offering was the 
offering of the poor ; and the first blessing was mingled 
with words of sorrow. Years of silent growth then fol- 
lowed, and when He had arrived at the age of legal 
maturity 1 the child Jesus went up to the feast and 
claimed the Temple as His Father's House, and spoke 
of other work than that in which His life was as yet 
spent. But while the future was thus mysteriously fore- 
shewn, for the present He was subject to His earthly 
parents, and increased in wisdom and stature, and in 
favour with God and men. The development of the 
divine consciousness in Him who was indeed God is 
described to us as it proceeded according to the laws of 
human life. At each successive stage in the long pre- 
paration for His work, from first to last, we mark the 
gradual and harmonious revelation of His double na- 
ture. His Godhead and Manhood signs of triumph 
and suffering are united at the Nativity, the Presenta- 
tion, the Examination in the Temple, the Baptism, the 
Temptation ; for all is order and truth -in the Godlike 
Life, quickening and quickened in due measure 2 . 

The main contents of St Luke's Gospel may be 
divided into several groups which present distinctive 

Chap. vii. 

Luke ii. 21, 
22, 24. 

Luke ii. 34, 

Luke ii. 40. 
Luke 11.41 fl~. 

1 Chagiga (ap. Wetst. ad IMC. ii. 
42): A xit. anno films censetur ma- 
turus. Joma (id.} : Ab anno xii. 
initiabant pueros ad jejunandum. 
Tradition assigned this age as the 
crisis in the lives of Moses, Samuel, 
and Solomon (Wetst. /. c.). Cf. 
[Hipp.] adv. Hur. p. 156. 

2 Origen, Horn. IV. in Lnc.\ Non 
illo tantum tempore prrcparatae sunt 

via? et directre semitce, sed usque 
hodie adventum Domini Salvatoris 
spiritus Joannis virtusque pnecedit. 
O magnamysleria Domini et dispen- 
sationis ejus ! Angeli pnccurrunt 
Jesum : angeli quotidie aut ascen- 
dunt aut descendunt super salutem 
hominum in Christojesu. Cf. John 
i. 51. 

Luke ii. 52.' 

ii The nn- 




Luke iv. 14 



chap. vii. J features, though each one passes so gradually into the 
next as to afford no clear line of demarcation. A gene- 
ral announcement of Christ's work forms an introduction 
to the more detailed narrative. This announcement 
differs characteristically from that in St Matthew. In 
St Matthew the preaching of the Lord is connected with 
the fulfilment of Prophecy: in St Luke it is presented 
in its own power. In St Matthew the first discourse is 
the Sermon on the Mount, in which Christianity is dis- 
played in its relation to Judaism : in St Luke the dis- 
course at Nazareth, in which the Gospel is freely offered 
to the poor, the desolate, and the stranger. The first 
Miracles in St Matthew signify the removal of legal 
impurity and national distinctions ; while in St Luke 
the message of mercy is confirmed by the deliverance 
of captives from spiritual and bodily infirmity, from evil 
active and personal 1 within them. 

In the succeeding chapters the work thus outlined is 
described under two great heads. The first (v. ix. 43 a) 
contains a view of the future Church ; the second the 
teaching of Christ, leading to the call of a new people 
and the rejection of the Jews. The first is chiefly a 
record of Miracles 2 : the second a record of Parables 8 . 
In the one we- read the works of the Son of God: in 
the other the words of the Son of Man. The miracu- 
lous draught of fishes, combined with the prayer of St 
Peter and the promise of the Lord, is a perfect intro- 

1 Luke iv. 35, 39 
The word occurs of the fever in St 
viii. 24 and pa- 


Luke only, 

These two miracles were wrought 
on the Sabbath (iv. 16); and hence 
we may see that spiritual and bodily 
maladies are so far healed by Christ 
as they interfere with religious life. 
In character the two Miracles are 

complementary: there was an un- 
clean spirit in the Synagogue, and 
a faithful woman suffering (f)v trvve- 
Xo^vrj] at home from a great fever. 

2 For a classification of the Mira- 
cles in St Luke's Gospel see Note 
H at the end of the Chapter. 

3 For a classification of the Para- 
bles in St Luke see Note K at the 
end of the Chapter. 



duction to the doctrine of the Church. Its first charac- 
teristic is universality ; and the idea which is thus an- 
nounced is continuously unfolded in a series of acts in 
which Christ triumphs over physical uncleanness, moral 
guilt, social degradation and legal superstition. 

The extent of the new covenant having been thus 
set forth, we next observe something of the nature of 
the society in which it is embodied. The selection and 
instruction of the Apostles mark them as men who do 
not take their stand on the fulfilment of the Law, but 
on the wider basis of Christian charity 1 . The events 
which follow illustrate the source of their power, and 
the character of those among whom they have to work. 
Faith on the part of man, and love on the part of Christ, 
are shewn to bring blessings beyond all hope. John 
and the people the Pharisee and the Sinner 2 exhibit 
the contrasts of Jewish life. And the notice of the 
ministering women aptly closes the section which opens 
with the call of the Apostles. The Teacher, who in- 
cluded in his Church the humble, the distressed, and 
the repentant, is attended by the weak and loving rather 
than by a council of Elders, a band of Warriors, or a 
school of Prophets 3 . 

Such being the breadth and foundation of the Chris- 
tian Society, we are led to regard the process of its de- 
velopment and the nature of the claims which it makes 
on those who are admitted to its privileges. The Para- 
ble of the Sower is presented under a new aspect in 

1 This follows from a comparison 
of Luke vi. 20 49 with St Mat- 
thew's record of the Sermon on the 
Mount. As to the identity of the 
two discourses see page 357, note 

2 The Lesson of Love is the first 
Parable recorded by St Luke, as 

the Draught of Fishes is the first 

3 Evans, Scripture Biography, n. 
p. 268. Exod. xviii. 25 (Moses); 
2 Sam. xxiii. 8 ff. (David) ; 2 Kings 
ii. 2, 7 (Elijah). The Apostles 
themselves offer a contrast rcarcely 
less striking than the women. 

Chap. vii. 

Luke v. 12 
16 ; 17 26 ; 

Luke vi. i 

Its constitu- 

(Luke vi. 12 
viii. 3.) 

Luke vit. 2 
10 ; ii 17. 
Luke vii. 18 
Luke via. i 

Its develop- 

(Luke viii. 4 


Chap. vii. 

Luke viii. 16 
18; 19 21. 

Luke viii. 22 
25 ; 26 
39; 4056. 

7/y claims. 

6 ; 10 17. 

Luke ix. 23 
Luke ix. 37 

43 a. 

iv. The iini- 
The Great 
(Luke ix. 
43 h xviii. 

St Luke ; it exhibits the responsibility of the hearers of 
the Gospel 1 , and does not, as in St Matthew, form an 
introduction to a general view of the outward Kingdom. 
Hence next we are taught the obligation of Christian 
example and the omnipotence of religious duty ; and to 
encourage men in the varied struggles of Christian life, 
a series of Miracles attests the Saviour's power over 
matter, spirit, and death. He supplies the strength when 
He enjoins the task. When He sends forth His Apo- 
stles He endues them with power. When they return 
He feeds the hungry multitude, lest they should de- 
spair owing to the inadequacy of their natural powers 
for the conversion of the world. The prospect of suf- 
fering is relieved by the vision of glory ; and when evil 
prevails against them, He still casts out the unclean 
spirit which baffles their doubting efforts. 

The second great division of the record of the Lord's 
ministry includes a remarkable series of acts and dis- 
courses which are grouped together in connexion with 
the last journey to Jerusalem 2 . Some of the incidents 

1 This difference in the scope of 
the Parable is indicated by ver. 8, 
15, compared with Matt. xiii. 8 
23. St Luke dwells on the single 
idea of productiveness, and does not 
regard the different degrees of pro- 
ductiveness which must exist in the 
Christian Church. This idea is 
afterwards given in the Pounds (xix. 
12 ff.);-and conversely St Matthew 
notices only equal productiveness in 
the Talents (xxv. 14 ff.). 

The comparison of Matt. xiii. 13 
(ort) with Luke viii. 10 (iVa) is full 
of instruction : spiritual deafness is 
at once the cause and the result of 
not listening to God's voice. 

2 The connexions of time in this 
Great Episode (ix. 43 b xviii. 14) 
deserve particular attention, especial- 

ly in reference to those sections 
which occur in the other Evangelists 
in a different context. These paral- 
lels, for the most part, consist in 
short and weighty sayings such as 
are constantly repeated even by 
writers in different works; and there 
is no difficulty in supposing that they 
were introduced by the Lord into 
different discourses. More rarely 
Parables recur in new relations ; and 
in one case incidents, alike in every 
particular, are found to occupy a 
different position in St Luke from 
that which they occupy in St Mat- 
thew. Besides these partial or com- 
plete parallels, there are a large 
number of sectioi.s peculiar to St 
Luke. The following table of pas- 
sages, with the particles of connexion 



occur in different connexions .in the other Evangelists ; chap. 
and the whole section proves, by the absence of historical : 

by which they are introduced, will 
place the question fairly before the 
reader : 

I. Sections including parallels 
with the other Gospels, 
(a) In short sayings or parts of dis- 

x. I 1 6 (fj-era 5 raOra). Cf. 
Matt. ix. 37, 38; x. 10 16; xi. 21 
23; x. 40. Luke ix. i ff. 

xi. I 4 (Kal ey4v. ev T< elvau av. 
ev T. T. irpocr.). Cf. Matt. vi. c; 


xi. 5 13 (/cat elirev). Cf. Matt, 
vii. 7 n. 

xi. 29 36 (T&V 5k &X\WV eiraOpoi- 
o/j.4yuv). Cf. Matt. xii. 38 42; v. 
15; vi. 22, 23. Luke vjii. 16. 

xi. 37 54 (ev oe ry \a\7J crai). Cf. 
Matt, xxiii. 

xii. i 12 (ev oft). Cf. Matt. xvi. 
6; x. 2833, &* 

xii. 22 40 (elirev 84...Aia TOVTO). 
Cf. Matt. vi. 

xii. 41 ,53 (elirev 8e 6 Il4rpos). 
Cf. Matt. xxYv. 45 ff. 

xii. 54 59 (ZXeyev 84). Cf. Matt, 
xvi. 2, 3, cr^. 

xiii. 22 30 (el-rev 84 TIS). Cf. 
Matt. vii. 1 3, 6-v. 

xni. 31 35 (ev avry rrj tyue>a). 
Cf. Matt, xxiii. 3739. 

xiv. 25 35 (ffvvejropetiovro o av- 
T< o. TT.). Cf. Matt. x. 37, err. 

xvii. 14 (direv 84). Cf. Matt. 
xviii. 6, 7 ; 21, 22. 

xvii. 2237 (elwev 8). Probably 
the same discourse as Matt. xxiv. 
(fi) In Parables and longer dis- 

ix. 4 6 ff. (el^XGev ^5<?) = Matt. 
xviii. I ff. iv eKeivr] rfj upq.. Mark 

33 ff- _ , . 

x. 21 24 ( afr?7 ^7-77 cjpct) = 
Matt. xi. 25 (^ e/cetVy rycou/xj)). 

xiii. 18 21 (t\eyev 01%). Matt, 
xiii. 31, 32. Mark iv. 30 32. 

xiv. 1 6 24 (6 de elirev [cH TUV 

<rvi>ai>a.K.]). A variation recurs Matt. 
xxii. i 14. 

xv. 3 7 (etTrei' 5e"). Matt, xviii. 
(7) In incidents. 

ix. 49 (84). Mark x. 38 (Se). 

ix. 57 Kcd. Tropevo/J-evuv avrwv ev 
rrj 65y). Matt. viii. 18. 

xi. 14 (KO.I r)i> KJ3. 5.). Matt. xii. 
22 (rore). 

xviii. 15 17 (jrpoffefapov 84). 
Matt. xix. 13 (r<5rc) ; Mark x. 13 
(/cat 7r/jo<r.). 

II. Sections peculiar to St Luke. 

ix. 51 56 (eyevero $e ev ry ffv/j.- 
7rX?7p. r. 77^. r. aKxA. av. ). 

x. 17^20 (vTreaTpfif/av de). 

x. 25 37 (Kal I8ov). Not the 
same as Matt. xxii. 34 ff. ; Mark 
xii. 28 ff. 

x. 38 42 (eyevero de ev rep TTO- 

xii. 13 21 (el /rep 5^ TIS avTip etc 
TOV 6x\ov). 

xiii. i 5 (Trap-rj(ra.v 54 rives ev 
aimp ry KO.Lp<). 

xiii. 6 9 (e'Xe7' 5^). 

xiii. 10 17 (rjv e <5tod(r/v'ajj>). 

xiv. i 13 /cat eyevfro ev ry e'X- 
deiv etj cl/coj'). 

xv. 8 IO ; II 32 (el-rrev 84). 

xvi. i i3(e\eycv8). Cf. Matt, 
vi. 24. 

xvi. 14 31 (TJKOVOV Se...Ko.i etTrei'). 
Cf. Matt. v."i8. 

xvii. 5 10 (Kal elircv). 

xvii. ii 19 (Kal eyevero 4v ry 
jropeveffOat avrbv et's'I.). 

xviii. i8 (foeyev Se). 

xviii. 9 14 (elirev 54). 
Of all these passages one only is 
attended with any serious difficulty 
Luke ix. 57 compared with Matt. 
viii. 1 8. The historical order ap- 
pears to be that given by St Luke. 
In all the other cases of parallelism 
we find repetitions which are per- 
fectly natural, and borne out by re- 
petitions which occur in the same 



data and the unity of its general import, that a moral 
and not a temporal sequence is the law of the Gospels. 
For it is possible to trace throughout this part of the 
narrative a contrast between the true and the false 
people of God, between the spiritual and the literal 
Israel 1 . The shadow of eclipse is seen to rest already 
on the old system and the old spirit. A new Covenant 
and a new Discipleship are ushered in by words of warn- 
ing and reproof. The journey, which seemed to be for 
honour, is announced to be for death. The intolerant 
zeal of St John is checked when he would have restrained 
the progress of good because it was advanced by one 
who followed not with them. St James and St John 
are rebuked when they had called down fire on the 
enemies of Jerusalem. For the Christian there is no 
shelter, no delay, no retreat. After this Introduction 
the fuller development of the new dispensation begins 
with the mission of the Seventy, and not with the 
mission of the Apostles. Its groundwork, from St 
Luke's point of sight, is the symbolic evangelization 
of every nation upon earth 2 , and not the restoration 
of the twelve tribes of Israel. The mission is closed 
by thanksgiving ; and as a comment upon the tidings 
with which the teacher was charged, we read that the 
Spirit of the Law was fulfilled by a Samaritan, that the 
truest devotion was shewn by the patient listener who 

Gospel. It does not however ap- 
pear that the difference between \e- 
and dirtv as introductory words 

is so clear as to admit of being 
urged: xiv. 7, 12; xvi. 5; yet see 
iii. 7; iv. 22 ; v. 36, &=c. 

1 This has been pointed out by 
Browne, Ordo Sieclornnt, p. 638, 
n. i. 

2 According to Jewish tradition, 
there were Seventy (Clan. Horn. 
xvm. 4; cf. Gen. xlvi. 27) or Seven- 

ty-two different nations and tongues 
in the world. In the text of St 
Luke ejSSo/ATjKocra dvo is very highly 
supported. Cf. Clem. Alex. Strom. 
I. 142. Clem. Rccogn. n. 42 : LXXII. partes divisit totius 
terrse nationes eisque principes ange- 
los statuit (Dan. x. 13). 

The numbers 1 2 and 70 are com- 
bined in Num. xxxiii. Q. Cf. Ori- 
gen, Horn. xxvn. in Num. ir, for 
an interpretation of the passage. 



was not cumbered with much serving, that prayer, even if 
the answer be delayed, will in the end triumph over all 
difficulties. Then follow lessons of warning, of progress, 
of discipleship, of judgment. Perils from within and 
from without are laid open, perils from the lack of 
God's Spirit, from wonder-seeking and Pharisaism, from 
persecution and worldly cares. The times are shewn 
to be pregnant with signs of ruin ; and yet in the midst 
of this stern teaching the multitude rejoices. In spite 
of opposition the growth of the Church is assured. If 
some are rejected others from afar shall fill their places. 
Even death itself cannot forestal the completion of the 
appointed work. Formalism is silenced : the poor are 
called, and the feast, which was despised by those who 
were first invited, is furnished with guests. The cha- 
racter of the true guest is next described in a series of 
Parables which portray in the liveliest images the com- 
pleteness of the sacrifice required of him, the universality 
of the invitation offered, the relative duties of disciples 
to one another. The quickening power of God and the 
fruitful struggles of penitence are pictured in the case 
of those who have been lost from Christ's fold 1 through 
carelessness, or have lain inactive in His Church from 
darkness, or have wilfully joined tJicmselves with t/ie 
citizen of a far country. The obligations of wealth and 
station, the duty of forbearance and the power of faith, 
are seen to guide the Christian in social life ; and when 
every claim is fulfilled he is still taught to feel that he is 
an unprofitable servant. 

The tokens of judgment grow clearer as we draw to 
the close of the section. Of the ten lepers who were 

1 The difference between Luke 
xv. 4, T/s avOpuiros ...diro\t<ras 
eV...and Matt, xviii. 12, 'Edv... 

ir\avr]0r) ev... marks the different 
aspects of the Parable in the two 

Chap. vii. 

Luke x. 38 


Luke xi. i 


Wessons of 


Luke xi. 14 


293 6 ; 37 


xn. i 12 ; 

xn. 54. 
xiii. 9. 
xiii. 17. 
xiii. 1830. 

Lessons of 
Luke xiii. 31 

Luke xiv. i 

Lessons of 
disciplcsh ip. 
Luke xiv. 
Luke xv. 
Luke xvi. 
xvii. 10. 

Luke xv. 15. 

Luke xvii. io. 

Lessotts flf 


Chap. vii. 
Luke xviii. 

Luke xviii. 

Luke xvii 

v. The king- 

Luke xix. 9. 

healed a Samaritan alone returned to give glory to God. 
If the Pharisees ask when the kingdom of God comes? 
they are told that it is already within them. The day 
of vengeance for the elect is promised quickly (ver. 8). 
Humility, childliness, and self-sacrifice, the opposites 
of prevalent vices are set forth as the conditions of 
entrance into the kingdom, and if the words seem hard, 
one sentence marks the cause of the difficulty which 
men felt and the remedy for it : That which is impossible 
with men is possible with God. 

The narrative of the Journey and the Conflict follows 
the same general outline as in the other Gospels, but 
with some characteristic additions 1 . Zacchseus, a pub- 
lican and a sinner, was deemed worthy to entertain the 
Son of God and pronounced to be a son of Abraham. 
And as we noticed in St Matthew that his first strain 
was repeated at the close of his Gospel, so in St Luke 
the Angelic hymn which was earliest sung in heaven in 
honour of the Saviour's Birth is re-echoed by the band 
of disciples as He approaches Jerusalem for the last 

1 The following are the most 
remarkable additions to common 
narratives (besides those already 
noticed) which occur in St Luke : 

in. i, 2. The date of John's mi- 

iii. 5, 6 (oi/'erai Tra<ra (rapt rb 
O'wn'/pioj' rov 0eoD). 

iii.' 1014. The social differ- 
ences and duties of John's hearers. 

iv. T, TTV. ay. ?rX. 

iv. 6, 13, &XP 1 Kaipov. 

iv. 1430. 

iv. 42, 43, Kai oi 6x\o<....dirt<rTa\- 

vi. 8, avrbs d...avTwv. 11, avrol 
te tir\. dv. 

vi. 12, /cat TJV diavvKr. tv r. Trpotr. 
rov 0eoO. 

vii. 20, 21 ; 29, 30. 

viii. I 3, 47, ev TT. rov \aov. 

viii. 2, KTjp. rr,v j3a<r. rov Qeov. 

ix. 29, iv T( 7Tpo<T. avrbv. 

ix. 31, 32 ; 44, dtade i) / ae?s...T.X.r. 
Cf. xxi. 14. 

xviii. 31, Kal TeX....ry vl. r. avdp. 

xviii. 34, /cai T\V r. p. r. KKp ra 


xix. 37 40, 4144. 

xx. 16, O.KOVCT. 5 et. Mi} ytvoiro. 

xx. 20, e/s rb irapad rov yye/j.. 

xx. 26, KO.I OVK r<rx....eV. rov Xctof. 

xx. 34, oi vi. ...^Kya/j.. 

xx. 38, TrdvTes yap avr<^ ^waiv. 

xx. 39, 40. 

xxi. 24, 3436, 37, 38. 

xxii. 3, (iff. 8 6 i). els 'I. 

xxii. 1518, 2438, 43, 44, 45. 



time before the close of His work 1 . Yet again we hear 
the same peculiar tones of mercy and love on the road 
to Calvary, and from the very Cross ; and once more, 
when the risen Lord promises to His disciples His Spirit 
from on high before they preach the Word unto all tJie 
nations, beginning at Jerusalem 2 . From first to last the 
same great subject abides. The Gospel of the Saviour 
begins with hymns and ends with praises ; and as the 
thanksgivings of the meek are recorded in the first 
chapter, so in the last we listen to the gratitude of the 
faithful 3 . 

1 Luke xix. 38 40, Iv ovpavy 
al 56a v v\{/i<rTois. Cf. 
ii. 14. Peace ratified in heaven is 
the pledge of peace to be realised 
on earth. 

a The view which has been given 
of St Luke's Gospel as containing 
the offer of the Gospel to all not to 
Jews only nor Gentiles only is re- 
markably confirmed and explained 
by his later treatise. For as in the 
one we mark the universality of 
Christ's promises, so in the other we 
see their full accomplishment. In 
the outset of the Acts (Acts ii. 
9 n) we are told that Jews and 
proselytes, from Arabia to Pontus, 
from Parthia to Rome, heard the 
tidings of salvation in their own 
tongue; and the last glimpse of 
Apostolic history is full of encourage- 
ment and hope, when it is recorded 
(Acts xxviii. 31) that, after turning 
from the Jews to the Gentiles, Paul 
received all that came unto him, and 
preached with all confidence the things 
which concern the Lord Jesus, no 
man forbidding him. 

Those writers who regard the 
book of the Acts as partial and 
incomplete seem to have mistaken 
its entire purpose; for we do not 
require for our spiritual guidance a 
history of the Apostles, but a record 
of the establishment of the Christian 
Church. The title is not the Acts, 

but Acts of the Apostles (irpdeis 
TUV atroffToXuv} such acts as should 
be significant to future times; and 
so we read in the book of all the 
modes of thought which Christianity 
encountered in Judaea, Asia, Greece, 
and Rome : we learn from it how 
far the Apostles modified the frame- 
work of our faith, to build up the 
several Churches, and how far they 
selected a fit foundation for their 
teaching from the popular belief. 
The Gospels do not give us a life of 
Jesus, but a narrative of man's re- 
demption ; the Acts does not detail 
the fortunes of men, but sets forth 
the establishment of the various 
forms of Christian truth. 

3 The language of St Luke pre- 
sents many peculiarities, some of 
which are characteristic ; and a large 
number of words are common to the 
Gospels and the Acts which do not 
occur elsewhere in the New Testa- 
ment. The following peculiarities 
are the most remarkable : 

(1) %d/3is (xaptTow, i. 28) 8 times. 
Elsewhere in Gospels only John i. 
14, 16, 17. Common in Acts and 

(2) <ruTrip, i. 47; ii. ii (John iv. 
42). ffurrjpia., i. 69, 71, 77 ; xix. 9 
(John iv. 22). r6 awTvptov, ii. 30; 
iii. 6. General in Acts and Epistles. 
^wfeiv frequent throughout the New 

Chap. vii. 

Luke xxiii. 
39-43- \ 
.Luke xxiv. 

Luke xxiv. 


Chap. vii. 

(a) found only in St Luke's Gos- 
pel and Acts : 

5u<r%i;pt^ecr#cu, diodevecv, eitedpeveiv, 
, evrbvus, Kara/cXeietv, Ka.ra.KO- 
cXacrts (d'/oroi>), /j.eya\e'ia, 

Such appears to be, in rude outline, the general 
tenour of the Synoptic Evangelists; and though it be 
impossible to discuss within our present limits their 
more minute divergencies in order and narration, yet 
it will be sufficiently clear that they subserve to special 
uses, that they imply and explain fundamental dif- 
ferences of scope, and unfold the Christian faith as it 
falls within each separate range. The events recorded 
by the Synoptists are not generally distinct, but they 

(3) evayyeXifcadcu (Matt. xi. 5 
only) 10 times. Frequent in Acts 
and Epistles. EvayyeXiov (Matt., 
Mark, Acts, Epp., Apoc.) does not 
occur in the Gospels of St Luke and 
St John, nor in St John's Epistles. 

(4) ir\TJ6os 8 times in Gosp., 17 
times in Acts ; elsewhere in the New 
Testament 7 times. TrX^s with 
gen. (John i. 14: cf. Mark viii. 19) 
iv. i; v. 12; 8 times in Acts. TrA??- 
crcu, metaph. (cf. ^/u.7rX?jc r cu), 6 times 
in Gosp., 9 times in Acts; not else- 
where. irXrjpovv throughout the New 

(5) i.Trdpxeu> 7 times in Gosp., 24 
times in Acts, 14 times elsewhere; 
not in other Gospels (rd vTrapxavra, 
Matt. xix. 21 ; xxiv. 47; xxv. 14. 
In St Luke 8 times, irpovrrap^iv 
in Gosp. and Acts once. 

(6) TTCUS (Qeov) of David, Israel, 
Christ, i. 54, 69; Acts iii. 13, 26; 
iv. 25, 27, 30. 

(7) iKavos 9 times in Gosp., 18 
times in Acts, 3 times each in Matt. 
and Mark ; elsewhere 6 times. 

(8) olxos, metaph. (Matt. x. 6; 

xv. 24, OIK. 'lap.) 7 times in Gosp., (12) Kal eyevero (eyfv. oej ev rip... 

9 times in Acts. In Gosp. 22 times, in Acts twice 

(9) VOIUKO* (Matt. xxii. 35; Tit. (Mark iv. 4). Compare eyfrero 


( l $) V v > & with partic. In 
Gosp. 47 times, in Acts 37 (Matt. 
10; Mark 27; John 18). 

In the numbers given some differ- 
ences may arise from various read- 
ings, but they are, I believe, sub- 
stantially correct. 

(rpav/j.a, Gosp. i), all once in Gosp., 
once in Acts ; SuoTapcu, e7n/3i/3aeti', 
0a/x/3os (twice in Gosp., once in 
Acts) ; e'7n%apetV, tacrts, [crvvadpol- 
feiv] (Gosp. i, Acts 2); diaTTope'cv, 
iri(f>wve?v, euXa/3?7S, tcaditvai, avvap- 
irafeu' (Gosp. I, Acts 3); i] e^j, 
Kade^rjs (2 ; 3) ; Kadorc (2 ; 4) ; 65wd- 
ffdai (3; i); o/JuXew (2; 2); (TVVKO.- 
XeZcr$cu, midd. (3; 2); avfj,{3d\\eu> 
(2; 4). 

(/3) found only in Gospel: Trroet- 
crdai, crvKcxpavTelv, UTroxwpeu', XP eo ~ 
<pei\eTT]$ (each twice) ; avvitvai, GVV- 

(each once). 

(7) occurring more often in Gosp. 
and Acts than in the other books of 
the New Testament : dVas, drej't'feu', 
j/o/xart, /careX- 

iii. 13 only) 6 times in Gosp. 
Paftpci) 6 times; not 

orarqt ( aftpci) 6 times; not else- 
where. dXTj^cDs with \tyu ( = 0. 
3 timesjn Gosp. ; not elsewhere. 

( 10) v\//i(rTos (as an epithet of God) 
3 times in Gosp., in Acts twice: 
elsewhere Mark v. 7; Hebr. vii. i. 

( 1 1 ) Peculiar words 



are variously regarded, that we may be led to recognize 
the manifold instructiveness and application of every 
word and work of Christ. It may indeed be difficult 
to trace the progress of the subject, as it is taken up in 
each successive part of the histories; yet from time to 
time the same familiar notes recur, and we feel sure that 
a deeper knowledge and a finer discernment would lead 
us to recognize their influence, even in those passages 
which are most complicated and obscure. We have 
followed no arbitrary arrangement in classifying the 
Miracles or Discourses of our Lord, and yet in the mere 
simplicity of the Gospels we have traced the great signs 
of a new and noble sequence, too uniform and pregnant 
to be attributable to chance, too unpretending and 
obscure to be the work of design. And surely the 
conviction of this truth, more than any other incom- 
municable it may be, and ill-defined by language must 
fill us with the devoutest reverence for the Gospel- 
histories, a reverence which is no vain Bibliolatry, but 
a feeling which springs from the satisfaction of our 
inmost wants, and furnishes the fullest materials for 
patient study. For such a scheme of the Holy Gospels 
is at once most worthy of their divine origin, and most 
consistent with their outward form; it realizes the in- 
dividuality of their authorship, and explains the facts 
of their perversions; it satisfies in its manifoldness every 
requirement of the past and future relations of Christian 
truth ; it falls in with early tradition, and opens to us 
a new view of the providential government of the Church; 
and finally it sets before us in the clearest light the 
combination of the human and divine which lies at the 
basis of all Revelation. The surest answer to all doubts 
the readiest help in all difficulties the truest consola- 
tion in all divisions must spring from a real sense of 


the union of God and man in religion and in Scripture, 
which is the perfect record of the historical fulfilment of 
the union ; and, if we read the words of Inspiration 
humbly and sincerely, we have a promise which can- 
not fail 1 . 

1 Orig. Sekcta in Num. xi. 25 : Iv yap lv X/Hcrry TO irvevpa. /ecu 5td 
ira.vT(av 77 

Notes to Chapter vii. 

NOTE A ; see p. 355. 

The following analysis may guide the student in pursuing the teaching 
of St Matthew : 


The Royal pedigree (i. i 17). 

The Virgin's Son, the promised Saviour (18 25). 

The homage (ii. i 12). 

The persecution (13 23). 
(In all things the words of the Prophets are fulfilled.) 


(a) The Baptist (iii.) : 

The Messenger (i 6). The Message (712). The Re- 
cognition (13 17). 

(p) The Messiah (iv.): 

The Trial (i ii). The Home (1216). The Message 
(17). The Call (1822). The Work (23 25). 


(a) The new Law in relation to the old (v. vi. vii.). 
(j8) The testimony of signs (via. ix.). 
Characteristics (viii. i 15). 

The Suppliant (Resignation, i 4) ; the Intercessor 
(Faith, 513); the Restored (Service, 14, 15). 



The Lord and the Disciples (viii. 18 ix. 17). 

Self-denial (1822). 

Power (Nature, 23 27; Spirits, 28 34; Sin, ix. i 8). 

Mercy (913). 

Prudence (14 17). 
The results (ix. 18 34). 

Faith confirmed (20 22) ; raised (23 26) ; attested (27 

Unbelief hardened (32 34). 

(7) The Commission (ix. 36 xi.). 
The Charge (x.). 
The Hearers (xi.). 

John (i 15) ; the People (16 19). 

Woes (2024); Thanksgivings (2530). 

(d) The Contrast (xii.). 

The letter and the spirit of the Law. 

Example ( i 9); Miracle (to 13). 

The kingdom of Satan and the kingdom of God (22 37). 
The sign of Jonas (38 45). 
Natural and spiritual kindred (46 50). 

(e) Parables of the Kingdom: its rise, growth, consummation 



(a) The character of the King, compared with 
Temporal dominion : 

The feast of Herod; death of John (xiv. i 12). 
The feast of Christ (Jews) ; the disciples saved (13 33). 
Hierarchical dominion : 
The tradition of the elders (xv. i 20). 
The Syrophoenician heard (21 28). 
The Gentiles healed and fed (29 39). 
Truth hidden from some (xvi. i 12). revealed to others 

(/3) Glimpses of the Kingdom. 

The prospect of suffering (xvi. 24 28). 
The vision of glory (xvii. i 13). 

The secret source of strength (14 21). 
The Citizens. 

Moral principles: Obedience, a sign (xviL 2427); Hu- 
mility, Unselfishness, Forgiveness (xviii.). 
Social characteristics : Marriage, children, riches, sacrifice 


Yet all without intrinsic merit (xx. i 16). 
W. G. B B 

Chap. vii. 



Chap. vii. (7) The King claims his Heritage. 

The Journey (xx. 17 34). 
The triumphal Entrance (xxi. i 17). 
The Conflict (xxi. 18 xxii.). 

The sign (xxi. 18 22). The first question (23 27). 
The portraiture (28 xxii. 14). The temptation (15 
40). The last question (41 46). 
The Judgment (xxiii. xxv.). 
The Teachers (xxiii.). 
The City (xxiv.). 
The World (xxv.). 

(a) The Passion (xxvi. xxvii.). 

Contrasts: foreknowledge, craft (xxvi. i 5), 

love, treason (6 16). 

The Last Supper : woes foreseen and faced (17 29). 
The rash promise: power misjudged (30 35). 
The inward Agony (36 46). 
The outward Desertion (47 56). 
The Confession of Christ (57 68). 
The Denial of Peter (6975). 
The death of Judas (xxvii. 3 10). 
The Death of Christ (1150). 
Christ and Barabbas (15 26). 
Christ and the soldiers (27 31). 
Christ and the bystanders (32 56). 
The Burial (5761). The watch (6266). 
(/3) The Triumph. 

The Rising in glory (xxviii. I 10). 
The false report (n 15). 
The great Commission (16 20). 

NOTE B; see p. 358. 
The Sermon on the Mount may be arranged thus : 

i. The citizens of the Kingdom (v. i 16). 
(a) Their character (i 12). 
In themselves (3 6). 
Poor in spirit. 
Hungering after righteousness. 



Relatively (7 12). 
Merciful to men. 
At peace with God. 
Pursuing peace. 
The example of the Prophets. 

(0) Their .influence (13 1 6). 
To preserve (13). 
To guide (1416). 

ii. The New Law (17 48). 

(a) The fulfilment of the Old generally (1720). 

(f3) The fulfilment of the spirit of special commandments. 

Murder, Adultery, Perjury, Revenge, Exclusiveness (21 

iii. The New Life (vi. vii. 23). 

(a) Acts of devotion (vi. i 18). 
Alms (i 4). 
Prayer (515). 
Fasting (16 18). 

03) Aims (1934). 

The true treasure (19 21). 
The single service (22 24). 
The perfect repose (25 34). 

(7) Conduct (vii. i 12). 

Charitable in judging (i 5). 
Circumspect in teaching (6). 
Faithful in well-doing (7 12). 

(6) Dangers (vii. 1323). 
From himself ( 1 3, 14). 

From false teachers (15), to be tested by Works of 
faith (16 20), not by Works of power (21 23), 

iv. The great contrast (vii. 24 27). 

NOTE C; see p. 358. 

The following scheme of the Miracles recorded by St Matthew will 
serve to shew their relation to the framework of his Gospel. Of course 
no one scheme can exhaust the lessons of the Miracles. This only shews 

BB 2 




Chap. vii. 

their bearing in succession upon one great idea. The Miracles peculiar to 
St Matthew are marked by italics. 

i. The Miracles of the Lawgiver. 

(a) In relation to the Old Law. 

i. The Spirit before the Letter (ver. 3) : 
The Leper cleansed (viii. 2 4). 

i. Faith superior to National Descent (ver. 10): 

The healing of the Centurion's Servant (viii. 5 13). 

3. The Service of Love before ritual observance (ver. 


The healing of Peter's Wife's Mother (viii. 14, 15). 
[viii. 1 6, 17, Many healed, as Esaias prophesied.] 

(ft) In Himself, as all powerful over 

1. The Material world, 

The Stilling of the Storm (viii. 23 27). 

2. The Spiritual world, 

The Gadarene Demoniacs healed (viii. 28 34). 

3. The power of Sin, 

The Paralytic healed (ix. i 8). 

(7) In relation to man, as requiring Faith 

1. Actively, to seize the blessing, 

The woman with issue healed (ix. 20 22). 

2. Passively, to receive it, 

Jairus' daughter raised (ix. 18 26). 

3. As a measure of the blessing (ver. 29), 

The two blind nun (ix. 27 31). 

4. As the means of understanding it, 

The dumb devil cast out (ix. 32 34). 
[ix. 35, Many healed.] 

ii. The Miracles of the Prophet of the Kingdom. 

(a) Vindicating the law of Conscience (in Action}^ 
The withered hand healed (xii. 9 13). 

(ft) Rescuing Sight and Speech from the power of evil, 
The blind and dumb devil cast out (xii. 22 30). 



iii. The Miracles of the King, 
(a) As to His people. 

1. Jews. 

In relief of want, 

Feeding of the 5000 (xiv. 15 21). 
In relief of toil (ver. 24), 

Walking on the sea (xiv. 22 33). 

2. Gentiles. 

In answer to prayer, 

The woman of Canaan (xv. 21 28). 
[xv. 30, 31, Many healed.] 
In reward of patience (ver. 32), 

The feeding of the 4000 (xv. 32 39). 

(/3) As to His Title. 

1. Perfect by human preparation (ver. 21). 

Healing the Lunatic (xviii. 14 21). 

2. Legitimate by divine right (ver. 25, 26). 

The Stater in the Fish (xvi. 24 27). 
[xxi. 2, Many healed.] 

(7) As to His Government. 

1. Merciful according to our Prayer (ver. 32). 

The two blind men healed (xx. 30 34). 

2. Just according to our fruits (ver. 19 22). 

The fig-tree cursed (xxi. 17 22). 

NOTE D; see p. 359. 

The following are the Parables recorded in St Matthew, which, it will 
be seen, fall into two divisions corresponding with the Prophetic and 
Kingly aspects of Christ's character as seen before in the record of the 
Miracles, and in the general plan of the Gospel. The Parables peculiar to 
St Matthew are marked by italics. 

i. Images of the characteristics of Christianity. 
(a) Its source. 

(1) From God : 

The Sower (xiii. 3 8). 

(2) Yet counterfeited by the devil: 

7^he Tares (xiii. 2430). 


Chap. vii. 

() Its progress. 

(1) In outward extent : 

The Mustard Seed (xiii. 31, 32). 

(2) In inward influence : 

, The Leaven (xiii. 33). 

(7) Its relation t'o men. 

(1) As a gift from heaven : 

The hid Treasure (xiii. 44). - ; ' 

(2) As a power in the individual: 

The Merchant seeking pearls (xiii. 45, 46). 

^3) As a wide working instrument : 
The Draw Net (xiii. 4750). 

Images of the life of Men. 
(a) Love. 

(1) A spontaneous feeling : 

The lost sheep (xviii. 12 14)'." 

(2) A debt due to God : 

The unmerciful servant (xviii. 23 25). 

(3) Dependence. 

The labourers in the Vineyard (xx. i 16). 

(7) Activity. 

(1) Obedient in spirit, as of sons of God : 

The two Sons (xxi. 28 32). 

(2) Unselfish, as of Stewards of God : 

The wicked husbandmen (xxi. 33 41). 

(3) Reverence. 

The Marriage of the King's Son (xxii. i 14). 

(e) Responsibility. 

(1) At all times: 

The Ten Virgins (xxv. i 13). 

(2) In all positions: 

The Talents (xxv. 1430). 



NOTE E; see p. 365. 

The Miracles recorded by St Mark fall into the following groups : 
i. Signs of the Saviour's work (i. 23 ii. 12). 

The devil cast out in the Synagogue (i. 23 28). 
The fever healed in the house (i. 30, 31). 
The leper cleansed (i. 40 45). 
The paralytic pardoned and restored (ii. 3 12). 

ii. Signs of the Saviour's teaching (iii. i 6; iv. 35 v.). 

(a) Freedom of action. 

The withered hand restored on the Sabbath (iii. i 6). 

(ft). Trials of Faith. 

The storm stilled (iv. 35 41). 

The Legion cast out (v. i 20). 

The woman with the issue healed (v. 25 34}. 

Jairus' daughter raised (v. 21 24, 35 43). 

iii. Signs of the Kingdom (vi. 30 52 ; vii. 24 viii. 9, &<;.). 
(a) The extent of the Kingdom. 

The satisfaction of the Jews : 5000 fed (vi. 30 44). 
The passage of the lake (vi. 45 52). 
The satisfaction of Gentiles: 

The Syrophoenician (vii. 24 30). 
TJie deaf and dumb man (vii. 31 37). 
The 4000 fed (viii. i 9). 
(ft) Special -lessons. 

Discernment : the blind man at Bethsaida (viii. 22 26). 
Faith: the Lunatic (ix. 14 29). 
Mercy: Bartimseus (x. 4652). 
Judgment: the Fig-tree (xi. 12 14). 

The most remarkable omission is that of the Centurion's servant. The 
Miracles peculiar to St Mark are distinguished by italics. 

NOTE F; see p. 366. 

The following outline will convey a general notion of the construction 
of St Mark's Gospel, and supersede the necessity of examining it in detail. 


(a) The Call (i. 1420). 

(j8) Signs (i. 21 ii. 12). 

Possession, Fever, Leprosy, Palsy. 

Chap, vii 



Chap. vii. 

II. ii. 13 iv. 34. OUTLINES OF TEACHING. 

(a) Traits of the new life: 

The Call of the Publican (ii. 1317). 

The Lesson of Prudence (18 22). 

The Sabbath: Example (ii. 23 28); Sign (Hi. i 6). 

(/3) The Kingdom of God and the world. 

The Apostles (iii. 13... 19); the enemies (20 30); the 

true kindred (31 35). 
Parables of the Kingdom (iv. i 34). 

(y) Signs (iv. 35 v.). 

The Storm (iv. 35 41). Legion (v. i 20). The 
woman with issue; Jairas' daughter (21 43). 

(S) The Issue: Unbelief (vi. i 6). 


(a) The Mission of the Apostles (vi. 6b 13). 
Temporal dominion. 

The Feast of Herod: John (vi. 14 29). 
The Feast of Christ : Christ on the waters (30 52). 
Hierarchical dominion. 

The tradition of the Elders (vii. i 23); Blessings for 
the Gentiles ; the Syrophoenician ; the deaf and 
dumb ; the multitudes fed (vii. 24 viii. 9). 
Lack of discernment in some (10 21). 

A sign (22 26). 
Revelation to others (27 33). 

(P) Glimpses of the Kingdom (viii. 34 x. 31). 

The prospect of suffering (viii. 3438) ; the Vision of 
Glory (ix. i 13) ; the secret source of strength (14 29). 

The citizens. 

Humility; charity; self-denial (ix. 33 50); marriage; 
children; riches; sacrifice (x. i 31). 

(y) The Sovereignty claimed (x. 32 xiii.). 
The journey (x. 3252). 
The Triumphal entrance (xi. i ir). 
The Conflict. 

The sign (xi. 12 25); the first question (27 33); the 
portraiture (xii. i 12); the temptation (13 34); 
the last question (35 37). 
The Pharisees (38 40); the Widow (41 44). 
The Judgment (xiii.). 




The end foreshewn by act (xiv. 3 9), and word (12 31) 
The Agony; Betrayal; Denial; Condemnation (xiv. 32 

xv. 20). 

The Crucifixion; Burial (xv. 21 47). 
The Resurrection [Revelation; Ascension] (xvi.). 

NOTE G; see p. 372. 

The following; outline of the Gospel of St Luke will serve to explain the 
connexion of the several parts : 


The Annunciation of the birth of John and of Christ 
(i. 1-56). 

The Birth of John; the Nativity; the Presentation; 
Christ with the doctors (i. 57 iL). 

I. ill. iv. 13. THE PREPARATION. 

The work of the Baptist (iii. i 20). 

The attestation at the Baptism and by descent (21 38). 

The Trial (iv. 113). 


Preaching (14, 15). 

Tidings at Nazareth (16 30). 

Signs: the unclean spirit (31 37); Simon's wife's mother 

(38, 39)- 

Many works (40, 41} ; wide teaching (42 44). 


(a) Its universality (v. vi. n). 

The sign : the draught of fishes (v. i n). 
The Leper cleansed (12 16). 
The Paralytic restored (17 26). 
The Publican called (2739). 
The Law vindicated from superstition (vi. i 1 1). 

(P) Its constitution (vi. 12 viii. 3). 

The Apostles called: the Sermon on the Mount (vi. 

The spring of help : 

Faith in man : the Centurion's sen-ant (vii. 2 10). 
Love in Christ : the Widow's son (n 17). 


The hearers : 

John and the people (1835). 
The Pharisee and the Sinner (3650). 
The ministering women (viii. i ^). 
(7) Its development (viii. 4 56). 
The Sower (viii. 418).' 
, . > . Earthly ties (19 21). 

Lessons of faith: the Storm stilled (22 25); the Le- 
gion cast out (26 39) ; the woman healed (43 48) ; 
Jairus' daughter raised (40 56). 
(5) Its claims (ix. i 43 a}. 

. The Commission (ix. i 6) ; the earthly king (7- 9). 
The 5000 fed (10 17) ; the Confession (18 27). 
The Transfiguration; the Lunatic healed (28 -.43 a}. 

IV. ix. 43 3 xviii. 30- THE UNIVERSAL CHURCH. THE REJEC- 
(a), Preparation (ix. 43$ -xi. 13). 

Coming persecution (43^45). Traits of the true disci- 
ple (4662). . . . 
The Mission of the 70 (x. i 20). Thanksgiving (21 

One "family of men: the Good Samaritan (25 37). 
One thing needful: Mary and Martha (38 42). 
Prayer the strength of life (xi. i 13). . ' ..( 

(jS) Lessons of warning (xL 14 xiii. 9). 

Inward: Seven worse spirits (xi. 14 28). 
Sign of Jonah (29 36). 
Pharisaic religion (37 54). 
Outward: 1 Persecution (xii. i 12). 
Wealth (13 31). 
Life (3253)- 
Signs of the times (54 59). 

The Fate of the Galilaeans (xiii. i 5). 
The barren Fig-tree (6 9). 
(7) Lessons of progress (xiii. 10 xiv. 24). 

The woman [the Church] set free (xiii. 10 17). 

The growth of the Church outward and inward 

(18 21). 

The duty of effort (22 30). 
The assurance in working (31 35). 
Formalism defeated (xiv. T 6). 
The poor called (7 14). 
The feast furnished with guests (15 24). 



.; . (5) Lessons of discipleship (xiv. 25 -xvii. 10). 

The completeness of the sacrifice (xiv. 25 35). 
The universality of the offer (xv.). 
Social duties. 

The Stewardship of wealth (xvi.). 

Offences; Faith; Service (xvii. i ro). 

(f) The coming end (xvii. ir xviii. 30). 

The sign : the Ten Lepers (xvii. 1 i 19). 
The unexpectedness of Christ's coming (20 37). 
The Unjust Judge (xviii. i 8). 
Obstacles to faith : 

Self-righteousness; Pride; Selfishness (9 30). 


(a) The Journey: 

Warnings ; Bartimaeus ; Zacchseus ; the Talents (xviii. 
31 xix. 27). 

(/3) The Entry (xix. 2844). 

The Work begun (4548). 

(7) The Conflict. The first question (xx>.j 8); the portrai- 
ture (9 19) ; the Temptation (20 40) ; the last question 


The Pharisees (45, 46) ; the Widow (xxi. 1-^4). 
The Judgment (xxi. 5 36). 
The Work (37, 38). 


The end foreshewn (xxii. r 23). 
Divisions within (24 34); dangers. without (35 38). 
The Agony ; Betrayal; Denial; Condemnation (39 71). 
The Judgment of Herod and Pilate (xxiii. i 25). 
The Crucifixion ; Burial (26 56). 
The Revelation of the Risen Saviour (xxiv. 143). 
The last Charge ; the Ascension (4453). 

NOTE H ; see p. 374. 

The spiritual teaching of the Miracles in St Luke, as a whole, will 
l>e seen from the following table. The Miracles peculiar St Luke 
are marked by italics. 

Chap. vii. 


i. Signs of the mission of the Saviour (iv. 18) generally to check 
the action of evil. 

(a) Spiritual : 

the unclean spirit cast out (iv. 33 37). 
(jS) Physical : 

Peter's wife's mother healed (iv. 38, 39). 

ii. The Christian Society. 

(a) Its universality : the Miractilotis Draught of Fishes (v. 

Hence Christ 

(1) Purifies the outward life : 

the Leper cleansed (v. 12 14). 

(2) Purifies the inward life : 

the Palsy healed (v. 1826). 

(3) Quickens deadened energies : 

the withered hand restored (vi. 6 n). 

(/3) The spring of its blessings. 

(1) Faith in man : 

the Centurion's Servant (vii. 2 10). 

(2) Love in Christ : 

the Widow's Son raised (vii. n 17). 

(7) The fulness of Christ's power to preserve it, as seen in 
His Sovereignty over 

(1) Matter : 

the Storm stilled (viii. 22 25). 

(2) Spirit : 

the Gadarene Demoniacs (viii. 26 39). 

(3) Death : 

Typical : the Woman with the issue (viii. 43 48). 
Natural : Jairus' daughter raised (viii. 41 56). 

(5) The extent of its claims. 

(1) To instruct and strengthen all: 

the 5000 fed (ix. 10 17). 

(2) To overcome by faith all evil : 

the Lunatic healed (ix. 3742). 

iii. Signs of Christ's working on men. 

(a) To give utterance to the spiritually dumb : 
the dumb devil cast out (xi. 14 26). 



(/3) To remove 

(1) The inward checks to our progress: 

tJie Woman with a spirit of infirmity (j/i\\\. 1 1 17). 

(2) The outward obstacles to it (ver. 5); 

the Man with the Dropsy (xiv. i 6). 

(7) To cleanse impurity outward and inward (ver. 19): 
the ten Lepers cleansed (xvii. 12 19). 

(5) To restore spiritual sight : 

the blind man restored (xviii. 35 43). 
\the healing of Malchus ; xxii. 50, 51.] 

The Miracles recorded by St Matthew and St Mark which are omitted 
by St Luke are : (i) The walking on the sea ; (2) the healing of the Syro- 
phoenician's daughter ; (3) the feeding of the 4000 ; (4) the barren fig-tree. 
The omission of the last three is the more worthy of notice because they 
symbolize the call of the Gentiles. But the character of St Luke's Gospel 
is to be sought in its general tone. The message which it conveys is uni- 
versal, and not exclusive in any sense. 

NOTE K; seep. 374. 
The Parables in St Luke illustrate the general course of his narrative. 

i. The Foundations. 

(a) Love : the tiao debtors (vii. 4143). 

(/3) Productiveness : the Sower (viii. 4 15). 

(7) Charity : the good Samaritan (x. 30 37). 

(5) Importunity in Prayer : the Friend at midnight (xi. 5 8). 

ii. Lessons of warning. 

(a) Dependence : the rich Fool (xii. 16 21). 
(ft) Faithfulness: the Servants (xii. 35 48). 
(7) Fruitfulness : the barrtn Fig-tree (xiii. 6 9). 

iii. Lessons of progress. 

(a) Outward growth : the Mustard Seed (xiii, 18, 19). 

Inward change : the Leaven (xiii. 20, 21). 
() The humble exalted: the chief seats (xiv. 7 n). 
The poor called : the great Supper (xiv. 1224). 

Chap. vii. 



Chap. vii. iv. Lessons of discipleship. 

(a) :The rational Sacrifice : 

the Tower-builder (xiv. 28 30), 
the King going to war (xiv. 31 33). 

(j8) The universal offer : 

The guideless Wanderer from the Church : 

the lost Sheep (xv. 3 7). 
The lost Slumberer in the Church : 

the lost Drachma (xv. 8 10). 
The wilful Apostate from the Church : 

the Prodigal Son (xv. 1 1 32). 

(7) Social duties : 

In the use of outward blessings : 

Prudence : the unjust Steward (xvt. i 12). 

Charity: the rich man and Lazarus (xvi. 19 31). 
Service no ground of merit : Unprofitable Servants (xvii. 


v. Lessons of Judgment. 

(a) The injured heard at last : 

the Unjust J udge (xviii. i 8). 
(j3) Man's judgment reversed : 

the Pharisee and Publican (xviii. 9 14). 
(7) The Christian rewarded according to his work : 

the Talents (xix. n 27). 

(5) The retribution of the wicked : 

the wicked Husbandmen (xx. 9 16). 


The Difficulties of the Gospels. 

lIe7rcu5ei>yU,<:>OD ecrri CTTI rotrouTov ra/c/H/3es 


Kad' ^Kaarov yfros, c0* 


tF we have in any measure succeeded in establishing 
the idea of a distinct spiritual purpose and order 
in the writings of the several Evangelists ; if we have 
shewn that they rest upon the foundations of the Past 
and meet the wants of the Future, the remainder of our 
task will be easy. We shall feel the presence of the 
Holy Spirit throughout the whole narratives, and seek 
neither to limit His influence nor to define His opera- 
tion. We shall recognise the divergences of the sacred 
writers, but still strive to discover the law of their course 
and the point of their reunion. We shall bear in mind 
how much is clear and evident in the written Word, 
while we ponder over dark and disputed sentences. 
We shall admit the obscurities which critics have de- 
tected in our Gospels, and endeavour to explain their 
origin, while we remember that, like the spots upon the 
surface of the sun, they neither mar the symmetry nor 
impair the glory of the great Source of our Life and 
Light which is imaged in them. 

It would be a profitless task to discuss at length the 
objections which have been urged against distinct pas- 

Chap viii. 

The difficul- 
ties of the 
Gospels rela- 
tively in con- 


grounds for 
meeting ob- 



Chap. via. 

i. They 

spring from 
a wrong 
view of the 
nature of the 

2. From dis- 
regard of 

sages of the Gospels, for it is always the penalty of 
controversy that the whole is neglected for details; but 
it may be not without use to indicate some general 
grounds for receiving with patience accounts which we 
cannot entirely reconcile. Such general considerations 
may lead us to wait for fuller knowledge, not with 
doubt and misgiving, but with a sure confidence in 
God's eternal truth. 

We have already noticed the error of those who 
contemplate the life of Christ, as recorded by the Evan- 
gelists, only outwardly, without regarding its spiritual 
significance. Hence it has followed that details his- 
torically trivial have been deemed unfit subjects for 
the exercise of Inspiration; and it has been argued 
from the omission of a wide cycle of facts by the Evan- 
gelists that their narratives are vague and incomplete. 
The first step to a right understanding of the Gospels 
must be the abandonment of this point of sight; we 
must regard them as designed to set forth the progress 
of a divine work embodied in the life of the Son of 
Man ; we must compare them with the inward experience 
of Christians, and not with the annals of biographers ; 
we must read them to learn the details of our redemp- 
tion, and not to add some new facts to the chronicles of 
the world. Before we pronounce any clause or word in 
the Bible insignificant or needless, let us be assured that 
it contains no mystery 1 , that it teaches the humble 
student no new lesson in the knowledge of the world 
or of man or of God. 

A second source of objections to the Gospels springs 

1 Orig. Philoc. c. I: Up^wei T& 

ayta ypd/J.fJ.a.Ta TrurTcijtiv fj.-qdefjilou' 
KepaLav ZXCLV nevriv <ro<plas 0eoO...^K 
yap TOU TT\Tjp<jJfAa.TOS avTOu Xa/3oz/res 
ot TrpofirjTai \yov<ri. Sib iravra. 

TUP avb 7rX^pa')/x.aroy. Koi 
ovdfr lariv ev irfXxpijTeig. % z/6/a<p T) 
< d O 


from the general disregard of their spiritual character. 
No attempt is made to realise their individual purposes, 
as representing natural and fundamental differences in 
the conception of the Life of Christ. If their individu- 
ality is asserted, it is as the partial result of design, and 
not as the spontaneous expression of a finite mind filled 
with the truth. To borrow an illustration from classical 
literature, the Memoirs of the Apostles are treated 
historically by a method which no critic would apply 
to the Memoirs of Xenophon. The scholar admits the 
truthfulness of the different pictures of Socrates which 
were drawn by the philosopher, the moralist, and the 
man of the world, and combines them into one figure 
instinct with a noble life, half-hidden and half-revealed, 
as men viewed it from different points; but he seems 
often to forget his art when he studies the records of 
the Saviour's work. Hence it is that superficial differ- 
ences are detached from the context which explains 
them. It is urged as an objection that parallel narra- 
tives are not identical. Variety of details is taken for 
discrepancy. The evidence may be wanting which 
might harmonize narratives apparently discordant; but 
experience shews that it is as rash to deny the proba- 
bility of reconciliation as it is to fix the exact method 
by which it may be made out. If as a general rule we 
can follow the law which regulates the characteristic 
peculiarities of each Evangelist, and see in what way 
they answer to different aspects of one truth, and com- 
bine as complementary elements in the full representa- 
tion of it 1 ; then we may be well contented to acquiesce 

1 Orig. in Joann* Tom. x. 18: TOV TWV Evayyf:\i<rTwi> 

TTiVrTjo-cw 6t ^TTt/iceXcDs, ei bwarbv 8ia<p6povs TOV \6yov tvepyeias Iv 5ia- 

rcis ye va\\ayas rdv yeypafj.- <f>6pois tfOeffi \j/vx&v 01) ra O.VTO. d\Xa 

vuv Ka.1 ras dtcupuvlas 8ia\ue<rdcu TLVO. irapair\r)(na ^TrtreXoiWs. The 

d rbv rijs dvaywyT)* Tpbnov, IKO.O-- wisdom of Origen's principle is not 

\V. G. C C 

Chap. riii. 






Chap. viii. 

3. From a 
neglect of 
their prof er 

in the existence of some difficulties which at present 
admit of no exact solution, though they may be a 
necessary consequence of that independence of the Gos- 
pels which in other cases is the source of their united 
power 1 . 

The neglect of the spiritual object of the Gospels, 
by which they are deprived of their proper character, 
leads necessarily to the disregard of their secondary 
character as true narratives of facts. Many recent 
critics have not only reduced our Gospels to the level 
of ordinary writings, but have then denied their special 
and independent authority. They commonly admit a 
fact on the testimony of Josephus. which they question 
if it rest on the statement of St Matthew or St Luke 2 . 
They do not concede those privileges to the Evangelists 
which they yield to other historians in accordance with 
the received rules of evidence ; and though it be said 
that the assumed Inspiration of the Gospels removes 
them to a fresh position, it is clear that in the interpre- 
tation of the outward text they must be subject to the 
just arbitration of criticism ; for the body is obedient 
to the laws of matter, though informed by a living spirit. 
We claim for the Gospels the strictest interpretation of 
language. Let the test be applied universally, and the 
apologist will gain as much as the interpreter. As soon 

shaken in any degree by his own 
failure in applying it. 

1 Cf. Matt. viii. 5 10; Luke vii. 
i 10. 

Matt, xxvii. 5 ; Acts i. 18. See 
Gaussen, Theopneustia, p. 143 (Eng. 
Tr.) for a curious parallel. 

John xix. 17 ; Luke xxiii. -26. 
See p. 332, n. 10 ai fin., and Orig. 
Comm. in Matt. Tom. XI I. 24. 

2 Matt. xiv. 3. 
Matt, xxiii. 35. 

Matt, xxvii. 51 sqq. ; 62 66; 

xxviii. ii 15 (Strauss, in. 4, 


Luke iii. i (Strauss, n. i, 44). 

Luke xxiii. 45 (Strauss, in. 4, 
133). There is no mention of an 
Eclipse, but of Darkness (<TKOTOS 
tytvero, Matt, xxvii. 45 ; Mark xv. 
33; Luke xxiii. 44). The objection 
is as old as the time of Origen, who 
answers it rightly : Comm. Ser. in 
Matt. 134. 

John i. 28; iii. 23; iv, 5. Cf. 
xviii. i. 



as we disbelieve in the force of words similarity is con- 
founded with sameness 1 ; differences are quoted as con- 
tradictions 2 ; the general is asserted to be inconsistent 
with the particular 3 ; the connexion of subject is taken 
for a connexion of time 4 . 

It cannot be denied that the real origin of many, 
perhaps of most of the objections to the Gospels, lies 
deeper than textual criticism. The objections to the 
record rest on a fundamental objection to the implied 
fact. An unexpressed denial of the possibility of Mira- 
cles is the foundation of detailed assaults upon a mira- 
culous narrative. Critical difficulties are too often in 
the first instance the excuse for a foregone conclusion, 
or at least fall in with a definite bias. A charge of 
prejudice is alleged against the defenders of the Gospels, 
and it lies more truly against those who attack them. 
The prevalence of a suspicion of all miraculous history, 
of a willingness to accept any explanation which may 
limit or modify its character, of a kind of satisfaction 
in believing that we may plausibly doubt some part of 
it and so question the whole, is far greater than we com- 

Chap. vii 

1 Matt. ix. 32 34; xii. 22 30. 

Matt. xiv. 15 21 ; xv. 32 38. 
Cf. xvi. 9, 10. 

Matt. xxvi. 6 13 ; Luke vii. 36 

Luke ix. i sqq. ; x. I sqq. 

John ii. 1417; Matt. xxi. 12, 

Johniv. 46 54; Luke vii. i 10. 

a Matt. iii. 14; John i. 31. Cf. 
p. 293, n. 2. 

Matt. xx. 29 34 ; Mark x. 46 
52 ; Lukexviii. 3543- Cf. David- 
son's Hermeneutics, p. 558. 

Matt, xxvii. 54; Luke xxiii. 47. 

Matt, xxvii. 37 ; Mark xv. 26 ; 
Luke xxiii. 38; John xix. 19 (the 
Inscription on the Cross}. Cf. p. 

3 Matt. xi. 2. sqq. ; John i. 34 ; 
iii. 27. 

Matt. xi. 14; John i. 21. 

Matt. xxi. 38 ; Acts iii. 1 7 ; xiii. 

Matt. xxvi. 8 ; John xii. 4. 

Matt. xxvi. 69 75 ; Mark xiv. 
66 72 ; Luke xxii. 56 62 ; John 
xviii. 17, 1 8, 25 27 (tke denials of 
St Peter}. Cf. p. 302, n. 3. 

John v. 31 ; viii. 14. 

A suggestive instance occurs in 
Matt. xx. 20 ; Mark x. 35, when 
we compare Matt. xx. 22 with Mark 
x. 38 (orSare). 

Matt. xiv. 13; Luke ix. 10. 

4 Matt. xxi. 19, 20; Mark xi. 20. 
Luke xxiv. 50 ; Acts i. 3. 

CC 2 

4. From 





Chap. viii. 

5. The 
gravest ob- 
jections are 

oj leeling 

monly admit even to ourselves. No one probably is 
free from the feeling; and it is well to consider how 
much of each difficulty is due to the nature of the fact, 
and how much to the nature of the evidence by which 
it is attested ; how far it is a fair result of the text itself, 
and how far a natural consequence of the conception 
which the text contains. Christianity is essentially mi- 
raculous. This is a postulate of Biblical criticism ; and 
it follows that miraculous circumstances are exactly in 
the same position in the Gospel-history as natural cir- 
cumstances in common history. If the postulate be 
granted, the conclusion is inevitable; if it be denied, 
argument is impossible. No external evidence can pro- 
duce faith. 

Apart from narratives which involve this antagonism 
of principle, it may be observed that even in those pas- 
sages which present the greatest difficulties there are 
traces of unrecorded facts, which, if known fully, would 
probably explain the whole 1 : further knowledge tends 
to remove, instead of increasing, objections ; and few 
objections are admitted to be of force by all adverse 
critics. The heritage of scepticism is rather the settled 
spirit of doubt than the accumulated store of arguments. 
Each antagonist of Christianity thinks that the battle 
fails where he is not himself engaged. Isolated and 
independent efforts are opposed to the gathered 
strength which ages of faith have transmitted to the 

It is perhaps the more necessary to insist on these 

Cf. p. 318, n. 4. 

John xix. 14 ; Mark xv. -25. Cf. 
Townson, Dissert, vm. i, 2. 

We see the importance of this 
minute criticism in Mark xi. 13, 

1 Luke ii. 2, avrrj 
Trp&Tf) eytvfro, K.T.\. The force 
of the objection lies in the neglect 
of the word irpurtj, which seems to 
refer to some other 'Taxing,' with 
which we are unacquainted. [1851] 



particulars, as much of the criticism at the present day 
seems to assume that there is some resting-place be- 
tween the perfect truthfulness of Inspiration and the 
uncertainty of ordinary writing. A subjective standard 
is erected, which, if once admitted, will be used as much 
to measure the doctrines as \he facts of Scripture ; and, 
while many speculators boldly avow this, others are con- 
tented to admit the premises from which the conclusion 
necessarily follows. But within the Church criticism is 
the interpreter and assessor, and not the sole and final 
judge. The same Spirit which gave the Revelation for 
the establishment of the outward society will unfold its 
meaning, but not supersede its use. The Spirit and the 
Word work together and not apart. To claim a distinct 
personal enlightenment independent of a written Word 
is to violate the highest attribute of man, his social de- 
pendence. To convert the written Word into a rigid 
code of formal teaching, independent of the abiding 
presence of the Spirit who draws from it lessons for 
each age, is to destroy the idea of a Church that 
Communion of Saints which realises in life the historic 
verities of Christianity. Both feelings alike though in 
different ways spring out of that tendency of our age 
which would obliterate the name of government and the 
claims of national life. 

Still we must not seek by an excess of zeal to limit 
the narratives of Scripture to any mechanical arrange- 
ment ; they are living oracles, whose vitality consists 
in their integrity. It is enough for us to refute the 
conclusions of our adversaries without imitating their 
subtleties. The great marks of the divinity of the Gos- 
pels are written on every page and included in every 
word. ' Their perfect adaptation to our wants is proved 
by the witness of our own hearts, not because we can 

Chap. viii. 

the literal 



n>en when 
ive cannot 
prove it. 

Acts vii. 38. 



Chap. viii. 
Heb. xi. i. 

i Tim. Hi. 16. 

(02 or 02.) 

The relation 
of Faith to 
Reason in 

i. Difficul- 
ties are use- 
ful Intel- 

discover truth, but because by God's help we can recog- 
nise it ; and it is equally unwise and unchristian to mar 
our glorious heritage in the pursuit of a faithless know- 
ledge, to impair its fulness, or abridge its scope, because 
our own reason, or that of others, is too proud to bow 
before the wondrous works and Miracles consequent on 
the perfection and reality of God manifest in the flesh. 
Surely here, if anywhere, it befits our weakness 'to be 
'thankful and to wait 1 .' 

But while either extreme of indifferentism and formal 
harmonization is alike hurtful for by the one we are 
apt to destroy our sense of moral beauty, and by the 
other our regard for moral truth we are not to decline 
with some the labours of a searching criticism, or with 
others the veneration of the humblest faith ; for it is 
only by the combination of these that the deepest mean- 
ing of Holy Scripture is laid open. Reason and Faith 
are not antagonistic principles, but another form of the 
great antithesis which lies at the basis of all our know- 
ledge. By the one we discover the human form, and by 
the other the spiritual basis, of revealed truth. Reason 
gives us the laws which limit our human conceptions as 
made in time and space, and Faith gives us those ab- 
solute ideas of spiritual things which Reason embodies. 
The one answers to the human, and the other to the 
divine in our nature; and both alike are addressed by 
the Word of God, and consecrated to the Christian's use. 

From this view of our constitution we may see that 
the very existence of difficulties in our Gospels, which 

1 Cf. Orig. Philoc. c. i : 'Aor0a\s 
ovv TO irepifjitveiv rr)v tpfJOfveitf? TOV 

ffa.fpTivi.OTOv \6yov, KO.I TTJS 

OevTos rols aTToaroAots Hal Tots 
TrapaTrX-rjffLois did re yparfiuiv 
TIK&V Kal T-fjs yei>o/J:fr7]s els avroi/s 

TOV aiwvos TOVTOV <- 
Kara a.TTOK<i\v^>iv fJLWmjplov 

TOV v pxy irpos TOV 




are the groundwork of our faith, is a fresh incentive to 
vigorous and rational study. There is a noble remark 
of Origen 1 which is true in a moral sense, and perhaps 
even literally, that the * divine Word ordered some 
'stumblingblocks and stones of offence in the sacred 
' records, that we might not be led away by the un- 
' alloyed attractiveness of the narration, and seek for 
' nothing more divine.' We feel assured that the Scrip- 
tures contain infinite depths from our sense of the gene- 
ral dealings of Providence and of the wants of the 
Church ; and the subtlest criticism discovers enough to 
encourage us to dedicate every energy to the investi- 
gation of their mysteries. If there were no need for 
rigorous criticism, no reward for acute philology, no 
scope for philosophical inquiry, in the study of the 
Bible : if the text were uniform, the diction simple, 
and the connexion obvious, we might neglect the con- 
secration of our entire faculties to divine ends 2 ; while, 
as it is, we find in the human form, and the natural 
transmission of the sacred volume, the noblest field for 
our labours. If it be said that these subtleties are only 
for the scholar, the answer is obvious, that so are the 
objections to which they correspond. The Bible ap- 
peals to all as they are : no one occupies a position of 
superiority. The difficulties of Scripture are useful in- 

But again we -must remember that all Revelation is 
given to us as in a state of probation 4 , and that not only 

great Apology, is the following : 
Plusieurs Evangelistes pour la con- 
firmation de la verite. Leur dis- 
semblance utile (Ed. Faugere, n. 

P- 370- 

4 In addition to Butler, we may 
refer to Pascal's notes, Vol. n. p. 

2 Arist. Eth. N. vi. 12. 205, 206. 

3 Among the notes for Pascal's 

1 Philoc. I. 15 : yKovofj-r/cr^ riva 
o~Ko.voa\a Kal irpoo~KOfji.fJ.aTa Kal 
ddvvaTa 8ia jj.o~ov eyKaTaTa^Otjvat 
ry vofjHj) Kal Trj laTopLa 6 TOV Oeou 
Xo7os ' 'iva /J.TI irdivr) virb r^s 
, TO ayuyov O.KPOLTOV 



Chap. viii. 

Philoc. i. 23. 

In reference 
to Nature. 

in reference to a part of our nature, but to the whole. 
We are subjected to a mental as well as to moral trial, 
or rather morality is extended to reason as well as to 
life ; and we might expect that Scripture should fur- 
nish us with a proper training for both. ' Believe., and 
' then thou shalt find beneath the imaginary offence 
' a full source of profit/ was a saying of Origen's, never 
more truly applicable than in an age of unexampled 
restlessness. The outward moral temptation is now per- 
haps less formidable than heretofore, from the form of 
our civilization, while the inward struggle waxes fiercer 
and fiercer, as men seek not so much to live freely as 
to know fully, forgetting too often that love is the source 
of wisdom 1 ; for the 'chasms (and discrepancies) in the 
' divine history afford room for the exercise of faith a 
' faith whose root is to be found, not in science, not in 
'demonstration, but in simple and self-subduing sub- 
' mission of our spirits 2 .' The difficulties of Scripture are 
useful morally. 

Origen 3 will still furnish us with another remark: 
the difficulties of the revelation in the Bible are strictly 
analogous to those of the revelation in nature. ' In both 
'we see a self-concealing, self-revealing God, who makes 
' Himself known only to those who earnestly seek Him ; 
'in both we find stimulants to faith, and occasions for 
'unbelief 4 .' There are apparent anomalies in the phe- 
nomena of the material world, but their general uni- 
formity teaches us that these are only discrepancies 
in appearance. There are difficulties in applying the 

1 II faut aimer les choses divines 
pour les connaitre. Pascal. 

a Neander, Life of Christ, Introd. 

3 De Princip. iv. p. 163 (i. 7), 
JJcTTrep ou x/oew/coTreircu "n TpovoLo. 
5tcb rot UT) ytvucrKOfj-ei^a Trapa TO?S *y 
airaj- Trapa8e};a./J,ti>ois avr-fjv /ca\u>s, 
' 5e r] TTJS ypa.<pr]s fleiortys Sia- 

reivovffa, ets irdcrav avTTjv 5td TO 

? /ecu 

4 JNeander, /. c. 

fftiat. r KCKpv/j.- 
T&v doy/j.aTwv iv 



great doctrine of gravitation as in the case of the 
tides but we feel that they arise not from any want 
of universality in the law, but from our ignorance of the 
conditions of the problem. There are also difficulties 
in Scripture, and shall we not rest assured from that 
divine wisdom which we can discern, that they spring 
only from our ignorance of the circumstances on which 
the question turns ? If the Gospels had presented no 
formal offences, how soon should we have heard objec- 
tions drawn from the general course of God's dealings. 
How readily should we have been reminded of the plau- 
sibility of human forgeries, and of the mystery of divine 
Providence. It would have been even said 1 that the 
advance of Christianity which must be folly to the 
Greek was due to the beauty of its external form, and 
the perfection of its superficial smoothness, and not to 
the power of its inner truth ; whereas, at present, the 
discrepancies of Scripture lead us back to the Author 
of nature ; and as we do not question His eternal 
Presence, though many details of His operation tran- 
scend our knowledge, so neither need we doubt the 
perfect Inspiration of the Scriptures, though frequently 
we may be unable to recognise the treasure of God in 
the earthly vessels which contain it. The difficulties of 
Scripture are useful as unfolding the true analogy of 
God's works. 

But, ' not to rest in this school of nature,' we must 
remember in the midst of the doubts and perplexities 
which so easily beset us, that at present we 'know but in 
part the facts and the bearings of Revelation. Dim 
views of a wider scope and a more perfect wisdom are 
ever opened before us. Faith looks forwards as well as 
inwards ; and even now we see enough whereon to rest 

1 Orisen, Philoc. IV. 


Chap. viii. 

Rev. xxi. 23. 

securely the firm foundations of our hope, possessing our 
souls in peace, till that which is in part shall be done 
away till the refulgent buildings of the New Jerusalem 
and its heavenly glories shall be fully disclosed, whereof 
at present we can but discern, amid the mists of earth, 
wondrous pillars and buttresses, or through some dim 
window the distant rays of that glorious Sun even the 
Lamb of God which shall at one time illumine the 
Holy City. 





HN K<\ TTICTey- 





oi/'rws 4\d\ii<fev 

JOHN vii. 46. 

*"T^HE quotations made from the Old Testament by our Lord and His 
JL disciples give us perhaps the truest and most decisive view of the In- 
spiration of the Bible ; for no one I suppose will refuse that authority to 
the Gospels and Epistles which is assured to the Law and the Prophets. 
The Christian Councils must have had the same authority and guidance in 
deciding on the Canon of the new Scriptures as was enjoyed by the Jewish 
Church, nor can we believe that less grace was given to those who portrayed 
the substance of the Gospel than to those who saw its shadow ; for the only 
alternative is to deny the need of an outward society and a divine Word for 
the fulfilment of the second dispensation. It will be seen from the follow- 
ing passages, taken from the books of Moses, the Psalms and the Prophets, 
that a spiritual significance lies beneath the Bible as a whole ; that its power 
and usefulness are not confined to striking predictions or definite precepts, 
but spread over simple historic details, and involved in the records of in- 
dividual life. We may conclude this, 

I. From the mode in which our Lord appeals to Scripture as decisive: 
(a) In direct precepts : 

Matt. iv. 4, 7, 10 ; cf. Luke iv. 4, 8, 12 (yeypairraf ef/tyrar 
Deut. vi. 13, 16; viii. 3). Matt. ix. 13; xii. 7 (Hos. vi. n). 
Matt. xv. 4 (o 0eo$ el-rev); Mark vii. 10 (Ifu&rfi elirev, Ex. xx. 
12). Cf. Matt. xxii. 36, 38 j Matt, xviii. 16. Cf. Deut. 
xix. 15. 
03) In distinct Prophecies : 

Matt. xi. 10 (ovr&s <TTIV irepl ov y^ypairrat, Mai. iii. i). 
Matt. xxiv. 15. Mark xiii. 14 (TO pT]0ii> i/ir& Aa^X rov irp. Dan. 
ix. 27; xii. 11). 

Appendix A. 

ration of 
the Old 
that of the 


By the 
quotations of 
ou r Lord i 



Appendix A. 

Matt. xxvi. 54 (TTWS otV irXijpud&tfiv al ypa.(pai ore oO'rw 5ei yw~ 

ffdai ; cf. ver. 56). 

Luke vii. 27. Matt. xi. to (re/oi ou y^yparrrai' Mai. iii. 2). 
Luke xxii. 37 (TO yeypa/j-^yof ei reXea'0??J'cu ef C/AOI. Isai. 

liii. 12). 

And significant : 

(7) In its secondary application: 

Matt. x. 35 (Mic. vii. 6), Matt, xii. 5 (OVK &t>4yvt#re', Num. 

xxviii. 9). 
Matt. xiii. 14, 15 (dj'aTrX^poOrat O.VTOIS y irpotp^TeLa.' Isai. vi. 


Matt. xv. 8, 9 (irpoe0i}reu(rej 'H<r. Isai. xxix. 13). 
Matt. xxi. 13. Mark xi. 17. Luke xix. 46 (ytypairrai' Isai. 

Ivi. 7) 

Matt. xxi. 16 (obSt-TroTt dp^ypwre; Ps. viii. 2). 
Matt. xxi. 42 (otfoVTrore Avtyvure ev rats 7(oa0a?s;) Mark xii. 10, 

(7? 7/oa07j ai/'r??) ; Luke xx. 17 (ro ytypa^tvov TOVTQ' Ps. 

cxviii. 22, 23). 

Matt. xxvi. 31 (yeypaTTTac Zech. xiii. 7). 
John vi. 45 (l<rriv yeyp. v rols 7r/9o^>?/roij' Isai. liv. 13). 
John xiii. 18 (17 ypa(p-f)' Ps. xii. 9). 
John xv. 25 (6 A070S o yeypafji^yof Iv r<$ voft,^ a&ruf Ps. xxxv. 


(8) In its spiritual depth : 

Matt. xii. 40 (Jon. i. 17). Matt. xix. 4, 5 (O&K <Wywre;) Mark 

x. 6. Gen. i. 27; ii. 24. 
Matt. xxii. 32 (rd pydtv viro TOV Geou;) Mark xii. 26 (otk d^- 

yvure ws etTrej' o 0e6$;) Luke xx. 37 (Mwi/V?ys fjj^vvffev' Ex. 

iii. 6, 16). 
Matt. xxii. 43, 44 (Accuet<5 ^ Tri/eifytcm) ; Mark xii. 36 (A. ev TTJ*. 

07^); Luke xx. 41 (AaveiS X^ei* Ps. ex. i). 
Matt, xxvii. 46; Mark xv. 34. Cf. Ps. xxii. 2. 
Mark ix. 49 *. 
John x. 34 (767/3- lv r< von<$ V/JLWV Ps. Ixxxii. 6 2 ). 

From these passages it will be seen that we must either accept the doc- 
trine of a plenary Inspiration, as we hav already explained the phrase, or 
deny the veracity of the Evangelists. If our Lord's words are accurately 
recorded, or even if their general tenor is expressed in one of the Gospels, 
the Bible is indeed the Word of God in the fullest spiritual sense ; for no 

1 Cf. Olshausen, Comtn, S. 555 iff. 

a Cf. Matt, xxvii. 46 ; Luke xi. 5 a (Ori- 

gen, Philoc, 1. 10) ; xvi. 29, 31 ; John v. 
39,46; vii. 38. 



scheme of accommodation can be accepted where it tends to lead men 
astray as to the sources of divine help. 

II. The doctrine which we have seen to be implied in the language 
of our Lord is yet more fully unfolded by the Apostles and Evangelists. 
It will be enough for our present purpose to give a general table of the 
citations in the Gospels : 

(a) Distinct Prophecies : 

Matt. ii. 6 (ytypairrau' Mic. V. 2). 

Matt. iv. 15, 1 6 (iva. Tr\tjpa}0rj TO pydtv Sia. TOV IT p. Isai. ix. I, 2). 
Matt. xii. 17 21 (OTTWS TrXrjpwOrj TO pr)6fr. Isai. vi. I 4). 
Matt. xxi. 5 (Iva. irXypwdfi TO pijOtv Zech. ix. 9); John xii. 15 

(j8) Typical acts and words fulfilled in the Gospel history : 

Matt. i. 22 (6'Xof ytyovev 'iva, irXypwdr) TO pydtv UTTO TOV "Kvpiov Sid. 

TOU irp. Isai. vii. 14). 
Matt. ii. 15 (fro, irXypuOy TO pr]9tv viro TOV Kvplov did. TOV TTp. 

Hos. xi. i). 

Matt. ii. 1 8 (r6re tirXripudv) TO p. Sia TOV irp. Jer. xxxi. 15). 
Matt. ii. 23 (6Vws irX-rjpudrj TO p. dia, TWV irpofirjTwv). 
[Matt. iii. 3. Mark i. 3. Luke iii. 4. John i. 23.] 
Matt. viii. 17 (OTTWS TrXijpwBfi. Isai. liii. 4). 
Matt. xiii. 35 (OTTWS TT\. TO p-ijO^v 5td TOV irp. Ps. Ixxviii. 2). 
Matt, xxvii. 9, 10 (TOTe lTr\-r)pudri TO p. [Zech.] xi. 12, 13). 
John ii. 17 (yeyp. tffrlv Ps. Ixix. 9). 
John xii. 38 41 (OUK ijSvvavTo irurTeveiv OTL ftirev 'H<r 

Tr\-r)p(i)6r} o Xoyos 'Ho"...Taura elTref 'Her. ore elSev TTQV 

avTou Kal eXaXtjcre -repi avTov' Isai. liii. I ; vi. 9, 10). 
John xix. 24 ('iva i] ypa<f>T] Tr\ijpw8rj [17 X^7.]. Ps. xxii. 18. 

Matt, xxvii. 35). 
John xix. 36 ('iva. 17 yp. TT\. Ex. xxii. 46. ypa<pri \tyet' Zech. 

xii. 10). 

It may be worth while to enumerate some general conclusions to which 
this enumeration leads : 

i. There appears to be a distinct meaning in the different modes of 
quotation. Surenhusius 1 has made a valuable collection of the formulae in 
use among the Rabbins, which may be compared with the Greek phrases; 
but the discussion of this question would necessarily lead us beyond the 

-2. The usage of the Evangelists shews that they did not introduce the 
quotations into the speeches of Jesus, For while St Mark and St Luke do 



1 In his Bi/SAos 

Cf. supr. p. 89, n. i. 

Appendix A. 

II. Byth 

of the 

from the 



Appendix A. 

not quote the Prophets in their own narratives, they agree exactly with St 
Matthew in their records of our Lord's teaching. 

3. The authority of Christ Himself and of His Apostles encourages us 
to search for a deep and spiritual meaning under the ordinary words of 
Scripture, which however cannot be gained by any arbitrary allegorizing, 
but only by following out patiently the course of God's dealings with man 1 . 
There are traces even in the Old Testament of the recognition of this fulness 
of the written Word 2 . Such a belief lies at the basis of the arguments of 
St Paul 3 and of the Epistle to the Hebrews 4 ; and we shall find, that it was 
ratified for at least three centuries by the common consent of the Church. 

1 Those who wish to pursue this ques- 
tion further in relation to modern opinions 
will do well to study Olshausen's beautiful 
tract, Ein Wort iiberjiefern Schriftsinn. 

2 Olshausen, 7 ; the passages in the 
Apocrypha are given in 8. 

3 Cf. i Cor. x. ii2, r8 ; 2 Cor. iii. 7, 8. 
Cf. Orig. in Joan. Tom. xxxu. 17; Gal. 

iv. 21 31; Eph. v. 2932 (Gen. ii. 24); 
Col. ii. 17. 

4 The whole argument of the Epistle 
depends on the reality of the spiritual 
meaning of the Old Testament. Cf. Heb. 
iv. 5, 7 ; v. 5 12; vii. x; xii. i. 

In the Apocalypse also we find the same 
deep symbolism : cf. xxi. 10 27. 




TTJS \l/cvdui>vfji.ov 


i]v rtvej 

irepl TT\V 
I TlM. vi. 20. 

IN the present Appendix I shall endeavour to collect, as far as possible, 
all the chief opinions of the Fathers of the first three centuries on the 
nature of Inspiration. We may be inclined to judge some of their state- 
ments fanciful or unsound, but still it cannot be a profitless task to learn 
what they thought of our Bible who found in its teaching a support in mar- 
tyrdom : it cannot be unworthy of the most advanced Christian to treasure 
up the sayings of those who lived while an Apostolic tradition still lingered 
among the disciples of St John, St Peter, and St Mark. 

In the course of our inquiry we shall meet with men who regarded our 
religion from the most opposite points of view. We shall hear the testi- 
monies of the converted Jew, the awakened heathen, and the hereditary 
Christian of those who found in the faith of Christ the fulfilment of an- 
cient promises or early hopes, and of others who were driven to embrace it 
by the pressure of their own wants, after they had gone through the circle 
of philosophy. Yet more, we shall be obliged to recognise the various in- 
fluences of Eastern and Western life. Palestine and Assyria, Antioch and 
Alexandria the seats of divergent systems of criticism and theology 
contributed to fill the ranks of Christian writers, and furnished words to 
express their new ideas. The voice of Christianity comes to us from Athens 
and Carthage, from Rome and Lyons. All these points must be care- 
fully remembered if we wish to form an adequate idea of the real purport 
and true unity of the teaching of the Church. For in proportion as their 
differences of country, education, and temperament, are greater, so much 
the more striking is the essential agreement of the early Fathers in points 
of faith and feeling ; and if we can trace under various forms one great idea 

W. G. D D 

Appendix B. 


Appendix B. 

i. BARNA- 



* 10. 
8, 10, 


S to. 

8 16. 

of Inspiration in the scattered societies of ancient Christendom if we can 
find it incorporated into distinct systems and acknowledged by the most 
incongruous minds if the universal consent of antiquity lead us to Scrip- 
ture for the groundwork of our Creed we shall surely acknowledge that 
tradition has done for us a noble and necessary work, by maintaining an 
inspired Bible, a definite Canon, and a general method of interpretation. 

For the sake of simplicity it will be best to follow the common arrange- 
ment of Church histories, and examine in succession (i) the Subapostolic 
Fathers ; (2) the Apologists ; (3) the Fathers of Asia Minor ; (4) of North 
Africa; (5) of Rome; (6) of Alexandria ; (7) the Clementines. 


Ovre yap ey& oure d'XXos 6'yU,otos 
TOU fj.aKa.piov Kal evdoov 


r~Q <ro(pta 

i. T~*ROM the nature of the Subapostolic writings all allusions to In- 
-T spiration are incidental. The first literature of a Church is rather 
practical than doctrinal, and we must endeavour to discover the teaching 
which it involves, rather than merely that which it expresses. Thus Bar- 
nabas uses such phrases as the following when quoting Scripture : 'The 
'Lord saith in the Prophet, Ps. xvii. 45;' 'the Spirit of the Lord prophe- 
'sieth, Ps. xxxiii. 13.' Again he tells us that 'the Prophets received their 
'gift from Christ and spake of Him,' and that 'Moses spake in the Spirit.' 
Consistently with this view he asserts the presence of a spiritual meaning 
in the Law and History of the Jews 1 , and discovers types of the Cross in 
the ancient Scriptures (Exod. xvii. 18, sqq. ; Isai. Ixv. 2; Num. xxi. 9). 
The number of those circumcised by Abraham (318, in Greek mf) repre- 
sents, he says, at once the name of Jesus (IH) and the figure of the Cross 
(T) : than this there is no truer (yvyffiurepos) word. But such knowledge 
was hidden in old time : ' we have gained the right sense of the command- 
'ments, and speak as the Lord wished.' We are, as it were, a new crea- 
tion. The first tables of the Covenant which Moses brake because of the 
unworthiness of the people have been given to us by the Lord. ' In us 
' God truly dwells, that is, the Word of His faith (6 \6yos avrov TT)S irl- 
'<rrews), the calling of His promise, the wisdom of His ordinances, the 
' commandments of His teaching, Himself prophesying in us, Himself dwell- 

1 Rosenmuller (Hist. Interpr. i. 65 sqq.) has drawn a striking parallel between the 
interpretations of Barnabas and Philo. 



' ing in us; by opening for us who were enslaved by death the doors of the 
' temple, even our mouth, and by giving us repentance, He brought us into 
' the incorruptible temple [i.e. made us true temples of God]. He then 
' that longeth to be saved looketh not to man, but to Him that dwelleih in 

* him and speaketh in him. ...And one rule of those who walk on the way of 
' light is : Thou shalt guard what thou hast received, neither adding nor 
' taking away from it.' 

2. Clement of Rome quotes many passages from Scripture with the 
words: 'for the Scripture saith;' 'by the testimony of Scripture;' 'the 
' Holy Spirit saith.' He exhorts his readers to ' look carefully (^[/cuir- 
' rere] et's) into the Scriptures, which are the true [utterances] of the Holy 
'Spirit.' Again he says, 'Ye know, beloved, ye know well the sacred 
' Scriptures, and have looked carefully into the Oracles (TO. \6yia) of [God];' 
and the 'spirit of lowliness and awe (TO i)n-o5ee's) through obedience, not 
' only improveth us, but also improved the generations before us, even 
' those [unless we read with Davis /caraSe^o/i^ous, which is probably cor- 
*rect] who received His Oracles in fear and truth.' In another place he 
speaks of the ' ministers of the grace of God [the Prophets of the Old 
Testament], 'who by the Holy Ghost spake of repentance.' But the 
greatest effusion of the Spirit was reserved for the Christian Church, when 
our Lord sent forth His Apostles, even as He was sent by the Father, to 
preach the kingdom of God, 'with the full assurance and measure of the 
' Holy Spirit (/xera Tr\i>)po(j>opias irvevp-aros dyiov), when they had received 

* the promises, and been fully convinced (irX-qpo^op^Oevresi) by the Resur- 
'rection, and confirmed in the word of God' (7ri<rrw0eVres tv T< Xoyy rov 
Qeov) of whose number ' the blessed Paul at the beginning of the Gospel 
'in very truth wrote by Inspiration' (Trfey/xart/cws, divinitus inspiratus 
Vet. Int.) to the Corinthians. 

Again the Epistle of Clement abounds in Old Testament illustrations. 
He traces in the men of old time the results of envy, and the blessings of 
faith, obedience, and humility. He recognises moreover the lasting im- 
port of the recorded history, and the significance of the most minute 
details 1 : the scarlet thread which Rahab hung out of the window was to 
' shew that a redemption (Xur/oawm) should be made by the blood of the 
' Lord for all who believe and hope upon God.' The use as well as the 
language of Clement prove in what account he held the Wordqf G-xi. 

3. The short and affecting Epistle of Polycarp contains little which 
illustrates our subject, though he tells us with touching humility that 
' neither he nor any like him is able to attain perfectly (KaraKoXovO^aai) to 
'the wisdom of the blessed and glorious Paul' (contrast 2 Pet. iii. 15, 16), 
and seems for once to burn with the zeal of his master when he declares 
that 'he is the firstborn of Satan whoever perverts the Oracles of the 
' Lord to suit his own passions, and says that there is neither Resurrection. 
4 nor Judgment.' The last quotation is valuable, for, when compared with 

1 Compare the remarkable passage Clem. Ep. n. 12. 

DD 2 

Appendix 1J. 

19. C/Rer. 

xx. ib, 19. 

ROM AN us. 

> I- 2 3, 34- 

I. 13, 16. 

(Is. liii.) 

Ep. n. 2, 6, 
I- 53- 
I. 19. 

I. 42- 

I- 47. 

I ii. 
I. 12. 

3. POLY- 

c. 3. 



Appendix B. 

ad Philad. 5. 

ad Mzgn. 8. 

ad Philad. 9. 
Smyrn. 7. 

ad Philad. 7. 

ad Trail. 5. 
(So Syr.) 
ad Rom. 6. 

ad Rom. 4. 
a-J Lph. 15. 

ad Eph. 3. 

the passages of Clement cited before, it proves that the same term (ri 
Xo'7'<x) was used in quoting the old and new Scriptures. Again Polycarp 
writes that he ' trusts his hearers are well versed in the sacred writings' 
(in eacris litteris), alleging at the same time Psalm iv. 4; Ephes. iv. 26. 
Indeed the words and spirit of the New Testament seem to be inwrought 
into his mind, for though he only once mentions the name of the sacred 
writer whom he quotes, there appear to be in his short Epistle more than 
twenty distinct references to the Apostolic books 1 . 

4. The transition from Polycarp to Ignatius is very striking, which- 
ever recension of the Ignatian letters we may be inclined to adopt 2 . We 
read in one passage that the writer ' trusts to attain to that lot to which he 
'has been mercifully called, having fled to the Gospel 3 as to the flesh of 
'Jesus, and to the Apostles as to the Presbytery of the Church;' and 'yet 
'more,' he adds, 'let us love the Prophets, because they were the heralds 
'of the Gospel (i<aTT]yy6\Ki>cu et's. ..)... and by belief in it were saved;' 'for 
'the divinest (0ei6raTot) Prophets lived according to Jesus Christ... being 
'inspired (^u.Trj'eoyuei'oi) by His grace;'...' He was the subject of their 
'preaching, and the Gospel is the perfection of immortality' 

In one place Ignatius seems to claim for himself a direct communica- 
tion from heaven : ' I call you to witness that I knew this not from man 
'(crap/cos a.vdpwTrivri'i), but the Spirit proclaimed, saying, 'Do nothing without 
'your bishop, keep your flesh as a temple of God, ye imitators of 
'Jesus even as He was of His Father;' yet again he disclaims the personal' 
possession of this higher knowledge, which was reserved for the time ' when 
'he received the pure light' by death, and so became a 'man of God.' 
' I do not give you injunctions (Siaroo-cro/icu),' he says, ' as Peter and Paul : 
'they were Apostles, I a condemned man...' The Christian who 'pos- 
' sesses the Word of Jesus is truly able to hear even His silence, that he 
' may be perfect : that in what he speaks he may act, and in what he is 
'silent his character may be known;' 'the bishops' too 'are in the mind 
' (fv rrj yvu)fj,ri ti<uv) of Jesus, as Jesus is the mind of His Father 4 .' 

1 Fevardentius, in his notes on Irenseus Evangelizandi eorum probatur ratio ;. . . 
(m. 3, p. 118, App. Ed. Benedic.), quotes 
some questionable fragments from a manu- 
script Catena on the Gospels, purporting 
to be the versions of some chapters of 
the Responsions of Polycarp, Bishop of 
Smyrna, made by Victor of Capua (c. 480). 
Their character will be seen from the 
following quotations: Matt. xix. 5. Deus 
vero qui per inspirationem divinam in corde 
Adam ista verba formavit ipse Pater a 
Domino recte locutus fuisse refertur ; nam 
et Adam hanc prophetiam protulit, et Pater 
quieum inspiravit recte dicitur protulisse... 
Rationabiliter Evangelista; principiis di- 
versis utuntur quamvis una eademque 

curae fuit eo uti prooemio quod unusquis- 
que judicabat auditoribus expetere. Surely 
this is not the language of the Apostolic 

2 There are apparently only half as 
many references to Scripture in the shorter 
recensions of the Epistles as in the remains 
of Polycarp, though in bulk the former are 
perhaps ten times as great as the latter. 

3 In opposition to Hefele and Niemeyer 
I can only understand these words of writ- 
ten histories and epistles according to the 
context and the general usage of the words. 
Cf. Ussher, I c. 

4 In one passage Ignatius seems to ex- 



5. Papias, who was a contemporary of Polycarp, is the first writer who 
distinctly recognises the Synoptic Gospels. In illustration of them, as it 
appears, he composed an 'Exposition of the Oracles of the Lord' (Aoylwv 
KvpictKuv (?777?7<m), including in his book traditions still current, which 
might seem to throw light upon the Apostolic narrative. Like Clement 
and the Alexandrine school, he is said to have given a spiritual interpreta- 
tion to the history of the Creation (ets Xpiffrbv Kal TT\V ^KK\r/(ria.v Tra<rav rrjv 
e^a-f){j.epov j/o^cras) ; and he is quoted by Andreas as a witness to the authority 
of the Apocalypse. 

6. The Shepherd of Hermas evinces by its form and reception 1 the 
belief of the primitive age in the nature and possibility of Inspiration. We 
have not to discuss here the Apostolic claims of the book, but its existence 
is a distinct proof of the early recognition of a Prophetic power somewhere 
existent in the Church. What was the character of this influence we may 
learn from the commencement of one of the visions: 'And again the Spirit 
'carried me away to the same place, ...and when I had risen from prayer, I 
'saw a Matron walking and reading a Book, and she said to me: Can you 

* report this to the elect of God? I said to her: Lady, I cannot retain so great 
' things in my memory ; but give me the book, and I will write them dcnvn. 
' Take it, she said, and restore it to me. Now when I had taken the book, 

* I retired and wrote down everything letter by letter, for I did not discover 
'the [divisions of the] syllables' (non enim inveniebam syllabae ; cf. Clem. 
Alex. Str. VI. 131). The Lady, he afterwards tells us, is the Church of 
God, and the revelation is to be sent to foreign cities, and delivered to the 
widows and orphans of the Church 2 . 

7. One more passage I will add from an uncertain but very early 
writer 3 who, addressing an inquiring heathen, describes the blessings of 
believers, among whom ' the fearful strains of the Law are repeated, the 
'grace of the Prophets recognised, the faith of the Gospels established, the 
'tradition of the Apostles kept, and the grace of the Church triumphant' 
(ffKiprq.}. And if thou grievest not this grace thou shalt know what the 
'Word speaks to men, by whom He pleases, when He will' (a Aoyos QJJU- 
Xet", 5t uiv povXerai, fire 0Aet). In this noble sentence we see the first 
intimation of the co-ordinate authorities of the Bible and the Church, of 

press a sense of the deeper meaning of 
Scripture: ad Ephes. 19 (in Syr.). It will 
be seen that with one exception the pas- 
sages quoted are not found in the Syriac 
Version, at least in a perfect form. 

1 It is quoted with marked respect by 
Irenaeus, Clement of Alexandria, and Ori- 
gen. Cf. Euseb. H.E. v. 7 ; in. 25. 

2 The whole section is very interesting. 
Origen (Pkiloc. I. 1 1) gives a singular alle- 
gorical interpretation of the two copies 
which Hermas is ordered to make. He 
represents Grapte as the letter, for she 

teaches widows and orphans those who 
are not yet united with the Spouse of the 
Church, though divorced from their old 
connexion, nor yet adopted children of the 
Father; while Clement typifies the spirit, 
extending its influence far and wide without 
corporeal restraints. 

* Cf. Hist. ofN. T. Canon, pp. 86 ff. I 
do not remember to have read anywhere 
more eloquent outbursts of Christian feel- 
ing than are found in several chapters : 
e.g. ch. v. 

Appendix l>. 

Enstb. H. E. 
in. 39. 

Fr. ix. 

Prol. in 


Vis. H. i. 

Vis. ii. 4. 

7. Ep. ad 



Appendix B. 

i. T.hf early 
H. E. ni. 3 6; 
v. IT (on the 
tfith irit\ of 

The Law. 
Cohort. 12. 
Apol. i. 44. 
The Psalms. 
Apol. i. 40. 
Apol. i. 35. 
The Pro- 
Dial. c. 119. 
The Nnv 

Apol. i. 67. 

a written record and a living voice; and it may well serve as a summary of 
the principles which we have traced in the earliest Fathers of the Christian 


HEBR. xn. 4. 

i. 'I ""HE writings of the earliest Apologists, Quadratus and Aristides, 
JL have perished; but Eusebius has preserved a tradition that the 
former, like the daughters of Philip (Acts xxi. 9), was distinguished for his 
Prophetic power another intimation of the belief of the Early Church in 
the real existence of a gift of Inspiration. Thus it is that the works of 
Justin who, as we are told, still retained the mantle of the philosopher 
after he had adopted the doctrines of the Gospel first present to us Chris- 
tianity in relation with the ancient faith; and by their whole form and 
language they clearly shew the necessary change which had taken place 
since the time of the Apostles in the hearers and teachers of the new 
religion 1 . 

2. The Scriptural quotations introduced by Justin into all his works 
are numerous, and his mode of citation is singularly expressive. He tells 
us of the 'history which Moses wrote by Divine Inspiration' (e/c 6eias Tn- 
irvoias), while the 'Holy Spirit of prophecy taught through him.' Again 
he quotes the language of David, 'who spake thus (Ps. xix. 2 5), through 
'the Spirit of Prophecy;' and of Isaiah who was moved (dto<popela6a.C) by, 
the same Spirit (Is. Ixv. 2; Iviii. 2). 

Yet more, he tells us that 'as Abraham believed on the voice of God,, 
'and it was reckoned to him for righteousness, so do the Christians too 
'believe on the voice of God, which has been addressed again to them by 
'the Apostles of Christ, and proclaimed by the Prophets,... whose writings 
'the Memoirs of the Apostles 2 , or the Books of the Prophets were read 
'each Sunday in the public assembly (rot airofji.vrj^oi'ev/j.aTa T&V a.iro<TTo\ui> 

1 The Elders quoted by Irenaeus make 
use of the writings of the New Testament 
as well asof those of theOld (Hist, of N. T. 
Canon, pp. 80, 81); and Eusebius (H.E. 
in. 37) speaks of Evangelists in the reign 
of Trajan as ' striving to deliver to others 
'the Scripture of the divine Gospels' (T>)V 

2 i.e. our Gospels (Hist, of N. T. Canon, 
pp. 109 ff.). It is very important to ob- 

serve that the two classes of writings the 
Apostolic and the Prophetic are placed in 
the same rank throughout, for the Apostles 
' by the power of God announced to every 
' race of men the Word of God, as they were 
' sent by Christ (Matth. xxviii. 20) to teach 
'all' (Apol. 1.39). Justin refers to John, 
one of the Apostles, as having prophesied 
(Dial. c. 81). 



*T?ra <rvyypdjj.fji.aTa TUIV 7r/)o07jra5j'...r]7 rou ??Xtov Xe-yo/z^?; rjntpa) ;' 'for we. 
'have been commanded by Christ Himself to obey not, the teaching of 
'men (avdpuirelois diddypaffi) but that which hath been proclaimed by the 
'blessed Prophets and taught by Him.' 

How glorious the Prophet's office was in Justin's opinion we may ima- 
gine when he says that 'we must not suppose that the language (X^ets) 
'proceeds from the men who are inspired, but from the divine Word which 
'moves them (/XT) cur O.VTIJOV TOJV Ifjt.Treirveva'fji.^vuv d\\' diro rov KIVOVVTOS 
'avTote Qdov \6yov). Their work is to announce that which the Holy Spirit 
'descending upon them purposes through them to teach those who. wish to 
'learn the true religion' (TTJV d\r)dr) deoo-t[3eiai>). 'For neither by nature 
'nor human thought (twoia) can men recognise such great and divine truths, 
' but by the gift which came down from above upon the holy men [under 
'the Jewish dispensation], who needed no art of words, nor skill in captious 
'and contentious speaking, but only to offer themselves in purity (Kadapofc 
' Trapac-xetV) to the operation of the Divine Spirit, in order that the divine 
'power of itself might reveal to us the knowledge of divine and heavttil/ 
'things, acting on just men as a plectrum on a harp or lyre' (Iva. 
Qdov e ovpavov Karibv irX^KTpov <l<nrep opydvy KiQdpas nvbs TJ Xupas 
StKcu'ots dvdpaffi Xjow^e^oj/ TT\V T&V Qeiuv TJIJUV Kai ovpaviuv diroKa\v^r) 
However strictly we may be inclined to interpret Justin's metaphor, we 
must remember (as has been well observed) that the tone and quality of the 
note depend as much upon the instrument as upon the hand which plays 
it 1 . And how can we listen to the full and deep harmonies of the Bible 
without feeling that more than half their power and beauty lies in the 
divine union of the different human instruments through which the Spirit 
speaks, 'perfecting one full message of salvation for those who will discern 
'it, stopping and staying every in working of the evil spirit, even as the 
'strain of David stayed the evil spirit which oppressed the soul of Saul'? 

Justin's view of the Interpretation of Scripture is perfectly consistent 
with his doctrine of Inspiration. 'There are,' he tells us, 'many revela- 
'tions veiled in Parables and mysteries, or expressed in symbolic actions, 
'which Prophets explained who arose after those who spoke and acted;' 
'and there is no profit in quoting the words or facts of Scripture, unless 
'we are able to render an account of them, a gift which comes [to Chris- 
'tians] by the great Grace of God;' for the 'Scriptures belong to the 
'Christian and not to the Jew, who when he reads does not understand 
'their meaning' (vovv). Thus he says in his dialogue with Trypho that he 
can 'prove by a careful enumeration that all the ordinances of Moses were 
'types and symbols and indications (KarayyeXlas) of those things which 
'were to be realized in the Messiah' (T X/jtory yevtaOat.). The twelve 
bells which hung round the robe of the High Priest prefigured the twelve 
Apostles who were united 'with our eternal Priest, by whose voice the 
' whole earth was filled with the glory and grace of God and Christ ' 
l See the passage of Hippolytus quoted below, iv. 4, p. 432. 


Appendix B. 
Dial. 48. 

The Pro- 
phet ' s office. 
Apol. I. 36. 
(cf. c. 33 and 
Apol. ii. 10.) 
Cohort. 35. 

Cohort, c. 8. 



Orig. in 
Matt. 11. 

Dial. 68. 

Dial. 92. 

Dial. 29. 

Cf. Otto, \. c. 
The Cere- 

Dial. 42. 
Cf. Apol. i. 

Dial. 42. 



Appendix B. 

Dial. 40. 
Dial. 41- 
The Mosaic 
Dial. 86; 

131 ; 9<> (/" 
in); 91; 
Apol. i. 55- 

Dial. 134. 

Dial. 134. 
Dial. i 3 i/ 





Paschal Lamb was a type of the Death of Christ, even as the two goats at 
the great Fast set forth His two Advents, and the offering of fine flour in 
the case of leprosy the remembrance of His Passion in the Eucharist. 

Justin finds an equally deep significance in the facts recorded in the Old 
Testament. He sees symbols of the Cross in the tree of Life in the 
brazen serpent in Moses as he stood victorious over Amalek in the ensign 
of Judah 'whose horns are as the horns of a unicorn' (Deut. xxxiii. 17) 
and in the very form of man. So also the events of patriarchal history are 
pregnant with meaning. The marriages of Jacob with Leah and Rachel 
prefigured the union of Jesus with the Synagogue and the Christian Church: 
the spiritual sight of the Jews was weak, and Rachel concealed the gross 
gods of her fathers. 

These examples of the method of Interpretation which Justin followed 
will suffice 1 ; we may add however that he does not seem ever to deny the 
literal truth of the narratives which furnish him with these divine analogies ; 
on the contrary, in some cases he insists on the bare interpretation of the 
text with unnecessary strictness. 

3. The Apologetic discourse of Tatian, Justin's disciple, affords him 
little scope for speaking of Inspiration; yet he draws a striking contrast 
between the positions of the heathen and of the Christian. 'The Spirit of 
'God,' he says, 'is not with all men, but abiding with some whose con- 
'versation is just (ira.pti rusi rots SIKCU'WS TroXireuo/i^ois Kara-yo^evov), and 
'being united with their soul (ev^ir\eKonfvov 7-77 tyvxx) it proclaimed to all 
'other souls by Prophetic teaching that which had been hidden, and those 
'which obeyed wisdom attracted (e(f>d\KovTo) to themselves a kindred spirit, 
'while those who did not obey... were found to fight against God.' In 
another place he notices the great antiquity of Scripture, and says that its 
Prophetic power (r6 n-poyvua'TiKOv TU>V /xeX\6'Twi>) was one of the grounds 
on which he was led to believe in its doctrine 2 . 

4. The language of Athenagoras when speaking of the Prophets is 
perhaps without parallel, and it has been regarded, with good reason, as 

1 Justin's principles in this respect may throw much light on the structure of the 

have been modified by his residence at 
Alexandria. He speaks with admiration 
of Philo and Josephus (Cohort, c. 10) ; and 
argues that the old philosophers were 
' compelled by the Divine Providence, act- 
'ing in behalf of men, to say many things 
'in support of Christianity' (Cohort, c. 14, 
TToAAa *cai avToi virb TTJS flei'a? rt 
wpovoias Kal a/coires u;rep rj/xtop eirev 

2 He quotes John i. 5, with the words : 
' This is that which was said ' (TO eipijfxe- 
vov). The accounts of his Diatessaron are 
too vague to enable us to form any clear 
idea of its purpose. [The extracts from the 
Commentary of Ephraem Syrus do not 

Book. 1881.] Eusebius (H. E. iv. 29) 
describes it as a 'strange harmony and 
' combination of the [four] Gospels," nor 
does there seem any reason to suppose 
with Neander (Ch. Hist. \i. 167, n. Eng. 
Tr.) that Apocryphal traditions were 
wrought into it. We find it used by many 
who followed the Apostolic teaching (aVo- 
CTToAt/eots eTro/ocevoi 66yfxatrt. Theodor. Fab. 
Hcer. i. 20), and it commenced with the 
words 'In the beginning was the Word.' 
Its similarity to the 'Gospel of the He- 
brews' probably arose from the omission of 
the history of the Infancy, which would 
militate against Tatian's Gnosticism (Epi- 
phan. XLVI. i: Theodor. I.e. Cf. Olshau- 



expressing the doctrine of Montanism. He says that 'while entranced and 
' deprived of their natural powers of reason (/car' 2K<rracni> ru>v tv avrois Xo- 
' yi<rjj.ui>) by the influence of the divine Spirit, they uttered that which was 
' wrought in them (a tvrjpyovvTo), the Spirit using them as its instruments, 
' as a flute-player might blow a flute.' And again, under another image, he 
describes the ' Holy Spirit, which works in those who speak prophetically, 
'as an emanation issuing from God, and carried back to Him, like a ray 
'from the Sun' (aTroppoiav roi deov diroppeoi' Ka.1 eTrava^epo^evov ws aKTiva 
ri\lov). Thus the Christian 'gives no heed to the doctrines of men, but 
' those uttered (0eo0arots) and taught by God ;' for ' he has Prophets as 
' witnesses of his Creed (<Li> voovpev KCU TreTriaTfvKa.iJ.ev), who inspired (read 

* frffeoi for evdeq) by the Spirit have spoken of God and the things of God 1 .' 

5. Far different is the language of Theophilus bishop of Antioch 
sixth in succession from the Apostles who addressed an admirable defence 
of Christianity, still extant, to Autolycus a heathen. According to him, 
the Inspired writers were not mere mechanical organs, but men who coinci- 
dently with the divine influence displayed a personal and moral fitness for 
their work. ' The men of God being filled with the Holy Spirit (nTOv/taro- 
' <f>6poi TlveufiaTos 'AyLov) and gifted with Prophecy, having inspiration and 

* wisdom from God, were taught of Him, and became holy and just. 
' Wherefore also they were deemed worthy to obtain this recompense, to 
' be made the instruments of God (opyava deov yevofj-evoi) and receive (x w * 
'privavret) the wisdom which cometh from Him, by which wisdom they 
' spake of the creation of the world and all other things... which happened 
' before their birth, and during their own time, and which are now being 
' accomplished in our days ; and so we are convinced that in things to come 
' the event will be as they say.' Again he adds that the ' Christians alone 
' have received the truth, inasmuch as they are taught by the Holy Spirit, 
' Who spake by the holy Prophets and [still] announces all things to them 
'beforehand' (TOV \a.\r)aai>Tos ev TCHS ayiois irpo^rais Kai ra iravra. trpo- 
KarayyeXXovTos) : ' Who is the Beginning and Wisdom and the Power of 
' the most High,' so that the ' words of the Prophets are the words of God.' 
Moreover the ' contents of the Prophets and of the Gospels are found to 
' be consistent (d/cdXou0a), because all the writers spake by the Inspiration 
'of the one Spirit of God 2 ' (5ia rb TOUS Tra^ras Trvevfj.a.To<f>dpovs evi Trvev[j.a.Ti 
6eov \e\a\r) K&CLI). 

sen, Ueber die Echtheit . s. iu. s. 335 ff. : 
Hist. ofN. T. Canon, pp. 3*1 ff.). 

1 It is singular that there is scarcely any 
trace of Allegorical Interpretation in Athe- 
nagoras. See Guericke, Hist. Scliolte Ca- 
tech. Alex. n. p. 50. 

J We learn from Jerome that Theophi- 
lus composed a commentary on the Gos- 
pels (in Evangelium, i, t. TO evayye'Aiov) : 
or perhaps a harmony (iv. Evangelist arum 
in unum opus dicta cowpingens). Cf. ad 

AutoL 11. 22.. .'all the holy Scriptures 
' teach us and all who were inspired by the 
' Holy Spirit (n-^ev/xaTO^opoi), of whom was 
1 John (Evang. 1.3).' Rosenmuller (Hist. 
Interp. i. I, p. 200) quotes this passage to 
prove that Theophilus 'distinguishes be- 
' tween the sacred Scriptures and the wri- 
' tings of the Apostles.' Surely the distinc- 
tion can be of little use to lower the autho- 
rity of St John. Elsewhere (ad Autol. 
in. 14) Theophilus quotes au injunction of 



Appendix B. 

i. HEGE- 


H. E. iv. 22. 

2. MFMTO. 
cp. Hieron. 
de Vir. 111. 
c. 24. a/>. 
Euseb. H. E. 

Euseb. H. E. 
iv. 26. 

Routk, Rell- 
Sacrae, I. pp- 
1 16 sgg. 



Kout/i, I. /). 



vs a-KovvaTb) ri TO ir vev //,a 

APOC. II. 7, n, 13. 

r. "\T 7E have just seen that the early Apologies for Christianity 
V V proceeded from heathen converts ; in like manner the first 
endeavour after an ecclesiastical history was made by a Hebraizing Chris- 
tian, with whom the historical side of his faith had naturally the fullest sig- 
nificance. The fragments of Hegesippus contain little or nothing which 
bears on our inquiry ; yet in one sentence preserved in Eusebius he seems 
to recognise authoritative Christian documents, when he says that ' in each 
'city all is ordered according to the preaching (i<r)pvcr(rei) of the Law, of the 
' Prophets, and of the Lord V 

2. Melito, bishop of Sardis, helps us by the titles of some of his trea- 
tises, and by his own personal reputation. We learn from Tertullian that 
he was accounted a Prophet by very many, and Polycrates describes him as 
'having transacted everything by the Holy Spirit' (6 tv 'A7. llv. Trai/ra 
7ro\iTv(rd/ji.evos). Among his works we find discourses 'On [Christian] 
'conversation (TroXtremj) and Prophets' 'On Prophecy' 'On the Reve- 
'lation of St John' and 'The Key.' The last-mentioned book necessarily 
suggests to us an anticipation of the Alexandrian School ; and some .exam- 
ples of Melito's exegesis, probably borrowed from it, sufficiently indicate the 
extent to which he carried the typical significance of. each word and detail 
of Scripture 2 . 

3. A fragment of Claudius Apollinaris 3 furnishes us with another 
instance of the typical interpretation of Scripture ; but without dwelling 

St Paul (i Tim. ii.) as an utterance of the 
'Divine Word.' 

In one passage (ad Autol. n. 14) Theo- 
philus draws a mystical meaning from the 
Mosaic account of the Creation, but he 
also accepts all the details literally. 

1 In another fragment, given by Routh 
(Rel. Sacr. i. p. 203, Ed. i), he is repre- 
sented as saying that ' those who maintain 
'the doctrine of i Cor. ii. 9 lie against the 
' holy Scriptures and the Lord : Matt. xiii. 
' 16.' If there be no error in this quotation, 
it is a strange example of the literal style of 
interpretation which Origen had to meet. 
Cf. Hist, of N. T. Canon, p. 208, n. 3. 

2 Eusebius (H.E. iv. 26) has preserved 
an important letter of Melito, in which 

he relates what he has done to satisfy a 
friend's wish to become acquainted with 
the ' Scriptures of the Old Testament ' (rd 
TJJ? TroAoua? Sta^Tjicrj? /3i/3Aca). The phrase 
seems to imply New Testament Scriptures 
also. See Hist, of N. T. Canon, p. 221. 

3 In connexion with this name we may 
quote the remarkable words of SERAPION 
(bp of Antioch in the reign of Commodus) 
in reference to the false Gospel of St 
Peter : ' We receive Peter and the other 
'Apostles as Christ; but those writings 
' falsely ascribed to him we decline to re- 
'ceive through our experience' (Euseb. 
H.E. vr. 12). See Hist, of N. T. Canon, 
p. 390. 



any longer on these minute details, we must proceed to the great work of 
IRENA:US, which unfortunately has come down to us* chiefly through the 
uncertain medium of a Latin version 1 , for no Greek manuscript is known 
to exist. Reared under the teaching of Polycarp 2 whose words, he tells 
us, he remembered better than the events of his later life and succeeding 
a martyr in the bishopric of Lyons, Irenceus is a noble representative of 
the faith and zeal of the early Church. Then only does he seem to forget 
his master's lessons of peace and love, when he contends against those 
who deny the continual manifestation of God's Spirit in His Church, or of 
His providence in the world. So full and comprehensive is his treatment 
of Inspiration, though he only discusses it incidentally, that it is difficult 
to convey a notion of its general bearing by isolated quotations. According 
to him, the successive dispensations of God wrought together to one great 
end by the operation of one Power, as 'men were accustomed to bear 
' (portare) God's Spirit and hold communion with Him.' Thus the ' Prophet 
'spake of the Advent of the Word in the flesh, as acted on by His influ- 

* ence (charisma) ;' and ' all who foretold the coming of Christ received 
' their Inspiration from the Son ;' for ' how could Scripture testify, as it 
'does, of Him alone, unless all things had been revealed by one and the 
' same God through the word to believers?' Yet till His advent 'Christ 
'was, as it were, the hidden treasure in the field of Scripture, since He was 

* [only] indicated by Types and Parables ;...for all Prophecy till its accom- 
1 plishment is full of riddles and ambiguities to men.' To us however 'the 
' Apostles by the will of God have consigned (tradiderunt] the Gospel in 
'the Scriptures, to be the ground and pillar of our faith... and by them 
'we have learnt the truth, that is, the doctrine of the Son of God ...... For 

' after that our Lord rose from the dead, and they were clothed with the 
'power of the Spirit from on high, they were filled with a perfect know- 
' ledge in all things' (deomnibus adimpleti habucnnit pcrfcctatnagni- 

Consequently * they are beyond all falsehood' (extra omne mcn- 
daciuni). But each preserves his own individuality : thus ' St Paul frequently 
'uses hyperbata on account of the rapidity of his utterance and the 
' vehemence of the Spirit which is in him (proffer velocitatcm sermonum 
' suorum et propter impetum qui in ipso est spiritus} ; as for instance in 
' Gal. iii. 19 we must suppose a man asking the question and the Spirit 
' answering it ; and so again in 2 Thfess. ii. 3.' But we must not imagine 
that the truth was thus impaired by the human agent, or the significance of 
words destroyed. ' Matthew might have said The generation of Jesus was 

1 Massuet's remarks on Irenaeus* view 
of Scripture are so essentially polemical as 
to be almost valueless. (Dissert, in. T, 2.) 

2 In connexion with this name we may 
again refer to the letter of POLYCRATES, 
bp of Smyrna in the reign of Severus, in 
which he tells us 'that having examined 
the whole of Holy Scripture [on the 

'question of Easter] he is not afraid of his 
'opposers; for those greater than himself 
' have said // is right to obey God rather 
'than man'' (Euseb. H. E. v. 24). 
3 So again (in. 12. 5): avrai $toval rtav 
TOW KVpi'ov TaJy a'ATjflw? reAetW (mra 
ii' roO icvpiou fiici trvev'/uwxTO? TO 

Appendix I>. 

I' in* of 

adv. Haer. v. 
14. 2. 

IV. 20. 4. 

IV. 7. 2. 
IV. II. I. 

IV. 26. I. 

III. I. I. 

ill. pref. 
in. i. i. 

in. 5. 
in. 7. 

III. l6. 2. 



Appendix B. 

The Gos* 
in. n. 9. 

HI. II. 3. 

in. ii. 8. 

meaning of 
II. 28. 2. 

v. 30. 1. 
cf. Rev. xiii. 
8: xxii. 18, 

IV. 21. 3. 

II. 28. 2. 

III. 24. 

' on this wise, but the Holy Spirit foreseeing the corruptions of the truth 
' and fortifying us against their deception says by Matthew The generation 
' of Christ was on this wise. ' 

Moreover Irenseus sees a mystical fulness and meaning in the four 
Evangelists ; ' As God made all things in fair order and connexion, so was 
'it needful that the [outward] form of the Gospel should be well framed 
' and fitted together ;' and ' as there are four 1 regions of the world in which 
' we are, and four general winds, as the Church is scattered over the 
' whole earth, and the Gospel is the pillar and support (o-T-^or/^a) of the 
'Church, we might expect it should have four pillars, [and four winds as 
'it were] breathing on all sides immortality, and kindling [the divine spark] 
'in men.' Again as in the ancient Church the visible form of God rested 
on the fourfaced Cherubim, ' so Christ, when manifested to men, gave us 
' His Gospel under a fourfold form, though held together by one spirit,' 
and on these Gospels he rests (rcu euayyeXta i> ofs eyKad^erai 6 X/9t<rr6s). 

In many of his general views of Scripture Irenaeus anticipates the 
thoughts and language of Origen. He tells us that the ' Scriptures are 
' perfect, inasmuch as they were uttered (dictae) by the Word of God and 
' His Spirit, though we want the knowledge of their mysteries;' and how 
much, he adds, is unexplained to us in the operations of nature the rising 
of the Nile the migration of birds the ebb and flow of the tide 'Is it 
' then a hard case that as in the outward world some truths are as it were 
' sacred to God (dpckeircu r 0ew) while some have come under our know- 
' ledge, some of the difficulties in the Scriptures, which are all full of spi- 
' ritual meaning (Trveu/icm/cutt'), should be explicable by the grace of Ggd, 
' while the solution of others must rest with Him, and that not only in 
' this world (aiuv) but also in the world to come, that God may still teach, 
' and man still ever learn from God ?' The revelations of the Bible may 
seem too meagre to satisfy our curiosity ; yet ' no small punishment (e?rt- 
' ripla.) will be his who adds to or takes from the Scripture.' The details 
may seem insignificant ; yet ' nothing is empty or without meaning in the 
'dealings of God.' The connexion of its parts may be perplexing; yet 
' all Scripture, as it has been given to us by God, will be found to be har- 
' monious.' The interpretation of its teaching may be difficult ; yet ' we 
'guard our faith which has been admitted (percept am} by the Church, and 
'which, like a precious gift stored up in a fair vessel, is ever renewed 
' (rejuvenescent} by the Spirit of God, and gives new life (rejuvenescere facit} 
' to the vessel in which it is. For this gift of God is entrusted to the 
' Church to give life to the world (ad inspirationcm plasmationi] as the soul 
' to the body, and in it [the gifts of faith entrusted to the Church] lies the 
' enjoyment of the Holy Spirit sent by Christ, which is the earnest of our 

1 Compare a very striking passage on 
the symbolism of the number four in a 
fragment of Victorinus tie Fabr. Cceli; 

Routh, Rell. Sacrcf, in. 456 ; Crosnier, 
Iconogr. Christ, pp. 50, 51; Philo, de M. 
IS, 16. 



' immortality, the confirmation of our faith, the ladder by which we ascend 

* to God. For where the Church is, there is also the Spirit of God ; and 
' where is the Spirit of God, there is the Church and all grace ; but the 
' Spirit is Truth ;' and Truth is one ; for we acknowledge as one the God 
of Creation and the God of Redemption the author of the old Dispensa- 
tion and the author of the new 'we follow Him alone as our Teacher, 
4 and regard His words as the rule of Truth ' (regulam vcritatis habentes 
ejus sertnones). 

The doctrine of Irenxus on the Millennium illustrates his view of the 
literal truth of Scripture, while it also shews the influence of his Asiatic 
master. On other occasions also he adheres so strictly to the text as to 
draw arguments from isolated details of Parables, and the natural colouring 
of language ; moreover he strongly opposes the system of the Gnostics who 
based the truth of their opinions on numerical analogies and verbal symbols, 
though he himself admits the propriety of such subtle inquiries when pur- 
sued for the illustration of that which is admitted on other grounds. There 
can be no doubt that he recognises an under sense (vwovoia) in Scripture, 
and allows the symbolic meaning of the gifts and sacrifices of the Mosaic 
law, since heavenly truths can only be conveyed under earthly forms. 
Again he sees figures of national and individual application in the records 
of the chosen people, as when he acknowledges a type of the Gentile 
Church in the marriage of Moses with the ^Ethiopian, and explains at 
some length the history of the birth of Phares and Zara as foreshadowing 
the fortunes of the two Covenants \ In another place he contrasts the 
mother of the human race with the mother of the Saviour : ' What the 

* Virgin Eve bound by her want of faith, that the Virgin Mary loosed by 

* her faith.' He finds types of Christ in the rod of Moses, 'which assuming 

* a body (incarnata) confuted and destroyed all the opposition of the Egyp- 
' tians 2 to the dispensation of God ' in the brazen serpent in Joseph and 
in Joshua, who completed what Moses had commenced, and for manna 
gave the people corn which is the ' firstfruits of life. ' 

In many cases the explanations of Irenaeus seem arbitrary and incohe- 
rent, from the want of any such general principle as that which guided the 
speculations of Origen. Thus he finds a type of the Church in Lot's wife 
who became a pillar of Salf, and, according to tradition, unchanging and 
incorruptible. Again he likens the boy who led Samson to John the Baptist, 
and the two pillars of the building which he destroyed to the two Cove- 
nants by which the world is supported. We are told moreover that he 
interpreted the Fall spiritually and not historically, and maintained his 
view by very weighty arguments. 

1 This method of typical interpretation 
he justifies by the authority of tradition 
{presbyter dicebat) in the case of the spoil- 
ing of the Egyptians : iv. 30. i. 

2 The relations of the Jews to the Egyp- 
tians are perpetuated in those of the 
Christian Church to the unbelieving world 
in all ages, iv. 30. 



Appendix B. 

Scripture to 
be combined 
with Na- 
iv. 32. 

v. 3 6/. 

Dion. Cor. 
a p. Euseb. \ 
H. E. iv. 23. 

i. CAIUS. 

The instances already quoted clearly shew the general principles which 
Irenceus applied to Holy Scripture, acknowledging at once the mysteries of 
its letter 1 and of its spirit. To this inner sense of the Word of God he 
tells us that the Christian will ever strive to penetrate, by the help of daily 
experience, and the use of appointed ordinances 2 ; he will gather all the 
analogies of the outer world which may serve to direct his judgment, and 
scrutinize all the records of Revelation which may enlighten his mind and 
extend his knowledge. The works of nature combine with the words of 
God to train and perfect the race of man, 'in which are accomplished 
' those mysteries into which Angels desire to look, that they may trace the 
' workings of that Wisdom by which Creation is made conformable and 
' united to the Son.' 


"0<ra irpoeypd(f>r) eis TT\V ^ 

ROM. xv. 4. 

THERE is something mournful in the silent shadowy line of Roman 
Bishops during the first three centuries ; their voices seem not to be 
heard save when they claim the powers which their successors gained. The 
only famous Roman writers of the period were Caius and Novatian who 
were Presbyters, and Hippolytus Bishop of Portus whose education was 
wholly Eastern. Yet we must remember here the practical tendencies of 
the national character, which were alike displayed in the absence of theo- 
logical studies, and in that zealous liberality which was regarded as the 
traditional glory of the Roman Church. 

i. In a fragment preserved in Eusebius, Caius seems to regard 'reve- 
lations ' as a mark of an Apostle 3 , and in the same place uses the striking 
phrase, the ' Scriptures of God. 5 In another fragment which is attributed 
by some to Caius, the writer speaks of the followers of Artemon ' who fear- 
' lessly laid their hands on the divine Scriptures, saying that they corrected 
'them.... How great is the daring of their error,' he adds, 'cannot be un- 

1 In his explanation of the history of 
Lot (Gen. xix. 30 ff.), he evidently main- 
tains its real truth, while he justifies the 
relation as properly typical. 

2 Cf. in. 4. i and iv. 33. 8 for further il- 
lustration of Irenaeus' views on the Church. 
He speaks in a very remarkable passage 
(n. 3. 4, cf. Euseb. H.E. v. 7) of the con- 
tinuance of the powers of exorcism, Pro- 

phecy, and healing in the Church at his 
own time. Compare also, for a strong as- 
sertion of the same belief, the author quoted 
by Eusebius, H.E. v. 17. 

3 Iv>7pii>#os d fit' aVo/caAu'i^etoi/ a5? VTTO 

ytas... eireicrayet, -- f\6po<; vrrap\tav rais 
ypa^ai? TOU eoO ...Euseb. //. E. \\\. 28. 



' known even to themselves ; for either they do not believe that the divine 
' Scriptures were spoken by the Holy Spirit ('Ay^ IIveti/jLari Xe\^x^ ai )> an ^ 
' are unbelievers : or they hold themselves wiser than the Holy Spirit, and 
' we must say they rave' (daifjiovuffiv). 

i. The famous fragment on the Canon has been falsely attributed to 
Caius, but it is certainly of the same date 1 . We find in this probably the 
first distinct recognition of the Inspiration of the Gospels, which are re- 
garded as formally divergent, yet one in their great end. ' Though various 
' elements are inculcated (licet varia principia doceantur) in each, still the 
' faith of believers differs not, since everything concerning the Nativity and 
' Passion and Life [of our Lord] is declared in all of them by one and the 
' selfsame guiding Spirit' (ttno et principal^ Spiritu). 

3. The writings of Novatian are full of quotations from the Old and 
New Testaments, and his view of their authority is clear and wide. He 
regards the whole Law as spiritual, 'for divine ordinances must be received 
' in a divine sense ;' and traces the symbolic meaning of the Mosaic restric- 
tions on food. The books of the Prophets furnish him with a clear proof 
of God's providence, 'which not only extends at all times over individuals, 
' but also over cities and states, whose issues God declared by the words of 
* Prophets (vocibtis prophetarutn cecinit}> yea, even over the whole world.' 
And the forms of the Prophetic language prove the certainty of their pre- 
dictions ; for they use the past tense in speaking of the future, since 'divine 
' Scripture regards as accomplished that which will beyond all doubt come 
' to pass.' Yet more grace was given to the writers of the New Covenant, 
for though the ' Prophets and Apostles were inspired by one and the self- 
' same Spirit, still on the former He came but for a time (ad momentum}, 

' while He abode with the latter always : to the one some degree of His 
4 influence was vouchsafed ; on the other His whole energy was poured : in 
' the one case it was a scanty gift, in the other a bounteous loan (large com- 
' modatus], not set forth before the Resurrection, but conferred by it according 

'to Christ's promise (John xiv. 26) of a Comforter Who strengthened 

' the hearts and minds of the Apostles, Who made clear to them the mys- 
' teries of the Gospel (distinxit evangelica sacramenta]. Who dwelt within 
' them and enlightened their minds on divine things.' 

4. There appears to be no reason for doubting the tradition which 
represents Hippolytus of Portus as the disciple of Irenrcus. In him we 
find a real link between the Asiatic and Alexandrian schools, for Jerome 
tells us that he preached before Origen. His writings exhibit the same 
deep sense of the spiritual meaning of Scripture 3 as we have already traced 

1 Cf. Hist. ofN. T. Canon, pp. 211 ff. 

2 i.e. Tjyeju.ovi/cJ), cf. Routh, I.e. 

See de Antichr. 14, 15, 23. He 
quotes Rev. xiii. 10, and suggests the words 
as satisfying the number which 'the Holy 

'Spirit mystically shewed forth' (de AH- 
tichr. 50). The same names are given by 
Irenacus (adv. Herr. v. 30). See others in 
Fevardentius' note : the zealous Franciscan 
quotes Martin Lauter as one 'who could 
'not escape the name of Antichrist,' but 



in his immediate teacher and in earlier writers. He regards that which has 
once been revealed by God to man as still full of instruction and wisdom 
after the primary application is gone : ' The Law and the Prophets were 
' from God, who in giving them compelled His messenger to speak by the 
' Holy Spirit, that receiving the inspiration of the Father's power (7775 
' Trarpwas rrjf aTroirvoiav Aa/3oVres) they may announce the Father's 
' counsel and will. In these men therefore the Word found a fitting abode 
' (irdXiTevo/j.evos) and spoke of Himself; for even then He came as His own 
' herald, shewing the Word who was about to appear in the world ' 

'These blessed men... spake not only of the past, but also of the present 
' and of the future, that they might be shewn not to be for a time merely 

' (irpoffKaipoi), but heralds of the things to come to all generations For 

' these Fathers, having been perfected by the Spirit of Prophecy, and 
' worthily honoured by the Word Himself, were brought to an inner har- 
' mony (eavrols T}vufj.ej>oi) like instruments, and having the Word within 
' them, as it were to strike the notes (cos ir^Krpov), by Him they were 
' moved, and announced that which God wished. For they did not speak 
'of their own power (be well assured) 1 , nor proclaim that which they 
' wished themselves, but first they were rightly endowed with wisdom by 
' the Word, and afterwards well foretaught of the future by visions, and 
'then, when thus assured (ir^ireiff^voi), they spake that which was [re- 
' vealed] to them alone by God.' 

It will be readily seen how widely this view is removed from that of 
Athenagoras, though conveyed under a similar metaphor, differing from it 
indeed just as the analogous description of Justin does. The instrument 
here is first tuned to express the divine strain; the moving power dwells 
within as a vivifying principle, and does not act from without on an invo- 
luntary subject. The reason is cleared and not clouded ; the melodies of 
heaven are fitted to the words of men, not by an arbitrary power, but by 
an inward affinity. 'The blessed Prophets,' to use another image, 'are 
'eyes of Christ.' 'They ministered the Oracles of God for all generations.' 
So then it is our duty to listen to the faintest voice of the Bible, to trace 
its relation to ourselves and its source from above us : 'As the divine Scrip- 
'tures proclaimed the truth, so let us view it; all they teach let us acknow- 
' ledge by the growth of Faith (etriyvtSfMev) ; as the Father pleaseth to be 
' believed, let us believe Him ; as the Son pleaseth to be glorified, let us 
' glorify Him ; as the Holy Spirit pleaseth to be given, let us receive Him; 
' not according to our own choice, or our own mind (vovv), forcing to our 
' own tastes that which has been given by God, but as He chose to shew 
' the truth through the Holy Scriptures, so let us view it.' 

inclines to adopt ' Maometis ' as the true 
solution of the number. For a comparison 
of the ' allegories ' of Hippoly tus with those 
of Origen, see Bunsen, i. 302 (ed. i). 

1 Mr} TrAavw. This parenthetical phrase 
occurs also in [Hipp.] adv. H&r. x. 33 
(Bunsen, I. p. 272). 


| Appendix I!. 


Tit} 7Tl>eV/Jl.a.Ti 

The relit inn 
of the ^t or ill- 
African tJ 
the other 

ROM. xii. ii. 

WE have now traced the history of the doctrine of Inspiration as un- 
folded in the Greek and Roman Churches; we have seen. the same 
great principles enunciated by those who claimed to draw their doctrine 
from St John, and by those who sought to base their authority on St Peter. 
Whether it were viewed as part of the heritage of that wide Christian family 
which Irenoeus loved to contemplate, or as the bond of that great power 
which silently grew at Rome, Holy Scripture was still held to supply the 
believer with the divine elements of his life and faith. We have yet to con- 
sider our subject in relation to two other Churches, and two other forms of 
mental development those of North Africa and Egypt. In the writers of 
North Africa, whether at Carthage or Hippo, we find an intensity of zeal, 
a depth of feeling, a power of intuition, but little modified by cautious criti- 
cism or severe logic. The aspirations of Tertullian after a stricter life led 
him into Montanism ; and the craving for a clearer knowledge at first united 
Augustine with the Manichees. We shall thus see how the doctrine of 
Inspiration was regarded by men of a warmer temperament and a more 
restless faith, who sought out the truth with earnestness, and embraced 
whatever conclusion they obtained without reserve. Indeed the whole 
character of the African Church is emotional, if we would distinguish it 
from the doctrinal and practical types of Asia and Rome. But while the 
Churches of North Africa, Asia, and Rome combined to look at Christianity 
as a great historic fact, rather than as the final satisfaction of the ill-expressed 
wants of man, the Alexandrians sought to follow out this latter view, by 
bringing all that was grand and beautiful in human systems into a spiritual 
harmony with Divine Truth. 

i. On one point, it has been well observed 1 , Tertullian never doubted: 
whether Catholic or Montanist, he still maintained alike the Inspiration of 
the Old and New Testament Scriptures. Whether he be writing to the 
heathen, the heretics, or the orthodox, he expresses the same belief in the 
same unwavering language. He tells us in his noble Apology that 'God 
'sent forth from the first men who by their justice and innocency were 
'worthy to know God, and to m'ake Him known, and filled them to over- 
' flowing (inundates) with the Divine Spirit ;'... and so 'gave us a written .\pol 18. 
4 Testament 2 (instrnmentum litteratiircc}, that we might more fully ami more 

i. TERTTI.- 


1 By Marechal, Concordantia Patriiiit, 
i. p. 162; a work which is admirably exe- 
cuted, and is well worthy of the ttenedic- 
tine fame. 

\V. G. 

: Tertullian is the first writer, I believe, 
who uses the word Testamcntum in its 
ordinary acceptation, though ic seems to 
have bsen current before his ti.r.e. [ 




Appendix B. 

]^e Aniina 2. 
Apo 1 . 31. 
A pel. 39. 

The unify of 
till Scrip- 
Adv. Marc. 

V. 2. 

C. Gnost. 2. 

Adv. Jud. 

C. 2. 

11 trier the 
New Cove- 

Adv. Marc, 
in 16. Cf. 
de Orat. 9. 
c'e Cor. 9. 
Adv. Marc, 
i.i. 6; iv. 13; 
de Resurr. 
Cam. 22. 
da Prsescr. 
Haer. 25. 
a-lv. Marc. 

IV 2. 

de Exh. 

Castit. 4. 


J >e Praescr. 

Haeret. 21. 

i f. 36- 

Thr peculiar 
authority of 

'deeply learn of Him and of His counsels and of His will.' Nor does he 
scruple to call these books the 'writings (litteras Deiy and the 'words of 
'God (voces Dei}? which the Christian studies for warning or remembrance, 
and to which he looks 'as the food of his faith, the spring of his hope, and 
'the bulwark of his trust.' 

Like all the other Fathers whom we have examined, Tertullian sees a 
profound unity in the dispensations of God. 'The same divine power 
' (divinitas) was preached in the Gospel which had ever been known in the 
'Law, though the discipline was not the same.' 'The Law indeed is the 
'root (radix) of the Gospels;' and 'in succession all the Prophets utter the 
'words of the same God (os prophetarum ejusdem Dei vocibus sonat}, en- 
' forcing the same Law by an iteration of the same precepts.' He even 
goes farther back than Moses for the first elements of the ancient Covenant. 
He traces the development of this dispensation in Paradise and among the 
Patriarchs, apart from the ceremonial observances of the Jewish ritual. 
Abel, Enoch, Melchisedec, and Lot were accepted by that God, 'who, 
'according to the circumstances of the times, reshapes (reformanteni) the 
'precepts of His Law, for the salvation of men' (1. salutem}. 

Thus Prophets, Evangelists, and Apostles are placed by Tertullian in 
one rank as God's ministering servants. Christ spoke by Moses, 'for He 
'was the Spirit of the Creator... ;' and 'the Prophecies are the voice of the 
'Lord.' The madness (dementia) of those who deny that the Apostles 
knew all things 1 , or, who admit that they knew all, but maintain that they 
did not reveal all things to all men, is equally reprehensible. The four 
Gospels, he tells us, are reared on the certain basis of Apostolical authority, 
and so are inspired in a far different sense from the writings of the spiritual 
Christian; 'all the faithful, it is true, have the Spirit of God 2 , but all are 
'not Apostles...' 'The Apostles have the Holy Spirit in a peculiar sense; 
'they have it in the works of Prophecy, and in the operation of mighty 
'powers (cfficacia virtutuvi), and in the gift of tongues 3 , not as possessing 
'the influence in part as the rest...' The revelation of the Apostles is the 
revelation of Christ; and 'happy is that Church' he is speaking of the 
Roman Church as it then was 'which combines the Law and the Prophets 
'with the writings of the Evangelists and Apostles, and draws her faith 
'from them...' 

This being the case, we might expect that Tertullian would reject that 
which is not proved by Scripture 4 , and bid such as tampered with the 
Sacred Volume 'fear the woe destined for those who add to, or take from 

Fidei ' (de Prascr. Hcer. 13) : [Profiteatnur 
Jesum Christum] misisse vicariam vim 
Spiritus Sancti qui credentes agat. 

3 Documcnto linguarnjii, as a friend sug- 
gests to me for dffCUtftentorunt hnguam. 

4 Cf. de Monog. 4, Negat Scriptura quocl 
ro:i notat ; and ae Cor. Mil. 2, Prohibetur 
quod non est permissum. 

cion] duos deos dividens proinde diversos, 
alterum alter! us Instruments vel (quod 
magis usui est dicere) Testamenti. . ; 
adv. Marc. iv. i. 

1 In reference to Gal. ii. n, he remarks 
rightly : Conversationis fuit vitium non 
praedicationis ; de Prcescr. Hcer. 22. 

2 This doctrine was part of the ' Regula 



'it;' while he himself 'adores its fulness which reveals the Worker and 
'the works;' which admits of wide application, and universal reference; 
for 'all Scripture is fit for edification, being inspired by God.' Nay more, 
he even thinks that 'the Scriptures were so arranged by the will of God, 
' that they might afford materials for heretics, since it is written that here- 
'sies must be, which could not be without the Scriptures.' 

In his principles of Interpretation Tertullian exhibits an equal sense of 
the truthfulness and depth of the Bible. 'The language of the Prophets,' 
he says, when arguing from their language on the Resurrection, 'is gene- 
' rally allegoric and figurative, but not always;... many of their words can 
'be maintained in a naked and simple sense 1 .' But nevertheless in other 
places 2 he admits the mystical import even of numbers, and traces a sym- 
bolism of the Apostolic twelve in the twelve fountains of Elim, the twelve 
gems of the High Priest's robe, and the twelve stones selected by Joshua 
from the Jordan. He finds a figure of Holy Baptism in the pool of Bethesda 
though this was effective only once a year, but that is so always; and 
though that wrought (operabatur) temporal health, while this renews (re- 
format) eternal vigour. The same Sacrament was still more clearly fore- 
shewn in the passage of the Red Sea; and as 'after the flood the Baptism 
' of the World, so to speak by which the ancient sins of man were cleared 
'away, the dove first brought the olive-branch of peace, so, when we rise 
'from the Baptismal font, the Dove, the Holy Spirit, flies to us, sent forth 
'from heaven, where the Church is the antitype of the ark.' 

At the same time Tertullian urges us to employ the 'rudder of inter- 
'pretation,...for no divine utterance is so unconnected, that the words only 
'can be maintained, and not their general bearing (ratio};' for we must 
adhere to the 'rule of the Church (rcgula Ecclesitz), which she received from 
'the Apostles, and the Apostles from Christ, and Christ from God;'... 
while we may be assured that 'where there is seen to be truth of discipline 
'and Christian faith, there will there be the truth of the Scriptures and of 
'interpretation and of all traditions 3 .' 

i. Cyprian's doctrine of Inspiration is scarcely less exact, though it is 

less express. He more frequently shews his sense of the value of the 

1 In all such cases Tertullian seems in- Non solum sonum nominis species sed et 

clined to destroy the primary historical 
fulfilment of the Prophecy, regarding the 
employment of the tenses as arbitrary, 
since ' with the Deity there is no difference 
1 of time, for with him eternity itself brings 
'all time to the same uniform relation' (tii- 
rigit uniformetn statnin temporuni) ; a<h>. 
Marc. in. 5. ' Eternity hath no divisions 
' of time ' (iion habct tcmpus tttcrnitas); 
adv. Marc. i. 8. Pantsenus, Novatian, and 
Irenaeus seem to have held the same 
2 Compare his explanation of Isa. vii. : 

sensum ... nobiscum Deus ... spolia autem 
Samariae ipsos Magos. . . regem autem As- 
syriorum Herodem intellige . . . ; adv. 
Marc in. 12. Cf. Just. M. Dial. 77- 

See other examples, ad"'. Marc. ill. 18. 

8 Cf. Bp Kaye's Essay on Tertullian, 
pp. 290304 ; and especially p. 297, " 
(ed. 2), for the idea of primitive Tradition 
in relation to the doctrine of the English 
Church. This tradition was merely her- 
meneutic, and not an independent source 
of doctrine. 

EE 2 

Appendix 15. 


Hermog. 22. 

de Hab. 
Mul. 3. 
de Praescr. 
H*r. 39. 
The Inter- 
pretation of 
De Resurr. 
Carn. 20. 

adv. Marc, 
iv. 13. 

de Bapt. 5. 

ib. 9 . 

ib. 8. 

Subject to 
the Church. 

de Praescr. 
Ha^r. 37. 

de Prater. 


Testim. i. 



Appendix B. 

rle Orat. 
Dotn. i. 

[Ep. xxxi. 


(56)7;^ , 

E P .vi.(8i) 


[Ep. xxxi. 

(26) 4-] 
de Exhort. 
Mart. Praef. 
ib. 4 . 

de Lapsis, 7. 

Ep. LVIII. 3. 
de Op. ec. 
Eleein. g. 

Ep. Lvrn. 
(56) 5- 

Ep. txxm. 




r!e Lapsis, 

de Exhort. 
Mart. Praef. 

'divine Scriptures' by quoting their testimonies 1 than by fixing their au- 
thority. The books of the Old and New Testaments are to him the 'foun- 
' tains of divine fulness from which the Christian must draw strength and 
'wisdom;' the source of those 'divine commands (inagisteria) by which 
'God has vouchsafed to train and instruct us, that enlightened by His pure 
'and bright radiance we may hold the way of life through their saving 
'mysteries' (sacramenta). They are the 'foundations of our hope, the bul- 
'wark of our faith, the support of our hearts, the guide of our path, the 
'safeguard of our salvation.' In the Scriptures the Christian must find the 
'torch which shall kindle his faith' in the hour of danger; the 'arms with 
'which he shall face the terrors of persecution and the coming of Antichrist ; 
and the 'trumpet which shall rouse him to the battle.' When writing to 
future martyrs Cyprian says, 'that his poor skill, aided by divine Inspira- 
'tion 2 , shalt bring forth armour for them from the precepts of the Lord'... 
'I know,' he adds, 'that the intricacies of human speech must be removed, 
'and only those things set down which God says, and by which Christ 
'exhorts His servants to martyrdom.' We read in his writings again and 
again that the Holy Spirit spake in the Law and in the Gospel by Pro- 
phets, Apostles, and Evangelists. 'By Him the Prophets were quickened 
'to a knowledge of the future.' By Him the Apostles teach us 'what they 
'learnt from the precepts of the Lord and heavenly revelations' (ccelestibus 
mandatis), being 'full of the grace of the Inspiration of their Master' 
{Dominica: inspirationis). By Him too, according to the promise, the Chris- 
tian answers his accusers in the hour of death; 'for it is not we who speak, 
'but the Spirit of the Father, who departs not from His confessors, and 
'Himself speaketh in us, and shares our crown.' And thus it is that the 
Power of God lives in the Church, ' which, like Paradise, includes within 
'her walls all fruit-bearing trees, which she waters with four rivers even 
'the four Gospels, and on which she pours with a heavenly stream the grace 
'of a saving Baptism 3 .' 

Vet more; the teaching of Scripture whether by History or Prophecy, 
by Laws or Psalms, is full of deep meaning, and its spiritual import is 
perfect 'the Gospel cannot stand in part and fall in part.' nor is it 
limited in its application like the doctrine of men; so that Cyprian describes 
a selection of texts which he made under a remarkable similitude : ' they 

1 Cyprian composed three books of Tes- 
timonies, containing a selection of texts 
from Scripture, arranged for doctrinal pur- 
poses at the request of a friend. 

The quotations from Cyprian's corre- 
spondents are given in brackets. 

2 I am not sure that Marechal is right 
in referring these words to the Holy Scrip- 
tures ; cf. "/. LXXIII. s. f. Libellum 'De 
bono patientiss' quantum valuit nostra 
mediocritas permittente Domino et inspi- 

rante conscripsimus. 

3 In one place Cyprian seems to draw a 
distinction between the writings of the 
Bible: Much hath God chosen to be 
'spoken and heard through his Prophets; 
'yet how much greater are those words 
'which the Son of God speaketh which 
' the Word of God, who was in the Pro- 
'phets, testifieth by His own voice.' De 
Orat. Dom. i. 



'are,' he says, 'as the very wool and purple from the Lamb by whom we 
' are redeemed and quickened, of which each may make for himself a. 

'robe, that having covered their former nakedness all may wear the 

'dress of Christ, arrayed in the sanctification of heavenly grace.' Among 
the types which Cyprian quotes we find the Church prefigured by the 
Robe without seam, by the Ark, and by Rahab. He sees a spiritual mean- 
ing in the account of the raising of the Shunammite's son, from which he 
deduces the propriety of Infant Baptism ; and discovers a symbol of the 
Eucharist in the bread and wine which Melchisedec offered to Abraham, 
and again in the blessing of Judah. He recognises alike the authority and 
the mystery of Scripture ; and declares the peculiar and lasting functions 
of the Spirit in the Church and in the Christian 1 . 

3. Lastly, the sentiments of Cyprian were shared by the other bishops 
of the African Church of his time. In the account of the Council of Car- 
thage on rebaptizing heretics, we find that many of those present based 
their judgments expressly on the authority of Scripture, using such lan- 
guage 2 as shews most clearly the feelings with which they regarded it 3 . 




r T^HE designs of the Macedonian conqueror in founding Alexandria were 
JL more than fulfilled. He wished to unite in that city the East and 
West by the bonds of commerce and the intercourse of daily business ; 
and it proved the point of their religious contact, and the centre of a new 
spiritual life. The faith of Palestine and the reason of Greece existed 
there side by side, till they were prepared to receive the principle of a 

1 In connexion with Cyprian we may 
quote the following passage from FIKMI- 
LIAN, Bp of Csesarea in Cappadocia: 'The 
'divine Word surpasses the nature of man, 
' nor can the soul form a perfect and entire 
' conception of it, and therefore there is so 
' great a number of Prophets, that the mani- 
' foldness of divine wisdom may he distri- 
' buted among many. Whence also [At a 
'later time] the first is ordered to keep 
' silence in prophesying, if a revelation shall 
'have been made to a second.' [Cypr.] Ep. 
LXXV. 4. It would be impossible to find 
a more distinct recognition of the separate 
purposes of the sacred writers. 

2 E.g. Scripturae Sanctse (5, 6, 74) : Scrip- 
turae deificae (8); Haereticos decerpentes 
sancta et admirabilia Scripturarum verba 
execrandos censeo . . . (31) ; Divinac Scrip- 
turse (33). 

8 The very remarkable poem of COMMO- 
DIAN one of the most interesting speci- 
mens of rude Latin now remaining offers 
the same kind of mystical interpretations 
as Tertullian and Cyprian. For instance, 
addressing a Jew, he says, 39: Inspice 
Liam typum Synagogae, &c. So again he 
says : In te Apostolus clamat, immo Deus 
per ilium ( 58). 

Appendix B. 

De Unit. 
Kccles. 7. 
Ep. LXIX. 

(?6) 2, 4- 

Ep. i.xiv. 

(59) 3- 
Lp. LXIII. 4, 



drine School.